Spanish Civil War: Nationalists Background Guide. Chair: Gary DePalo Crisis Director: Sean Rastatter

Transcription

1 Spanish Civil War: Nationalists Background Guide Chair: Gary DePalo Crisis Director: Sean Rastatter

2 Dear Delegates, It is an honor to invite you to the 21st Virginia International Crisis Simulation, the University of Virginia s annual collegiate Model United Nations conference. VICS XXI will be held at the University of Virginia in Charlottesville from March 31 to April 3, VICS offers nineteen innovative and interactive crisis committees, both historical and contemporary. We are committed to expanding the scope of what a crisis committee can do. As I write this letter in early November, our chairs are crafting their committees around topics ranging from the Space Race of the 1950s to a Summit of the American Gun Lobby. We are committed to expanding the scope of what a crisis committee can do, especially in our famous ad-hoc, the Secretary General s Good Offices, and in our pilot ad-hoc, the Directors General's Good Offices. I can think of no better setting for the conference than the Grounds of the University of Virginia. VICS provides you with opportunities to interact with the University s rich history and with the many resources it has to offer. For example, on Friday morning, VICS encourages delegates to explore Charlottesville. VICS offers a series of tours of the city's attractions. These events extend discussion outside of committee and they give you the chance to meet members of the International Relations Organization and of the university community. We also invite you to explore Charlottesville, one of the country s most exciting college towns. VICS hosts four social events in the city, which take you beyond a typical Model UN experience and provide opportunities to get to know delegates outside of committee. I look forward to welcoming you to the University of Virginia and Charlottesville in March. If you have any questions, please reach out to me or the Chargé d Affaires, Leah Day, atvics.charge@gmail.com or by phone at (703) Sincerely, Michael Treves Secretary General VICS XXI

3 Dear Delegates, Buenos Dias! Our names are Gary DePalo and Sean Rastatter, and it is our distinguished honor to welcome you to the Spanish Civil War Joint Crisis Committee: The Nationalist Faction! We have worked a lot the past few months to put together an incredible committee for you all, and we really hope that you are excited for this weekend as we are. First things first, a little bit about ourselves. Gary is a third year in the School of Engineering studying Engineering Science, and will be your Chair for the weekend. Sean is a first year in the College of Arts and Sciences looking to major in Computer Science, and will be your Crisis Director. Although this is the first time running committee at VICS for both of us, we have both participated as delegates in crisis committees on the college circuit. We both love crisis committees for their fast pace and the opportunity at story-telling that they offer. Being in a crisis committee gives you the chance to research your own backstory, mold it to who you are as a delegate, and use that persona to achieve your aims. As your Chair and Crisis Director, our goal is to give you the framework necessary for you all to come to the table as equals, allowing each of you to add your own personal flair to both the committee and crisis rooms. Unlike most committees, ours has the added component that you must be mindful of: we are running concurrently with the Republican Faction committee. Thus, not only must you master communication with your committee and the crisis room, but you have opportunity to communicate with delegates representing the opposition in the simulation. If we could give you one piece of advice, it would be to not let this resource go to waste. The Spanish Civil War was extremely important to the history of Spain, and some of the remnants are still being felt to this day. However, a full understanding of the conflict cannot be attained unless you view the situation from both sides. For this reason, we suggest you read both this Background Guide, and the Guide for the Republican Faction. The best delegates in this committee will be able to remain true to character, communicate their positions effectively, and take specific and detailed actions to achieve both their individual aims and those of the committee at large. We wish you the best of luck in your research, and ask that you reach out to us if you have any questions. We cannot wait to meet you all on March 31 in Charlottesville. Viva España! Gary DePalo, Chair grd2cr@virginia.edu Sean Rastatter, Crisis Director str8ht@virginia.edu Adrien Carré, Director General vics.directorgeneral@gmail.com

4 Committee Overview The Nationalist Faction in the Spanish Civil War is a collection of conservative, right wing political and military groups in Spain. There are members from the Spanish Republican Army, the fascist Falange party, the Spanish Confederation of Autonomous Right-Wing Groups (CEDA), and various monarchist groups, among others. In addition, there will be members from various nations which are supporting the Nationalist cause, including from Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy. While their aims and beliefs are different, these people are united in their opposition to the current Republican government in Madrid and its liberal policies. The head of the Nationalist Faction is General Francisco Franco, who will serve as the Chair of the committee. The committee will follow standard parliamentary procedure, with the Chair acting as moderator. However, the Chair, as part of his role as General Franco, will have final say on all directives passed in committee, which can be passed by a majority of delegates present. Personal directives are allowed, and the Crisis Room will be responsible for implementing these, as well as committee-wide directives. Delegates may communicate with the Republican Faction through notes, and face-toface meetings may be facilitated upon request, although this is not assured. The date of the first committee session is 15 October 1936, and the committee room is located Seville, one of the nationalist strongholds in Andalusia. Time will not run linearly in committee, and the committee staff will periodically alert the delegates with the date and any relevant updates from the Crisis Room.

5 Background The Spanish Restoration Since the restoration of the House of Bourbon to the Spanish throne in 1874, Spain had been constructed as a constitutional monarchy, with the King acting as the Head of State and Commander-in-Chief of the Army. The government was a bicameral legislature, with an upper and a lower house, and there existed a predetermined rotation of power between the Liberal and the Conservative Parties. All other parties, including republicans, anarchists, and regional nationalists, were outlawed. The first monarch of the Spanish restoration, Alfonso XII, was a younger but fair ruler, and his reign occurred with little disturbances. His wife, Maria Christina of Austria, ruled as regent while her son, Alfonso XIII, was a child. Her rule also was devoid of conflict until the very end, when Spain engaged in war with the United States of America. By the time he assumed the throne in 1902, Alfonso XIII was ruling a country that had lost all of its colonies in the Caribbean and Pacific regions. 1 Such a loss was a blow to the prestige of Spain, and that of the monarchy, leading to the rising of oppositional movements against the throne, such as the General Union of Workers. The first major occurrence of backlash against the monarchy occurred in 1909, when continued failed attempts to conquer Morocco resulted in a riot in Catalonia. In what has become known as the Tragic Week (la Semana Trágica), republicans, communists, and anarchists clashed with the Spanish army over the drafting of reserve troops to fight in Morocco. Over a hundred civilians were killed, and the leading unions at the time, the General Union of Workers (UGT) and the National Confederation of 1 Beck, Earl Ray. Time of Triumph & Sorrow: Spanish Politics during the Reign of Alfonso XII, (1979)

6 Labor (CNT), attempted to institute a general strike across the country. While the strike failed and the revolt was crushed, such violence against civilians greatly changed public sentiment to the monarchy. 2 Combine this with the growing discontent in the army over the repeated failures to properly prepare them to fight in Morocco, and the monarchy faced pressure on all sides to change the course that Spain was on. Spain During and After the Great War When the Great War began in 1914, most major European powers in Europe were dragged into the conflict through a tangled web of alliances. However, because Spain had remained outside of this interconnected network, when the Archduke was killed in Sarajevo, Spain was in the unique position of having no diplomatic obligations in response to the event. The Spanish Prime Minister, Eduardo Dato, declared neutrality once the war began, a move that was applauded by the Congress of Deputies but controversial with the general public. The government may not have wanted to take sides in the fighting, but there were many Spaniards who did. The aristocracy of Spain, as well as the military and the clergy, supported the Central Powers, while the middle and working classes tended to support the Allied cause. Due to its neutrality, Spain was able to assist both sides of the conflict through the sale of war materials, such as ammunition, for which there was a high demand. Thus, Spain experienced economic prosperity while other nations suffered due to their greater investment into the war. However, once the fighting ended, the postwar recession combined with a particularly fatal outbreak of influenza caused a great amount of stress in the country. 2 Vincent, Mary. Spain, : People and State. pg. 103.

7 The industrialization that had proved so prosperous in the war period also magnified growing socioeconomic divisions in the country when the conflict came to an end. During the war, greater demand for Spanish goods caused a substantial migration from the farms to the cities. Once there, workers fought with their bosses for better conditions while farmers that did remain struggled with the decrease in profitability of the agriculture sector. Ultimately, unionization, especially in the cities, came about as a means for lower class workers to achieve their aims. Another component to consider was the maltreatment of the military, which saw the halting of almost all naval fleet production as well as the tabling of the Bill of Military Reform. In response, military officers joined the juntas de defensa, a union of officers designed to represent the interests of officers seeking promotions based on competence and seniority. It was a major show of dissatisfaction towards the government, as well as one of the first times the military was seen as disapproving of the civilian Cortes. The Dictatorship of Miguel Primo de Rivera The feelings of dissatisfaction with the government continued to grow, and came to a head in 1923, when Miguel Primo de Rivera, Captain General of Catalonia, came to power. Primo de Rivera had come to view the old guard politicians as corrupt and the root cause of all of Spain s worst problems. 3 Backed by the military which too felt slighted by the government, he orchestrated a coup d'état and established himself as dictator. Hoping both to avoid embarrassment and remain in power, Alfonso XIII named Primo de Rivera Prime Minister of Spain, granting him legitimacy in ruling over 3 Robinson, Richard A. H. The Origins of Franco s Spain The Right, the Republic and Revolution, (University of Pittsburgh Press, 1970) p. 28

8 the country. From there, Primo de Rivera declared martial law, fired all the politicians, and dissolved the Cortes, effectively creating the first military dictatorship in Spain in modern history. Primo de Rivera s regime attempted to improve the economy by investing in massive public works projects. This kept the populace happy, as unemployment declined and infrastructure was repaired or improved upon. He also promoted the organization of labor, using a Mussolini-esque model of corporations of industries to represent businesses and workers. Spanish labor forces had more bargaining power than ever before, which led to the Spanish Socialist Party supporting the regime, as well as decreasing the power of the CNT s calls for a general strike. 4 However, opposition to Primo de Rivera came on all sides, not just the CNT; with his censorship of the press and attempts to eliminate the Catalan culture, Primo de Rivera made himself an enemy of many different groups of people. Nonetheless, as long as he maintained the support of the military, the King, and the Church, he was able to remain in power. The regime of Primo de Rivera began to fade once it became clear that he could not create a civilian political system to carry on his economic reforms. While he had created a political party, the Patriotic Union, to continue his vision, it failed to captivate many people. Thus, people grew tired of the military dictatorship, and calls for representation in government increased. Additionally, the economic benefits of Primo de Rivera s regime also evaporated, as rising inflation of the peseta heavily devalued the worth of Spanish exports. While he continually tried to reintroduce civilians to the political process, these attempts failed to satisfy the general public, who grew more and 4 Bookchin, Murray. The Spanish Anarchists: The Heroic Years, (AK Press, 1998).

9 more restless. By 1930, it became clear to Primo de Rivera that neither the monarchy nor the military fully supported him and, on 28 January 1930, he resigned his post as Prime Minister and dictator, ending his seven year rule. 5 While the success of Primo de Rivera s reign can be debated, there are two key ideas to take away from his time as dictator: the Spanish people were ready and willing to accept a military dictator to fix a broken political system, and the mild-mannered authoritarianism of Miguel Primo de Rivera s dictatorship would pale in comparison to the rule of Francisco Franco. The Second Republic: Spain from Pact of San Sebastian As the Great Depression worsened, many political factions began to place the blame of their woes on the Spanish monarchy. A number of calls for the dissolution of the monarchy were made, but none of them were as substantial and successful as the Pact of San Sebastian. In mid-august, 1930, a convention was held at the coastal town of San Sebastian, near the Spanish-French border. The convention brought together every major Republican faction to discuss ways in which the Spanish monarchy could be brought to an end 6. Leading the debate during the convention was Niceto Alcala Zamora and Miguel Maura, the latter of which had originally been a supporter of Primo de Rivera's regime. Miguel Maura, like so many other Spanish politicians at the time, became disillusioned with how Rivera s government was handling rising food prices and unemployment. The 5 Ben-Ami, Shlomo."The Dictatorship of Primo de Rivera: A Political Reassessment," Journal of Contemporary History, Jan 1977, Vol. 12 Issue 1, pp The Basques, the Catalans, and Spain: Alternative Routes to Nationalist Mobilisation by Daniele Conversi (1997), Pg. 38

10 dictatorship under Rivera, backed by the Spanish monarchy, failed to incorporate large portions of the Spanish citizens in the day-to-day workings, which became problematic as the Great Depression worsened. Spanish politicians questioned the competence of Rivera and his circle of advisors, which was running the government into the ground. Primo de Rivera aimed to sell bonds to Spanish citizens in order to raise money to the economic problems that the nation faced. This resulted in continued high inflation rates and Primo de Rivera was ultimately forced to resign in late January, The Convention at San Sebastian set the foundation for what would eventually become the Second Republic. During the convention, a Republican Revolutionary Committee was created, which would later become the provisional government during the initial stages of the Second Republic 7. Maura and Niceto Alcala Zamora formed the Liberal Republican Right (DLR) on July 14, 1930, about a month before the San Sebastian Convention. This party, which was a major faction at the convention, helped Niceto Alcala Zamora become Prime Minister and President of the newly formed republic. Municipal Elections & the Abdication of King Alfonso XIII After Primo de Rivera was forced to resign, a period followed known as the Soft Dictatorship. Rivera s replacement, General Damaso Berenguer, faced a number of problems forming a government in the midst of anti-monarchical sentiments. The two traditional power brokers that supported the monarchy were the Catholic Church and the military. The Catholic Church had been privy to the anti-monarchical sentiments 7 The Basques, the Catalans, and Spain: Alternative Routes to Nationalist Mobilisation by Daniele Conversi (1997), Pg. 38

11 and feared ending up on the losing side of the matter. Additionally, after the Pact of San Sebastian, large portions of the military began conspiring against the monarchy. General Damaso Berenguer was well aware that the foundation by which the monarchy was supported was weakening, and began to capitulate. He attempted to enforce Article 13 of the 1876 Constitution to a great extent, which gave public freedoms of expression, association, and assembly. Additionally, Berenguer called for general elections as a means of curtailing public demands for a true representative democracy. Both of these attempts failed. The results of the general elections were rejected by various conservative factions that felt they had been biased towards the liberal parties, especially with officials allegedly preventing conservatives from voting 8. The failure of the soft dictatorship compelled King Alfonso XIII to hold municipal elections on April 13, The elections demonstrated a clear disparity between urban and rural opinions of the monarchy. Large portions of the rural local elections were won by royalists, but Republican politicians won 37 of the 41 providential capitals 9. This overwhelming victory for the Republicans was viewed as a clear message from the people that the monarchy was no longer needed. A proclamation establishing the Second Republic came two days after the municipal elections. King Alfonso XIII left the country and went into exile in Paris, having lost his legitimacy to rule. Constitution of Payne, Stanley G. Spain's first democracy: the Second Republic, Univ of Wisconsin Press pgs Municipal Elections on April 13, 1931,

12 In June of the same year, a number of politicians from all across the country convened for a special meeting of the Cortes. A Constitution was drafted up that was to replace the previous Constitution of The new Constitution provided equal rights for all citizens and granted freedom of speech and association. Additionally, the Constitution had a measure that would allow for regional autonomy, which was used by Catalonia in 1932 and by the Basque in Unlike its predecessor, the new constitution had articles detailing civil marriage processes, divorce, and even female suffrage. It also created a free, national secular education available to all citizens. All these measures, while very progressive for the time, were not the most controversial to be included in the Constitution. Articles 26 and 27 greatly limited the power of the church. They barred the Catholic Church from getting involved in education, which meant the dissolution of the Jesuit order in Spain and the prohibition of nuns, brothers, and priests from teaching under any circumstances. 10 Furthermore, these articles nationalized large portions of property previously owned by the Catholic Church. While these measures were seen as a way of limiting the privileges of the powerful Catholic Church, it inflamed many right-wing conservative groups and became a major point of contention until the Constitution was repealed in Cortes Elections Elections in 1933 were the first after the ratification of the new constitution. As a result, a number of conservative politicians were elected into office on a platform 10 Smith, Angel, Dictionary of Spain, p. 195, Rowman & Littlefield

13 claiming to be defenders of the church. Many left-wing parties were divided in 1933, and more moderate parties such as the Radical Republican Party supported a new conservative coalition. Additionally, anarcho-syndicalists and other far-left groups abstained from the elections, refusing to give legitimacy to a government that wouldn t meet their demands 11. Their calls for the guaranteeing of 8-hour workdays and institutionalizing land tenure for lower class agricultural workers had been largely ignored. A united cartel known as the Confederation of Autonomous Right-wing Groups (CEDA) won 115 of 473 seats, a plurality in the national elections but not enough for a majority. A coalition was formed with the Radicals, who had won 105 seats. This coalition was created under the pretense of combatting anti-clericalism and reversing anti-clerical legislation. The rise of CEDA brought along with it dissatisfaction among leftist parties, particularly trade unions in urban areas. Miner s Revolt in Asturias A number of political factions and trade unions attempted to organize a general strike after the rise of CEDA in Many of these factions were unable to come to an agreement on how exactly the strike should be structured, or whether the strike would have a significant impact in the first place. The Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT), an Anarcho-Syndicalist group, backed out of the strike. This action led to further in-action from the two major communist trade unions that had called for a strike, the Spanish Socialist Workers Party (PSOE) and the Unión General de Trabajadores (UGT). 11 The Basques, the Catalans, and Spain: Alternative Routes to Nationalist Mobilisation by Daniele Conversi (1997), Pg. 39

14 In 1934, several of the smaller unions in the Northern region of Asturias were adamant to carry out a strike. Small arms and explosives were smuggled into a handful of mining towns in Asturias and the miners proceeded to attack government installations in nearby towns. The action, viewed more as a revolt than a strike by the Spanish government, was quickly put down. Francisco The Butcher of Asturias Franco After the provincial capital of Asturias, Oviedo, was captured by the rebels, the government sent a large force to crush the revolt. This force, comprised of Civil Guards (Spanish police), Spanish Moroccan army regulars, and the Spanish Legion, was headed by one of Spain s more senior generals, Francisco Franco. Franco quickly took back Oviedo, leveling the city in the process and effectively stamping out the rebellion in two weeks. Some 3,000 miners were killed and another 35,000 were captured 12. Moreover, constitutional guarantees were suspended for those involved in the revolt and torturing of prisoners was widespread. Franco ordered his troops to be intentionally malicious to the people living in revolting towns. Raping and pillaging were rampant, and these tactics earned Franco the title of The Butcher of Asturias. The Collapse of the Radical Republican Party & the 1936 Cortes Elections The rebellion in Asturias and subsequent reprisal further polarized Spanish politics. Citizens began to gravitate more towards extreme ends of the political spectrum. Despite its name, the Radical Republican Party was in fact one of the more 12 The Asturias Revolt, 1934 by Sam Lowry

15 moderate parties. Its proposals focused more on appealing to both the clerical-backed conservatives as well as the extreme left. In a matter of two short years, the Radical Republican Party lost its allure and the party collapsed. In the 1936 elections, the Radicals lost 95 of their original 104 seats and the coalition with CEDA had dissolved. CEDA, on the other hand, had formed a new coalition with two anti-republican factions: the Carlists and the Monarchists. Both of these factions pressed for the disestablishment of the Second Republic and the institution of a constitutional monarchy, but they differed on who should be put in place as the monarch. Carlist movements had existed in Spain for a little over 150 years, and called for the institution of a separate royal line. The traditional monarchists supported reestablishing King Alfonso XIII as the monarch. The coalition that was formed became known as the Nationalist Front. Despite the formation of the new coalition, the Nationalists lost the election of 1936 to the Popular Front, which had in a similar fashion gained traction quickly through the formation of coalition. The Popular Front consisted of socialists, left-wing republicans, communists, and other left-center factions that banded together against the powerful Nationalist Front. Winning 263 seats to the Nationalist s 156, the Popular Front had established a majority and ran the country in the months leading up to the Civil War. Rise of Falange Española The government established during this period right before the war was highly unpopular. A number of measures were imposed by the leftist government, most of which further marginalized the church and over-emphasized reforms for the urban working-class. These measures distanced large portions of the rural citizenry in Spain, a

16 large portion of whom were Catholic conservatives to begin with. Additionally, the majority of the rank-and-file civil guards came from the rural peasant class, meaning that measures imposed by this new government were enforced with great reluctance 13. As a result of these factors, a fascist faction known as the Falange began to attract attention. The Falange Española de las JONS (Falange for short) based many of their political beliefs and tactics on those employed in Italy by Mussolini and later by Hitler in Germany. The Falangists focused on the radical restructuring of the Republic in a similar manner as was seen in Italy in the 1920s. Unlike Carlists or Monarchists, the Falange initially were not in favor of outright scrapping the Second Republic. After the Nationalist Front s success in the 1936 election, the Falangists were co-opted into the Nationalist lot. The original founder and current President of the Falange Party, Jose Antonio Primo de Rivera (the son of the dictator-general Miguel Primo de Rivera), was arrested in March, 1936, on illegal possession of firearms. After his arrest, the party was restructured to align more with the monarchist agenda. The Falange grew very rapidly in the months leading up to the war, eventually reaching over 40,000 members. Radical Change and the Start of Civil War The Coup of July 1936 Following the defeat sustained in the 1936 elections, the right-wing parties of Spain began to lose faith in the government s ability to run the country. There was a growing fear that extremists of the left, namely anarchists and Communists, would overrun the victorious Popular Front coalition and lead Spain on a path to 13 The Spanish Second Republic Revisited: From Democratic Hopes to Civil War ( ), Gerald Blaney (2012), Pg, 204

17 collectivization. Combine these sentiments with Spain s previous experience with military dictators, and it becomes easy to understand the allure of powerful leadership. The CEDA, the Carlists, and the Falange all looked to military leaders to organize an uprising. At the head of the operation were Generals Emilio Mola, stationed in Pamplona, and Jose Sanjurjo, who commanded the Civil Guard. Instrumental among the planners was Francisco Franco, who had been transferred to the Canary Islands by the Republic but was promised control of Morocco after the coup. 14 On 17 July 1936, military forces in Morocco rose up and stormed into workingclass areas and established control across the colony. In the mainland, Emilio Mola s forces helped to establish control in the north of Spain, where the population was predominantly conservative and Catholic. However, in the south the military struggled to take over the major cities, with the important exception of Seville, which would eventually provide a landing spot for the armies coming from Morocco. While the military forces, soon to be known as the Nationalists, were able to take over a large portion of Spain, their desire for a quick and bloodless coup failed to come to fruition. The lack of a quick transition can be attributed to non-governmental forces, including the CNT, which organized a general strike to mobilize and access its weapon stores, and civilians who fought the Nationalists themselves. 15 When the dust settled, Spain was firmly divided between the Nationalist and the Republican causes. Roughly half of the Spanish national military, close to 60,000 troops, had split from the government and aided in the coup. This, coupled with the Army of Africa, an efficient force of about 14 Preston, Paul. The Spanish Civil War: Reaction, Revolution and Revenge (3rd ed.). London: HarperCollins pgs Beevor, Antony. The Battle for Spain: The Spanish Civil War London: Weidenfield and Nicolson pgs

18 35,000 soldiers, as well as large portions of the nation s police force and civil guard, left the Nationalists as a formidable force to be reckoned with. Public response to the coup was mixed, but fiercely polarizing. While there were dissenters in both the Nationalist and Republican-controlled regions, only the Nationalists actively attempted to eradicate theirs. Led by Emilio Mola s desire to create fear and a dependence on authority, Nationalist forces would execute suspected sympathizers of the Republic. In response, mobs of people loyal to the government would hunt down fascists or conservatives and execute them in kind. 16 Very quickly, the conflict became very bloody and divided Spain into two: Republican and Nationalist. Attempts At Non-Intervention In the immediate aftermath of the July 1936 coup, several nations mobilized to establish the terms of the conflict on an international scale. Specifically, the French government quickly reached out to numerous nations with the idea of a Non- Intervention Agreement with respect to the Spanish Civil War. In line with the western foreign policy of appeasement, such an agreement would help to prevent a domestic conflict from escalating into an international conflict. The government of the United Kingdom quickly agreed to such a policy, while the nations of Germany and the Soviet Union were more hesitant. Italy, while initially agreeing to France s policy, only did so in principle, waiting for other nations to join the cause. 17 After France declared non-intervention unilaterally, other nations followed suit and helped apply diplomatic pressure on the more hesitant countries. Germany agreed 16 Preston, Paul. The Spanish Holocaust. Harper Press. London Thomas, Hugh. The Spanish Civil War pgs

19 on the condition that the USSR was present, while the USSR agreed so long as Portugal also signed the Non-Intervention Agreement. By the end of August 1936, all the major European powers signed the Non-Intervention Agreement. There was a Non- Intervention Committee established to enforce the terms of the agreement. Prior to the start date of this committee, the Non-Intervention Committee had only met twice, and multiple nations had significant qualms with the structure and the ideology of the committee. For example, the Soviet Union was worried that the committee had an anti- Soviet bias and that it was not curtailing German and Italian aid enough. 18 Also, Portugal, who was supposed to participate in this committee, had to be convinced to come after refusing to attend the first meeting. Foreign Support for the Nationalist Faction While the ideal of widespread non-intervention was entertained, the Nationalist cause was already benefitting from extensive support from multiple nations. Fascist Italy supported the Nationalists very early, as Mussolini stood to gain considerable popularity with the Catholics of Italy by helping the Nationalists. When the Nationalists reached out to Il Duce, he responded quickly, sending the first squadron of Italian airplanes to Spain in late July Since then, Italian bombers have been attacking Republican strongholds. Additionally, Nationalist-held harbors were used to receive supplies from the Italians. 18 Preston, Paul. The Spanish Civil War: Reaction, Revolution and Revenge (3rd ed.). London: HarperCollins pg Sullivan, Brian R. "Fascist Italy's military involvement in the Spanish Civil War," Journal of Military History (1995) 59#4 pgs

20 Adolf Hitler, Chancellor of Nazi Germany, wanted to promote another fascist regime in the region, but was hesitant about provoking another World War. Germany was contacted in late July 1936 about providing support for the Nationalists. This request allegedly came directly to Hitler from Franco himself, but Hitler s ministers were initially split on what action they should take. Ultimately, Hitler decided to give support to the Nationalists, beginning what came to be known as Operation Magic Fire. German and Spanish Nationalist forces set up a company, the Spanish-Moroccan Transport Company (HISMA), to mask German investment in the Nationalist cause. Then, Germany organized planes and pilots and set them to Morocco to aid Francisco Franco s forces in getting to the Iberian peninsula. 20 Additional support came from Portugal, who attempted to form a Viriatos Legion immediately after the coup took place. Lastly, while it did not provide any military support, the Holy See helped to legitimize the Nationalist cause by allowing high ranking ecclesiastical members of the Church to openly support the Nationalists. The Vatican also defined those Catholics persecuted in Republican-held areas as martyrs of the faith, ignoring those who were killed by Nationalists or supported the Republican cause. Foreign Support for the Republican Faction The United Kingdom and France, potentially two powerful nations that could have supported the Republican cause, quickly instituted arms embargoes, leaving the Soviet Union as the only major supporter of the Republicans. Josef Stalin understood 20 Westwell, Ian. Condor Legion: The Wehrmacht's Training Ground. Hersham, United Kingdom: Ian Allan

21 that Soviet foreign policy was created with an eye on promoting collective security against the rise of Germany in Europe. Thus, the situation in Spain called for intervention to keep the Republican government in power. Attempting to offset the help Franco and the Nationalists were receiving from Italy and Germany, Stalin and the USSR government sold arms to the Republican government. These arms and military supplies covered the entire range of combat, from aircraft and tanks to machine guns and rifles. Many of these supplies were produced in the United Kingdom, the United States, and France, which is ironic considering none of those countries actively supported the Republican cause. 21 While weapons were the primary method of support by the USSR, ground troops were also involved in the fighting. Surprisingly, Mexico served as the second most active supporter of the Republic, publicly coming out against the non-intervention policies of France and Great Britain. Beyond that, however, Mexico only provided minimal financial aid in comparison to the massive assistance of the Soviet Union. Outside of official governmental support, the Republican cause gained a lot of manpower from individuals from all across the Western world, who would form the international brigades that fought alongside the Republican forces. The Failures of the Second Republic One could speculate at length regarding what brought about the end of the Second Republic and the beginning of the Civil War. For the most part, the prevailing problems of the time can be summarized in three major categories: 21 Thomas, Hugh. The Spanish Civil War pgs

22 1. Economic Disparities The institution of the Second Republic coincided with a number of economic side effects as a result of the worldwide depression. While it can be supported to a large extent that these economic ills triggered the overthrow of the Spanish monarchy and the establishment of the Second Republic, they most certainly did not cease once King Alfonso XIII abdicated in Income received from imports, particularly in terms of manufacturing and raw materials, as well as investments into the Spanish economy from outside sources leveled off in After experiencing a brief period of instability during the first 4 years of the Second Republic, these three areas crashed in 1935 leading to a dramatic increase in unemployment. Consumption of Spanish goods fell as productivity fell. Spanish workers met the economic problems with hostility, blaming their ills on the government and not the cyclical nature of the economy. The capital growth rate shrank from 5.72% in 1929 to 1.67% in The economic ills faced by many nations during the Great Depression were enough to shake the foundations of even the most stable of regimes. The fledgling Spanish Second Republic simply hadn t been around long enough for the people to trust it through the depression. People gravitated towards galvanizing leadership and grandiose plans during this time of instability rather than democratic bureaucracy, which ultimately brought down the short-lived Second Republic. 22 An Economic Analysis of the Great Depression in Spain by Eduardo Gimenez & Maria Montero, Pg Ibid. Pg. 14

23 2. Marginalization of the Catholic Church The Constitution of 1931 is widely considered one of the most hostile constitutions of the 20th Century. Many of the measures were unprecedented for Spain at the time. The provision for regional autonomy was highly progressive at the time, as were its clauses on marriage, divorce, and women s suffrage. While these measures were met with varying degrees of acceptance, its clauses detailing the limitation of clerical power carved up the nation. Articles 26 and 27 allowed the Catholic Church to appear as the victim, and conservative movements across the nations took advantage of this. Moreover, having marginalized the Catholic Church, the Second Republic lost a very important opportunity for legitimacy. The Catholic Church had long been a cornerstone of ruling regimes in Spain. With the Catholic Church s power effectively limited, clerical support shifted. Spanish Catholics only had to look across the Mediterranean to see how different they were being treated. With the signing of the Lateran Treaty in 1929, the Vatican convinced Fascist Italy to recognize Catholicism as the official religion of the country. By comparison, the very essence of Spanish Catholicism was under attack. Thus, the Catholic Church in Spain used its perception of the victim as a means of promoting anti-government and conservative ideologies. In essence, the Spanish Constitution was the equivalent of throwing a stone at a beehive and stirring the nest. 3. Regional & Sectarian Differences As the economic ills worsened, the country became increasingly more divided along sectarian lines. The municipal elections in 1931 demonstrated clear differences between the beliefs of the rural peasant class and the urban working class. In urban provincial capitals, Republicans won an overwhelming majority. However, large

24 portions of rural Spain were not yet ready to leave the Spanish monarchy behind and voted for royalists. With the ratification of the Constitution in 1931, Spanish Catholics living in the countryside felt further alienated. These differences in regional ideologies developed into divides along party lines. Communists, socialists, and anarchists were able to appeal to urban citizens whereas conservative groups like CEDA and the Falange were able to appeal to Spain s Catholic peasant class. The differences eventually led to the distinction between the Nationalist coalition and the Popular Front, and ultimately the Civil War itself. Questions to Consider 1) How would your character describe their ideology? How does it fit with the Nationalist cause? 2) What is the most important way to ensure widespread victory throughout Spain? 3) How should the Nationalist cause go about consolidating power? 4) What is the best way to unify the varying factions and parties of the Nationalist cause? Is unifying these factions the best way to achieve victory? 5) What is victory to your delegate? What is victory to your party? 6) How should the Nationalist cause portray the conflict to Spaniards and to the international community? Recommended Research Tools This is a list of potential sources that you could use to guide and augment your research. Generally, you can always use Google Scholar to search for academic journals about the Spanish Civil War, as it is a very good database for historical analysis. Remember that

25 you shouldn't limit yourself to strictly these sources; there are always corners of the Internet that we haven t explored. However, this is a very good list to get you all started. 1) The Twenty-Seven Points (Los 27 puntos de falange) was a manifesto written to describe the Falangist cause. 2) Review the 1931 Constitution of Spain, particularly the Articles 26 and 27 that established the strained relationship between the Republic and the Church. 3) A Concise History of the Spanish Civil War by Paul Preston 4) The Spanish Civil War by Hugh Thomas. 5) Any of Stanley Payne s books on the topic, including Fascism, in Spain ) Condor Legion: The Wehrmacht's Training Ground by Ian Westwell for some understanding about Germany s involvement in the Spanish Civil War. Bibliography Beck, Earl Ray. Time of Triumph & Sorrow: Spanish Politics during the Reign of Alfonso XII, Beevor, Antony. The Battle for Spain: The Spanish Civil War London: Weidenfield and Nicolson Ben-Ami, Shlomo. "The Dictatorship of Primo de Rivera: A Political Reassessment, Journal of Contemporary History, Jan 1977, Vol. 12 Issue 1. Blaney, Gerald. The Spanish Second Republic Revisited: From Democratic Hopes to Civil War ( ) Bookchin, Murray. The Spanish Anarchists: The Heroic Years, AK Press.

26 1998. Conversi, Daniele. The Basques, the Catalans, and Spain: Alternative Routes to Nationalist Mobilisation Gimenez, Eduardo and Montero, Maria. An Economic Analysis of the Great Depression in Spain. analise_economica/analise_economica_48.pdf Lowry, Sam. The Asturias Revolt, Municipal Elections on April 13, 1931, Payne, Stanley G. Spain's first democracy: the Second Republic, Univ of Wisconsin Press Preston, Paul. The Spanish Civil War: Reaction, Revolution and Revenge (3rd ed.). London: HarperCollins Preston, Paul. The Spanish Holocaust. Harper Press. London Robinson, Richard A. H. The Origins of Franco s Spain The Right, the Republic and Revolution, University of Pittsburgh Press Smith, Angel, Dictionary of Spain, p. 195, Rowman & Littlefield Sullivan, Brian R. "Fascist Italy's military involvement in the Spanish Civil War, Journal of Military History #4 Thomas, Hugh. The Spanish Civil War Vincent, Mary. Spain, : People and State. Westwell, Ian. Condor Legion: The Wehrmacht's Training Ground. Hersham, United Kingdom: Ian Allan

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