Article 9 and Global Peace Transcending nationalism

Transcription

1 Article 9 and Global Peace Transcending nationalism 憲法 9 条と世界の平和 ナショナリズムをどう超えるか The 4th Global Inter-religious Conference on Article 9 of the Japanese Peace Constitution 第 4 回 9 条世界宗教者会議 Appendix 付録

2 CONTENTS Final Statement (English) 最終声明 ( 日本語 ) Article Nine of the Japanese Constitution A Pillar for Peace in Northeast Asia and Beyond (English) Rev. Dr Olav Fykse Tveit (WCC General Secretary) 日本国憲法九条 北東アジアの平和の礎アジアとアジアを越えて ( 日本語 ) オラフ トヴェイト (WCC 総幹事 ) Article 9 as a New Discipline toward Civic State for Peace Asia (English) Prof. YI Kiho (Hanshin University) アジア平和に向かう平和憲法 9 条と市民国家の模索 ( 日本語 ) 李起豪 ( 韓信大学教授 平和と公共性センター長 )

3 Final Statement of the 4th Global Inter-religious Conference on Article 9 From Seoul and Okinawa to Tokyo December 5, 2014 YMCA Asia Youth Center Article 9 of Japan s Peace Constitution Aspiring sincerely to an international peace based on justice and order, the Japanese people forever renounce war as a sovereign right of the nation and the threat or use of force as a means of settling international disputes. In order to accomplish the aim of the preceding paragraph, land, sea, and air forces, as well as other war potential, will never be maintained. The right of belligerency of the state will not be recognized. All religions are universal, transcending races and nations. Today, however, there are cases where religions are used to instigate and justify violence. Religions should be purified to their original inspiration, and their followers should faithfully translate these truths and realities about life in word and deed in their respective contexts. Each religion should be an expression of the universal truths like peace, and lead to collectively proclaim and live these rather than insist on differences that may lead to disunity or even hostility. 1 The 4 th Global Inter-religious Conference on Article 9 of the Japanese Peace Constitution gathered 120 participants from Japan, South Korea, China, Hong Kong/PRC, Philippines, Thailand, Malaysia, Myanmar, Australia, Congo, Norway, Switzerland, Germany, Canada and the USA. The conference was held at the YMCA Asia Youth Center and its participants hereby issue this Statement. This Conference follows upon the 1 st, 2 nd and 3 rd Asia Inter-religious Conference on Article 9, which were held in 2007 (Tokyo), 2009 (Seoul) and 2011 (Okinawa), but the name was changed to the Global Inter-religious Conference on Article 9, to reflect the broadened base of participation from abroad. 1 Excerpt from Our Mission: Inter-Religious Conference on Article 9 and Peace in Asia. Seoul,

4 1) We reaffirm our commitment and call the followers of all religions to be accountable to the values of justice, peace and care for all life, nationally, regionally and globally. 2) In the statements issued on the occasions of the 2 nd and the 3 rd Asia Inter-religious Conference on Article 9 of the Japanese Peace Constitution, we affirmed that Article 9 is more than ever relevant, not only for Japan, but for regional and international relations, and that it is forward-looking. It can be seen as an essential step toward preventing and ending all war, and as a unique expression of the core value of a just, peaceful, and sustainable future for all communities around the world. 3) Together with our Japanese hosts and partners, we are deeply concerned that the Abe/Liberal Democratic Party administration has reinterpreted and further intends to revise and amend Article 9, which is Japan s pledge for peace and to desist from war. Revising the peace constitution of Japan will bring about serious instability in the region of Asia and beyond. Japan should never be a threat to neighboring countries, nor become a destabilizing factor. This constitutional reinterpretation and proposed revision by the Abe administration is contrary to the wishes and desires of the people in this region, and a threat to constitutional democracy. 4) The Abe administration should squarely reflect upon Japan s modern history of invasion and colonialism, and express this reflection clearly before the world. Not only should the government of Japan protect the Constitution, which is also the Japanese people s promise of non-belligerence, but it should uphold previously-made official Government statements that reflect upon Japan s past invasions and colonialism, such as the (Chief Cabinet Secretary) Kōno Statement 2, the (Prime Minister) Murayama Statement 3 and the (Prime Minister) Kan Statement 4. Members of the administration should also not pay official homage visits to the Yasukuni Shrine, which can be perceived as a provocative act of endorsing war crimes. Genuine acknowledgement and 2 Statement by the Chief Cabinet Secretary Yōhei Kōno, on the result of the study on the issue of "comfort women." Statement by Prime Minister Tomiichi Murayama, on the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the war's end Statement by Prime Minister Naoto Kan, on the occasion of 100 years since the Japan-Korea Annexation Treaty

5 apology for Japan s invasions, atrocities and colonial rule by the Japanese government forms a foundation for peace in the Asia region. 5) We demand that the government of Japan strive to resolve regional territorial disputes in accordance with the letter and spirit of Article 9, through dialogue and diplomatic negotiations. We call upon each country to refrain from the use, or threatened use, of armed force as a means of settling such disputes. 6) The government of Japan should take action, without delay, to mitigate the crushing burden of U.S. military bases placed upon the people of Okinawa and other Japanese communities. We are witnessing the pain of the people and ecological destruction around military bases. We demand of the Japanese and US governments the immediate closing of Camp Futenma and the immediate halt of construction of the new base in Henoko. We demand that the United States government recall its military forces to the U.S., not only from Japan but from other countries in the region. 7) Remilitarization brings not more security, but more vulnerability, to a nation and a region. The cynical manipulation of the idea of collective self-defense through the Abe regime s reinterpretation of Art 9 will, we fear, lead to a dangerous arms race that will destabilize the entire region. It is obvious that this remilitarization of Japan is linked to and supported by a US desire to strengthen its hegemony in Asia. We call upon all nations to abstain from and reject military solutions to political conflicts and diplomatic challenges. We encourage the Japanese government to show leadership that is true to the letter and spirit of Article-9, and to resist pressure from other states to accept a remilitarization of their country. We are grateful to the efforts of people in peace movements in the US and other countries, and encourage them to continue their work for true peace. 8) We are hopeful that all people around the world will overcome narrow nationalism and, following the spirit of Article 9, will construct relationships based on the principles of no-war, reconciliation, equality, mutual respect and mutual benefit. As consequence of the commitment to non-violence as expressed in Article 9, and as persons of faith committed to life, we plead to respect the human right of conscientious objection to military service. 003

6 9) In addition to the points raised in the text above, we petition the government of Japan in the spirit of Article 9 to address the growing problem of hate speech, which is being directed against Korean and other minority groups, as well as peace advocates, in communities across Japan. We urge the government of Japan to institute laws that would protect residents from fear-inducing taunts and threats, and to end the practice of lending police protection to those who deliver hate speeches under the cynical guise of protecting freedom of expression. 10) We believe that ultimate security can be guaranteed only by no weapons and no military forces. Acting on this belief, Conference participants pledge to communicate to their communities the importance of Article 9, and to support the reaffirmation of Article 9 by correspondingly addressing their governments. Our prayer is that Article 9 will inspire people of all nations. Recommendations for Action Religious Communities We call upon faith communities in Japan, Korea and other Asian nations to form country working groups in East Asia, to implement Article 9 activities. We call upon faith communities to engage youth in the promotion of the cause of Article 9, by use of creative media and by the creation of education materials. We call upon faith communities to include a prayer for the spread of the spirit of Article 9 on September 21 st, the International Day for Peace. We call upon faith communities and advocates of peace in other lands to remember Japan and Article 9 on May 3, Constitution Day, when the people of Japan commemorate the promulgation of the Constitution. We call upon the World Council of Churches to consider the possibility of hosting an international interfaith Article 9 conference, as part of its Pilgrimage of Justice and Peace. We call upon our Muslim friends in peace across Asia to consider the possibility of hosting an interfaith Article 9 conference in a majority Muslim country in Asia. We call upon the Christian Conference of Asia to help organize a solidarity visit 004

7 by article 9 leaders to North and South Korea, to promote peace, reunification and Article 9. We call upon the Asia Pacific Forum of North America to organize an Article 9 solidarity visit to the United States. Civil Society In order to actualize the spirit of peace in article 9, we will make efforts to strengthen our solidarity with those who advocate for peace in civil society. We will work with those who advocate for peace in civil society to make Article 9 and the commitments arising from it a subject of instruction in school. We will support the ongoing efforts of peace advocates to seek nomination and award of the Nobel Peace Prize to the Japanese people who conserve Article 9. Participants of the 4 th Global Inter-religious Conference on Article 9 005

8 第 4 回 九条世界宗教者会議 声明ソウル 沖縄から再び東京へ YMCA アジア青少年センター 日本国憲法九条 日本国民は 正義と秩序を基調とする国際平和を誠実に希求し 国権の発動たる戦争と 武力による威嚇又は武力の行使は 国際紛争を解決する手段としては 永久にこれを放棄する 前項の目的を達するため 陸海空軍その他の戦力は これを保持しない 国の交戦権はこれを認めない ミッション : 九条アジア宗教者会議すべての宗教は 人種や国を超え 普遍的なものである しかし今日では 宗教が扇動して暴力を正当化するために利用されている場合もある 宗教は元来の霊性を取り戻すまで精練されるべきであり 信者は忠実に それぞれの状況で言葉と行動を用いて真理と人生についての現実を受けとめる必要がある 各宗教は平和のような普遍的真理の体現者になるべきであり 不一致 あるいは敵意につながるような違いを主張するのではなく 普遍的真理に共に生き それを宣言すべきである 1 第 4 回九条世界宗教者会議がYMCAアジア青少年センタ を会場に開催され 日本 韓国 中国 香港 フィリピン タイ マレーシア ミャンマー オーストラリア コンゴ ノルウェー スイス ドイツ カナダ 米国から約 120 名が参集しました 会議参加者はここに以下のことを声明いたします この会議は九条アジア宗教者会議として 第一回を 2007 年 ( 東京 ) 第二回を 2009 年 ( ソウル ) 第三回を 2011 年 ( 沖縄 ) で開催しましたが 海外からの幅広い参加者を反映して九条世界宗教者会議という名称に変更されました 1. 私たちのコミットメントを再確認し 国内的 地域的 及び世界的に 正義 平和とすべての 命を大切にする価値の説明責任をすべての宗教信者が果たすことを呼びかけます 2. 私たちは 第 2 回および第 3 回九条アジア宗教者会議声明の中で 日本国平和憲法九条は日本のみならずこれまでにないほど地域的また国際的に 先導的なものであることを確認しました 九条は すべての戦争を終結に導く必須のステップ また武力紛争の予防の手立てであり 正義と平和が実現され かつ持続可能な未来を志向するすべての共同体と世界の中心的価値です 1 我々のミッション から引用 : 第二回 9 条アジア世界会議 (2009 年ソウル ) 006

9 3. 日本のこの会議の主催者及びパートナーと共に 安倍自民党政権 ( 以後 安倍政権 ) が 平和と不戦の誓いであった憲法九条を再解釈し 更に改訂と修正を行おうとしていることに深い憂慮を表明します 日本の平和憲法改変は アジア地域とより広い地域に大きな不安定をもたらすでしょう 日本自身が 周辺諸国の脅威となったり 不安定要因になってはなりません 安倍政権によるこの憲法再解釈と改正案は この地域の人々の願いと希望に反し そして立憲民主主義に対する脅威となっています 4. 安倍政権は 日本の侵略 植民地支配の歴史を直視し その反省を世界に対して明確に表明すべきです 日本国民による不戦の誓いでもあった憲法を守ることはもちろん 河野官房長官談話 村山総理談話 から 菅総理談話 に至る 侵略と植民地支配を反省する 日本政府としての正式表明を維持すべきです 戦争犯罪を支持する挑発的行為として認識されうる靖国神社参拝は行うべきではありません 日本政府の侵略 植民地支配への誠実な反省こそが アジア地域に平和をもたらす基礎となります 日本政府による侵略 残虐行為や植民地支配に対する真摯な自認と謝罪は アジア地域の平和の基盤を形成します 5. 領土 紛争については 日本政府は憲法九条の文言と精神に沿って 相手と対話し 外 交交渉によって解決することを求めます またいずれの国も 紛争解決の手段として 武 力による威嚇 武力行使は自制するよう要請します 6. 日本政府は 沖縄や日本の他の地域の過重な基地負担を早急に改善すべきです 私たちは 軍事基地周辺の人々の苦痛と生態系の破壊を目の当たりにしています 日米両政府にキャンプ普天間の即時閉鎖と辺野古の新基地建設の中止を要請します 日本から そして 他国からも米軍の速やかな撤収を米国政府に求めます 7. 武力に頼り軍備を増強することは 国や地域に安全保障をもたらすものではなく 逆に安全を脅かすものです 安倍政権の憲法九条再解釈による集団的自衛権の巧妙なごまかしは地域全体を不安定にする危険な軍拡競争につながると懸念します これは アジアでの覇権の強化を求める米国の政策とつながるもので それに支持されていることは明らかです すべての国々に対して 政治的衝突および外交課題の軍事的解決策を控え また拒否し 九条の精神を遵守するよう日本政府に圧力をかけることを呼びかけます 日本政府に軍備増強とその使用を受け入れさせるような他国からの圧力に抵抗し 九条の文言と精神を真実に表すリーダーシップを示すことを奨励します 米国およびその他の国で平和運動に関わる人々の努力に敬意を示し 真の平和のためにその活動を継続することを奨励します 007

10 8. 世界中のすべての人々が 狭いナショナリズムを乗り越え 憲法九条の精神にならって 戦争放棄 和解 平等 相互尊重 互恵の関係を築くよう期待します 憲法九条に表現される非暴力への責任 また命への義務を負う宗教者として 良心的兵役拒否の人権としての尊重を求めます 9. 上記で提起された論点に加えて 日本政府が憲法九条の精神に基づいて 日本の地域社会での平和擁護者に対してと同様に 韓国人や他の少数民族に向けられている増大するヘイトスピーチの問題に対処するよう請願します 日本政府が 恐怖を抱かせるあざけりと脅威から住民を保護する法律を制定することと 表現の自由の保護 を巧妙に装ってヘイトスピーチをする人たちを警察が保護することをやめることを強く要請します 10. 究極的な安全保障は 武器と軍備の放棄によってのみもたらされると確信しています この確信を基に 会議の参加者がそれぞれのコミュニティーに憲法九条の大切さを伝え さらに九条への賛同を確認すべく自国政府に働きかけることを誓います 憲法九条が 全ての国を鼓舞すること これが私たちの祈りです 行動への提案 < 宗教界に向けて> 日本や韓国 及び他のアジア地域で 九条の活動を実施するための東アジアの国内ワーキンググループを形成することを呼びかけます 教育教材の作成 創造的なメディアを用いて 憲法九条運動に若者にも関わってもらえるようにすることを宗教界に呼びかけます 世界中のすべての宗教の平和支持者たちに 9 月 21 日の平和のための国際デーに憲法九条の精神の普及のための祈りも加えていただくよう呼びかけます 日本の人々が憲法公布を覚える5 月 3 日の憲法記念日を 他国のすべての宗教の平和支持者たちと信仰共同体が 覚えていただくよう呼びかけます 正義と平和への巡礼の一環として 宗教者九条会議を WCC が主催する可能性を検討するように呼びかけます アジアでイスラム教徒が多数を占める国において 宗教者九条会議を主催する可能性を考慮することをイスラム教徒に呼びかけます 平和 統一と憲法九条を促進するために 憲法九条保護の指導者たちによる連帯のための北朝鮮と韓国への訪問の支援を CCA に呼びかけます 米国への憲法九条連帯のための訪問を企画することを北米アジア太平洋フォーラム (The Asia Pacific Forum of North America) に呼びかけます 008

11 < 市民社会に向けて> 憲法九条の平和の精神を実現するために 市民社会の平和支持者との連帯の強化に努めていきます 憲法九条とそれに関係する精神を学校教育に取り入れるよう 平和支持者と協働します 憲法九条をノーベル平和賞にノミネートし その受賞を求める憲法九条支持者の継続的な取り組みを支援します 第 4 回 九条世界宗教者会議 参加者一同 009

12 Article Nine of the Japanese Constitution A Pillar for Peace in Northeast Asia and Beyond Rev. Dr Olav Fykse Tveit World Council of Churches General Secretary Address to the 4 th Global Inter-Religious Conference on Article Nine of the Japanese Constitution December 3, 2014 INTRODUCTION AND TRIBUTE TO INTER-RELIGIOUS ACTION I bring greetings to you all from the World Council of Churches. It is a distinct privilege to be here in Tokyo for this 4 th Global Inter-Religious Conference on Article Nine. The World Council of Churches is pleased to have also taken part in the three previous conferences, in Tokyo, Seoul and Okinawa. These conferences are timely and of singular importance. Seventy years after World War II, they breathe new life into Article Nine. They concentrate the hearts and minds of different faiths and different cultures on an issue that brings peace and reconciliation onto the agenda of religious communities in Asia and other parts of the world. In July this year, the Central Committee of the WCC adopted a policy position on Article 9. The WCC noted that Article Nine has contributed to the image of post-war Japan as a peace-loving nation, has become a diplomatic asset for Japan, has helped Japan to re-develop relationships with neighbouring states and make non-military contributions in crises overseas. The WCC statement names the tragic history of women forced into sexual slavery by the Japanese military during World War II as a constant reminder of the abhorrence of war and its destructive impact on the lives of innocent and vulnerable people. The Central Committee expressed its grave concern at the Japanese government s initiative to reinterpret or change Article Nine. The WCC warned that to weaken this constitutional prohibition would undermine regional security. It called for the Japanese government to respect both the letter and the spirit of Article 9. It urges the government of Japan to live up to its Peace Constitution, building non-military collective security agreements with all neighbouring states in Northeast Asia. It encourages the Japanese government not to surrender to external 010

13 pressures to weaken Article 9. The WCC statement says that Article Nine is Japan s oath to not repeat its war-time mistakes. The statement praises Japanese churches and organizations for upholding the Peace Constitution in hope that Japan would become a truly peaceful nation. And on August 4 th 2014 a church delegation led by WCC President Rev Dr CHANG Sang of South Korea, including a Buddhist leader, met the Chief Cabinet Secretary of the Japanese government. They presented him with the Article Nine statement and the new WCC Statement Towards a Nuclear-Free World. The Chief Cabinet Secretary engaged in an exchange of views. He thanked the churches of Japan and the WCC for assistance in the aftermath of the Fukushima disaster. He said that significant changes in global conditions had brought the Japanese government to consider the right of collective self-defence within the framework of Article Nine, and that self-defence would only be exercised in a limited way. Japan s regard for world peace and for post-war freedom and democracy has not changed in any way, he said. CURRENT TRENDS Trends in Northeast Asia would certainly indicate that robust government action for peacebuilding and collective security is greatly needed. Nation by nation, the picture is troubling. There are extensive and expensive programs to build-up military capacities. The United States pivot to Asia is a troubling long-term shift in the global deployment of military forces. Japan s profile in Northeast Asia is taking on a more military character. The footprint of the US military on Japanese territory has been heavy since World War Two. It is now being up-graded, as the 2012 Article Nine Conference could see in Okinawa. One analyst at that conference called new missile defense systems the Trojan Horse that is destroying the Peace Constitution. If missile defense is a Trojan Horse, then the naval base being built on Korea s Jeju Island is its newest stable. Church and civil society resistance to the new base there was brought to the attention of the WCC Assembly in Busan. Endemic hostility with North Korea and mutual suspicions with China can be readily used to justify militarization. However, such tensions should in fact be used as opportunities to normalize relations. People of goodwill must call for greater regional commitment to confidence-building measures, equitable commercial contacts, and negotiations to settle old disputes. Instead, we are witnessing a relaxation of Japan s arms export controls, a weakening of 011

14 civilian authority over the Japanese military, and pressure for Japan to join one-sided schemes of self-defense. In the event of crisis, the so-called Self-Defense Force is tasked with a broad variety of military operations alongside the US. These are Article Nine issues. They must be analysed and understood regionally as well as nationally. The Big Power rivalry behind them is evident along the DMZ, in the Philippines and the South China Sea. Its impact is seen in basing agreements, regional arms sales and intensifying territorial disputes. Article Nine s peace provisions are historic. The current pressure to weaken them is deeply concerning. If actions speak louder than words, the actions of the state that imposed Article Nine are already rewriting Article Nine. In the mind of an average citizen, the message seems to be: Yes, Japan, you are still not supposed to use war as in instrument of foreign policy. However, we want you to see our wars as your wars. You must be prepared to do your part. Meanwhile, we will continue to protect you with our nuclear weapons and we will continue to use your land and other allies lands for our military bases. In effect, you will use force as an instrument of foreign policy but it will be mostly our foreign policy. AN UNFINISHED PILLAR In places where people build great buildings out of stone, pillars are an essential element. At the site or in a quarry, one sometimes sees a half-finished pillar. A block of rock lies on the ground with one end still rough and the other end neatly sculpted into a pillar. Sometimes, the capitol or top of the pillar is already carved with decorations. There is a parable of Article Nine in this image. The adoption of Article Nine in 1947 was like sculpting a pillar of stone for a remarkable living monument, a Peace Constitution. Article Nine was a constructive achievement after a vastly destructive war. The pillar stands upright, but the work is not finished. The base of Article Nine, and its foundation, still have to be finished. These Inter-Religious Conferences demonstrate the conviction which will be needed to complete the peace pillar that is Article Nine. Religious communities here and abroad do not look to the Japanese government to weaken its Peace Constitution. We do not accept that Japan can move away from Article Nine. Rather, we expect Japan to follow Article Nine as a pillar for peace in this region, and far beyond. 012

15 There is nothing in Article 9 that a responsible government can ignore. The UN Charter written in the same epoch as Article 9 does not grant states an absolute right to wage war. It obliges all states to settle international disputes without the use of force. It also calls them to minimize the diversion of resources from public welfare and the common good to armed forces and the waging of war. We expect Japan to follow Article Nine. We are convinced of the power of Japan s positive example to influence the conduct of other states. PILLAR FOR PEACE, HEALING THE PAST Article Nine serves as a pillar for peace in Northeast Asia because it helps to heal the past, to guide the present and to shape the future. Much of the past remains unhealed in a region which has endured the traumatic effects of war, rape, pillage and occupation. Article Nine exists in a difficult context. This unfinished pillar can be seen from different angles as an example of victor s justice, as a penalty for defeat, or as a historic bid to bring healing. What kind of message does it send, though, to wage total war on a country, even using atomic bombs, and then make that country promise never to do what was done to it? Certainly, a very mixed message at best. The most likely outcome might be for the defeated nation to learn the opposite lesson from the one intended: Adopt the strategy of your conqueror; wait till the time is right; seek revenge. However, it is not hard to understand the healing power of Article Nine for the countries that Japan conquered in World War II. In addition, it is important to note that Article Nine has wide support in Japan too. Many citizens have recognized the wisdom of breaking the cycle of violence, of refusing the reflex of revenge, of rejecting the destructive dynamics of narrow nationalism. Let us give thanks for the role that religious beliefs and public witness play in this shared commitment to peace. Those who resent Article Nine, who see it as a stain on their national honour, and who look forward to its demise, are doing what one would expect of human nature. A population that has lived through a violent past is fertile soil for the cultivation of future violence. An embittered society is poor soil in which to grow the seeds of peace. 013

16 The Cold War froze out a proper recovery from World War II for Northeast Asia. The Cold War lasted for a long time, but it is over. Article Nine may have been ahead of its time, but it has survived. Today, with East Asia emerging as a world center, is surely the time for Article Nine to come into its own as a central pillar for peace. The WCC Assembly Statement On the Way of Just Peace addresses alternatives to war which are consistent with Article Nine. It says that: For peace among the nations, churches must work together to strengthen international human rights and humanitarian law, promote multilateral negotiations to resolve conflicts, hold governments responsible for ensuring treaty protections, help eliminate weapons of mass destruction and press for reallocation of unnecessary military budgets to civilian need. We must join other communities of faith and people of goodwill to reduce national military capacities and delegitimize the institution of war. These words evoke the spirit of Article Nine. No matter its origins in the politics of occupation and new schemes for hegemony, Article Nine is a pillar for helping a war-torn region recover from its terrible past. GUIDING THE PRESENT If there is one place where Article Nine must serve as a guide for current affairs in Northeast Asia, it is the Korean peninsula. The Korean peninsula has endured more than a century of occupation and division. The Korean people have earned themselves wide international recognition for their perseverance, hard work and ingenuity, yet their tireless dedication to progress and modernity has not been rewarded with peace. At the WCC Assembly in Busan we recognized the long history of ecumenical and inter-religious engagement for peace in the Assembly Statement On Peace and Reunification of the Korean Peninsula. We recommended more such initiatives to continue, involving North and South Korean church leaders, other churches from Asia, North America and Europe, and including Christian-Buddhist cooperation. Such initiatives show civil society in harmony with the spirit of Article Nine. On the Korean peninsula, shared human security and human rights must become a greater priority than divisive, competitive and militarized national security, the Assembly declared. 014

17 It called for fresh and decisive action on a peace treaty agreed by the countries related to the Armistice Agreement. It reminded participants in the Six-Party Talks of their promise to hold peace forums. It called China to act as a facilitator for reaching long-pending agreements. The statement denounced military build-ups in the region including the stockpiling of nuclear weapons. We strongly urged the US and Japan to stop blockades and sanctions against the Democratic People s Republic of Korea, to halt all military exercises on the Korean peninsula and to reduce military expenditures in the region. We called for a truly Demilitarized Zone in Korea that, with international cooperation, would transform the peninsula into a zone of peace. This is the geography of Article Nine. Much has happened since Busan. Church leaders from North and South Korea came to Geneva in June for an international consultation on peace, reconciliation and reunification. New relationships were begun. Doors were re-opened. A key follow-up step also took place in October a WCC visit to the Korean Christian Federation in Pyongyang. SHAPING THE FUTURE Finally, the obligations enshrined in Article Nine also help to shape the future, in Northeast Asia and beyond. Let us look at one concrete opportunity to build a safer future, specifically, so that no one in the world will ever again suffer what Hiroshima and Nagasaki have suffered. These inter-faith conferences have all denounced nuclear dangers. Let us say here with conviction that Article Nine is inherently incompatible with nuclear weapons. First, it is clearly unacceptable under Article Nine for Japan to possess nuclear weapons. Indeed, a more flagrant violation of the constitution is hard to imagine. Second, it is antithetical under Article Nine for Japan to accept that the monstrous weapons used against it should ever be used on its behalf against others. Yet this is what Japan accepts in the US strategy of extended nuclear deterrence policy. Third, it is hypocritical under Article Nine for the US to co-opt Japan into its own war plans and doctrines. The Asia we hope for an Asia where Article Nine is working properly must be an Asia that is free of nuclear weapons. A Japan threatened by nuclear weapons is not a Japan at peace. A Japan dependent on nuclear weapons is a Japan living in fear and at constant risk. This is true for Japan, and true for its neighbours. 015

18 We are an inter-religious conference. Let us listen to some words of faith on this topic from the Busan Assembly: The WCC Assembly stated that to use the energy of the atom in ways that threaten and destroy life is a sinful misuse of God s creation. Christians are to understand God as a generous Creator who calls life into being from atoms and molecules and endows creation with life in abundance. We believe that humanity is called to live in ways that protect life instead of putting it at risk neither living fearfully, defended by nuclear weapons, nor living wastefully, dependent on nuclear energy. Our task is to build communities and economies in harmony with God s manifold gifts of life, the Assembly said. In the 1990s, when the Sahtu-Dene people of northern Canada learned that uranium from their lands had been used in the bombs that destroyed Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945, they sent a delegation of elders to Japan to apologize. We must listen to all who suffer nuclear harm. The voices of the hibakusha, the pi-pok-ja, and the test site victims in the Pacific and central Asia cry out for an exodus from the nuclear age. And now these are joined by the victims of nuclear disaster in another form, Fukushima. We must refuse to accept that the mass destruction of other peoples can be a legitimate form of protection for ourselves. God sets before us life and death, blessings and curses. God implores us, Now choose life, so that we and our children may live. The Assembly quoted a recent faith declaration of a group of Korean Christians: We urgently proclaim the need not for the security of the status quo of nuclear-armed states but for the securing of life for all humanity and creation, they said. Let us all pray and work together for that securing of life. Progress is possible. The WCC is blessed with a network of churches which take a step-by-step approach to protecting life and building peace. This ecumenical network is helping to unite more and more governments behind a joint statement at the United Nations which says in part: It is in the very interests of the survival of humanity that nuclear weapons are never used again under any circumstances. 155 governments have now joined. Japan s yes vote is widely appreciated. These joint actions are part of a groundswell of support for delegitimizing nuclear weapons and ultimately banning them for their catastrophic humanitarian impact. 016

19 The WCC is grateful for member church representatives in Japan and Korea who help lobby their governments in this way, and for collaboration with Buddhist partners pursuing the same results. Next week in Vienna, Japan will join some 150 governments in the latest of a series of groundbreaking conferences on the humanitarian impact of nuclear weapons. Because these conferences are fact-based and multi-disciplinary, they challenge the dominant paradigm of nuclear deterrence and are giving rise to healthy concern among the nuclear armed states. It is important that Japan continues to take part in these conferences and helps them succeed. If Article Nine is incompatible with nuclear weapons, it is also incompatible with the collective failure to abolish nuclear weapons, a failure in which Japan shares. Ecumenical progress along this path of peace affirms and validates Article Nine. After the 1983 WCC Assembly in Vancouver, Canada, churches played key roles in a successful campaign to make the South Pacific a Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone. Following a WCC recommendation at the 2006 Assembly in Brazil, WCC churches helped make Africa a Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone. Now the Busan Assembly has called on the churches to Ensure the complete, verifiable and irreversible elimination of all nuclear weapons in North East Asia. As many of you know, this is the goal of long-standing proposals for a Northeast Asia Nuclear-Weapon-Free Zone. It is a difficult proposition, but it is not a dream. A just and sustainable peace in the region will be a peace where neighbouring states no longer threaten each other with mass destruction, as they have for the past 60 years. It is our conviction that Article Nine must be reaffirmed, not reinterpreted. It must be repositioned in the center of Japan s international relations, not relegated to the margins of national life. Article Nine is Japan s heritage and more. It is a lesson for all nations scarred by war, a corrective for all governments that indulge in confrontation. Article Nine is a healthy challenge for America, China, Korea and Russia as well as for Japan. More and more religious leaders must rally around this pillar for peace, in Asia and beyond. 017

20 日本国憲法九条 - 北東アジアの平和の礎アジアとアジアを越えて オラフ トヴェウィト牧師世界教会協議会総幹事第 4 回九条世界宗教者会議にむけて 2014 年 12 月 3 日 概論と多宗教間活動への賛辞 世界教会協議会から皆様にご挨拶申し上げます 第 4 回九条世界宗教者会議のために こうして東京にいることは紛れも無く光栄なことです 世界教会協議会は 東京 ソウル 沖縄で行われた過去 3 回の会議に参加させていただいたことに感謝をしております これらの会議は タイムリーで非常に重要なものでした 第二次世界大戦の 70 年後 会議は憲法九条に新たな命を吹き込みました 会議はアジアや世界の異なる宗教 異なる文化のこころとマインドをコミュニティの平和と和解をもたらす課題に集中させるものです 今年の 7 月に WCC 中央委員会は 第九条に関する政策方針を採択しました WCC は 九条が平和を愛する国としての戦後日本のイメージに貢献してきたこと 日本にとって外交的資産となっていること 近隣諸国との関係を再構築することを助けてきたこと 海外の危機における非軍事貢献してきたことを挙げました WCC の宣言文は 第二次世界大戦中に日本軍によって強制的に性奴隷にされた女性の悲劇的な歴史は 戦争に対する憎悪と 無実でか弱い人々の生活に及ぼす破壊的な影響を常に思い出させるもの としてあげています 中央委員会は 第九条を再解釈又は変更しようとする日本政府のイニシアティブに対して 重大な懸念を表明しました WCC は この憲法上の禁止事項が弱められることは地域の安全保障を損なうと警告しました そして 日本政府に九条の文言と精神を尊重するように呼びかけました WCC は日本政府に平和憲法を生き 北東アジアのすべての隣接国と非軍事的集団安全保障協定を構築するよう強く促しています 第九条を弱めるために外部からの圧力に降伏しないように奨励しています WCC の声明は 九条は日本政府が戦争時の過ちを繰り返さないための日本の誓いであると明言しています その声明は 日本は本当に平和な国になることを期待して平和憲法を擁護 している日本の教会や団体を賞賛しています そして 2014 年 8 月 4 日に WCC 議長の CHANG サン博士率いる教会の代表団は 仏教の指導者を含めて 日本政府の官房長官を訪問し 第九条声明文と文と核のない世界に向けての新しい WCC 声明文を贈りました 官房長官は 会見に応じてくださいました 彼は福島の災害の後の WCC と日本の教会の支援に感謝を表しました 彼は世界的な条件の著しい変化により九条の枠組みの中でのみ集団的自衛権を行使することを日本政府は考えており その自己防衛は限られた方法でしか行使されないと述べました 世界平和と戦後の自由と民主主義に対する考え方は変更されていないと述べました 現在の傾向 北東アジアの傾向は確かに平和構築と集団的安全保障のための強固な政府の行動が非常に必要とされて 018

21 いることを示しています どの国を見ても 厄介な問題があります 軍事的能力を高める広範囲かつ高価なプログラムがあります アジアへの米国の重心的移動は軍事力のグローバル展開における厄介な長期的シフトです 北東アジアにおける日本の印象は より軍事的性格を帯びたものになってきています 日本の領土で米軍の足あとは 第二次世界大戦以来 とても重いものです 2012 年九条会議が沖縄で学んだように アップグレードされています その会議に参加したアナリストの一人は 平和憲法を破壊している新ミサイル防衛システムを トロイの木馬 と呼んでいました ミサイル防衛がトロイの木馬であるのなら 韓国の済州島に建設された海軍基地は 最新の馬小屋です その新たな基地に対する教会と市民社会の抵抗は 釜山の WCC 総会で注意を喚起しました 北朝鮮の特有の敵意と 中国と相互疑念は容易に軍事化を正当化するために利用することができます しかし そのような緊張は 実際に関係を正常化するための機会として使用する必要があります 良い志を持った人々は 信頼を作り出す方法 公正な商業的なつながり 古い紛争を解決するための交渉するよう より大きな地域でのコミットメントを呼びかけなければなりません それどころか 私たちは日本の武器輸出規制の緩和 日本の軍事上の文民当局の弱体化 自己防衛の一方的なスキームに参加するように日本にかかるプレッシャーを目撃しています 危機が発生した場合は いわゆる自衛隊が米国と並んで軍事作戦の多種多様な使命を帯びています これらは 憲法九条の問題です これらは 分析され 地域でだけでなく 全国的に理解されなければなりません その背後にあるビッグパワーのライバル関係は フィリピンと南シナ海 および DMZ に沿って明らかです その影響は 基地契約 地域の武器販売と領土紛争の激化に見られています 憲法九条の平和条項は 歴史的です それらを弱める現在の圧力が深く懸念されています 行動が言葉にまさるものなら 憲法九条を課した国の行動は 既に九条を書き換えています 一般市民の心の中では こんなメッセージが見られるのかもしれません そう 日本よ あなたは今もまだ外交政策の道具として戦争を利用すべきではない しかし 私達は あなたが私達の戦争を自分たちのものとしてほしいと思っています あなたはその義務を果たさねばなりません その間 私達は核兵器であなたを保護することを継続し あなたの土地と他の同盟国の土地を我々の軍事基地のために使用し続けます つまり あなたは 武力を外交政策の道具として利用しますが それはとりもなおさず 私たちの外交政策なのです まだ完成していない柱 石で大きな建物を建てる場所では 柱が不可欠な要素です 現場又は採石場で 時々半分まで終わっている柱を見かけます 地面に横たわっている岩のブロックは 片方は荒削りですが もう一方の端は綺麗に柱に彫刻が施されています 時には 柱のてっぺんには既に装飾が刻まれている場合もあります このイメージの中に九条のたとえ話が含まれています 1947 年の九条の採択は 平和憲法の驚くべき生きた記念碑として石の柱に彫刻を施したもののようでした 憲法九条は非常に破壊的な戦争の後の建設的な成果でした 柱は直立しましたが 作業が終了していません 憲法九条 およびその基礎のベースは まだ終わっていないのです これらの他宗教会議は 憲法九条が平和の柱となることを完了するために必要となると確信を示しています 日本国内と海外の宗教コミュニティは 平和憲法を弱めることを日本政府に期待していません 日本が憲法九条から離れることを受け入れることはできません むしろ 私たちは日本がこの地域の平和のための柱として そしてそれを更に超えて 憲法九条に従っていくことを期待しています 責任ある政府が無視することができるものは第九条では何もありません 第九条と同じ時代に書かれた国連憲章は 戦争を行使するための絶対的な権利を付与するものではありません それは 武力行使せ 019

22 ずに国際紛争を解決するようすべての国に義務付けています また 社会福祉や公共の利益から軍隊と戦争の行使へ資源を流用することを最小限にするよう呼びかけています 私たちは 日本が憲法九条に従うことを期待しています 我々は 日本は他の国の行為に影響を与える前向きな例になるということを確信しているのです 平和のための柱 過去の回復 憲法九条は 過去を癒し 現在を導き 未来を形作るのに有効ですので 北東アジアの平和のための柱として機能することができます 過去の多くは戦争 強姦 略奪と占領のトラウマ的な影響に耐えていた地域に癒やされないまま残っています 憲法九条は困難な状況にあります この未完成の柱は異なる角度 勝者の正義 敗北のペナルティ 癒しをもたらす歴史的な賭けとして見ることができます 国全体で戦争をし 原子爆弾までも使用したその国が戦争に勝利した時点でそのようなことを二度と繰り返さないと約束させることはどんなメッセージを送っているのでしょうか? きっとあいまいなメッセージでしょう そこで敗戦国が学ぶことはむしろ 意図したものとは逆の教訓となる可能性が最も高いのではないでしょうか? 征服者の戦略を採用する 時間は満ちるまで待つ そして 復讐できる機会を探す というものでしょう しかし 日本が第二次世界大戦で征服した国のための第九条が持つ癒しの力を理解することは難しいことではありません 加えて 憲法九条が日本国内で非常に幅広く支持されていることに注意することが重要です 多くの市民が 暴力の連鎖を壊し 反射的な復讐を拒否し 狭いナショナリズムの破壊的なダイナミクスを拒否する智慧を認識しています 私たちは 平和への共通したコミットメントにたいして宗教的信念や一般市民の関わりが果たす役割に感謝をしていきたいと思います 九条に対して憤慨し 自国の名誉の汚れとして その終焉を楽しみにする それはそれで一般的な人間性です 暴力的な過去を生き抜いている人々は 将来の暴力の育てることにとって 肥沃な土壌となります つらい思いさせる社会は平和の種を成長させるには乏しい土壌なのです 冷戦は北東アジアが第二次世界大戦から適切に回復していくことを凍結させました 冷戦は長い間続きましたが それは終わりました 憲法九条は 時代を先取りしていたかもしれませんが 生き残っています 今日では 東アジアが世界の中心として浮上してきており 憲法九条が確実に平和のための中心的な柱となる時が来たのです WCC 総会声明文 平和の道へ では 憲法九条と一致する声で戦争の代替についてこう述べています 国家間の平和のために 国際的な人権と人道法を強化し 衝突を解決する多国間交渉を促進し 条約保護を保証する責任を政府に保持させ 大量破壊兵器を排除することを助け 不必要な軍事予算を民間の必要とするところに再分配する要求していくために 教会は 協働しなければならない 私達は 国の軍事能力を削減し 戦争施設を非合法化するために 他の信仰のコミュニティや良い志の人々の輪に参加していく必要があります これらの言葉は 憲法九条の精神を呼び起こします たとえその起源が政治と覇権の企てにあったとしても 第九条は 戦争で荒廃した地域が その恐ろしい過去からの回復を支援するための柱となります 現在を導く 憲法九条が 北東アジアの時事問題のためのガイドとして機能しなければならない一つの場所があれ 020

23 ば それは朝鮮半島です 朝鮮半島は占領と分裂に 1 世紀以上に耐えてきました 韓国の人々は 彼らの忍耐 努力と創意工夫 たゆまぬ献身のために幅広い国際的な認知を得ていますが 現時点ではまだ平和で報われていません 釜山の WCC 総会で 我々は 平和と朝鮮半島の統一について という総会声明文のなかで平和のためのエキュメニカルで多宗教間の関わりの長い歴史を認識しました 私たちは 北朝鮮と韓国の教会の指導者 アジア 北米 ヨーロッパからの他の教会が関与し クリスチャン 仏教の協力を含め 継続してより多くのそのような取り組みが行われることを推奨します このような取り組みは憲法九条の精神と調和した市民社会を示しています 朝鮮半島において 人類共通の安全保障と人権は 分裂や競争 軍事国家安全保障よりも優先すべきである と総会は宣言しました 宣言文では 休戦協定に関連する国が合意した平和条約の 新鮮で断固たる行動 を呼びかけました それは 平和フォーラムを行うという六者会談の約束を参加者に想起させました 長い間保留になっている合意に到達するための進行役を中国が務めるように呼びかけています 声明文は 核兵器の備蓄を含むその領域における軍事強化を非難しました 私達は 米国と日本にたいして 朝鮮半島のすべての軍事演習を停止し 周辺地域の軍事費を減らし 朝鮮民主主義人民共和国に対する封鎖と制裁を停止するよう 強く促し ました 我々は 韓国の 真の非武装地帯 が国際協力を得て 半島を平和な地域に変換するだろうと呼びかけました これが憲法九条を用いた地理学です 多くのことが 釜山以来起こっています 北朝鮮と韓国からの教会の指導者は 平和 和解と統一に関する国際協議のため 6 月にジュネーブにやって来ました 新しい関係が始まりました ドアが再び開かれたのです WCC が平壌の朝鮮基督教連盟を訪問するという重要なフォローアップのステップが 10 月にありました 将来を形成する 最後に 第九条に秘められた義務は北東アジアと更にそれを超えて未来を形作るのに役立ちます 私たちは 特に世界で誰も再び広島と長崎が受けた苦しみを受けることがないよう より安全な未来を構築するために 1 つの具体的な機会を見てみましょう これらの宗教間会議は すべての核の危険を非難しています 私たちは憲法九条が核兵器とは本質的に互換性がないということを信念を持ってここで宣言しましょう まず 日本が第九条の下で核兵器を保有することは明らかに受け入れられません これ以上 憲法を冒涜する行為は考え難いでしょう 第二に 九条の下 日本にたいして使用された巨大な兵器が 他の誰かにたいして使用されるべきであるということ受け入れるのは 九条下にある日本の対極にあることです しかし これが アメリカの拡張された核抑止政策戦略を日本が受け入れた とういことです 第三に 米国が独自の戦争計画や教義のために日本を協働させようとするのはの第九の下で偽善的であります 我々が期待する第九条が正常に機能しているアジアは 核兵器のない場所でなければなりません 核兵器の脅威にさらされている日本は平和な日本ではありません 核兵器に依存している日本は恐怖と恒常的な危険の中に生きています これは隣国にとっても 日本にとっても真実です 私たちは 多宗教間の会議です 私たちは釜山総会からこのトピックに関する信仰のいくつかの言葉に耳を傾けてみましょう :WCC 総会は命を脅かし 破壊する方法で原子のエネルギーを使用することは 神の創造の罪深い誤用であると述べました クリスチャンは 原子や分子からも命を呼び出し 豊かに命の創造を与えてくださる寛大な創造主として神様を理解しています 021

24 人類が核兵器によって守られ 恐る恐る生き また原子力エネルギーに依存して 無駄に生きるように 命を危険に晒すのではなく 命を守る方法を生きるように召しだされていると私達は信じています 我々の仕事は 神の多様な命の賜物と社会や経済の調和を構築することだ と会議は宣言しました 1990 年台 カナダ北部の Sahtu-Dene の人々が 彼らの土地から算出されたウランが 1945 年に広島と長崎を破壊した爆弾に使用されていたことを知り 謝罪のために 日本へ長老の代表団を派遣しました 我々は核の被害に苦しむすべての人に耳を傾ける必要があります 被爆者 PI-POK-JA 太平洋および中央アジアの試験場の被害者の声が核時代からの脱出を叫んでいます そして今 これらは別の形で 福島の原子力災害の犠牲者によってつなぎ合わされています 私たちは 自分たちを守るために他の人々の命が大量に破壊されることが正当な形であると受け入れることを拒否しなければなりません 神は私たちの前に 生と死 祝福と呪いを置いてくださっています 神は私たちと私たちの子供たちが生きることができるように 今 命を選びなさい と切にお望みです 総会は韓国人キリスト教徒のグループの最近の信仰宣言を引用し 私たちは緊急に核武装国の現状の確保のためではなく すべての人間性と創造物のための命を守ることの必要性を宣言する と述べました 私たちすべてが 共に祈り 命を守る のために協働していきましょう 進歩は可能なのです WCC は 命を守り 平和を構築する一歩一歩のアプローチを取っている教会のネットワークです このエキュメニカルネットワークは 国連での共同声明を背後とし より多くの政府が団結することに貢献しています 共同声明はこのように述べています " 核兵器がどのような状況下でも再び使用されることはないということは人類の存亡にとって非常に有益であります 155 政府が現在参加しています 日本の肯定的な姿勢は広く評価をされています これらの共同行動は 核兵器の非合法化と壊滅的 人道的影響のために最終的に禁止をしていく支援の高まりの一部です WCC は このように政府に働きかけて 仏教のパートナーたちとともに同じ結果を求めながら共同している日本と韓国のメンバー教会の代表者に感謝しています 来週はウィーンで 日本は核兵器の人道的な影響に関する画期的な会議に 150 の政府とともに参加します これらの会議は 事実に基づいた学際的なものであるため 核による抑止の支配的な枠組みに挑戦し 核武装国の中にも少なからず懸念を生じさせるものです 日本はこれらの会議に参加し続け それらが成功するよう手助けしていくことが重要です 憲法九条と核兵器とが相容れないものであるならば 核兵器を廃止できない集団的な失敗とも相容れないものであると言えましょう 平和の道に沿ったエキュメニカルな進展は憲法九条を確約し 確証します 1983 年にカナダのバンクーバーで行われた WCC 総会の後 教会は 南太平洋を非核地帯にするキャンペーンの成功に重要な役割を果たしました ブラジルの 2006 年総会で WCC 勧告に続いて WCC の教会は アフリカに非核兵器地帯を作る手助けをしました 今 釜山総会では 北東アジアのすべての核兵器の 完全な検証可能かつ不可逆的な排除を確証する ために教会に呼びかけています 皆さん御存知の通り これは北東アジア非核兵器地帯のための長年の提案の目標であります それは困難な命題ですが それは夢ではありません この地域における公正で持続可能な平和は 彼らが過去 60 年間経験したような 隣接の国々がもはや 大量破壊で互いに脅かすこのとのない平和です 022

25 憲法九条を再解釈ではなく 再確認されなければならないというのが私達の信念です それは国民の日常生活の片隅に追いやられるべきものではなく 日本の国際関係の中心に再配置する必要があります 九条は日本の伝統 そして それ以上のものです それは 戦争によって傷ついすべての国民の学びであり 対立に溺れるすべての政府を正すものです 憲法九条は日本のためだけではなく アメリカ 中国 韓国 ロシアにとっても有益な挑戦です 宗教指導者は アジア そしてそれを超えて 平和のために さらに一層平和の柱を中心に結集しなければなりません 023

26 Article 9 as a New Discipline toward Civic State for Peace Asia Tokyo Prof. YI Kiho, Hanshin University Thank you for giving me the opportunity to speak from the Korean perspective, at this very valuable conference, where religious people from the world gather to share from their countries, the spirit of the peace constitution. Next year will mark the 70th year from the emancipation of the Korean peninsula. It is the 70th year after Japan s defeat, and the 60th year from the Korean War. The Korean peninsula is still marked by the scars of division, which gets played out in anticommunist ideology and the nuclear issue of North Korea. And next year also marks the 50th year from the normalization of relations between Korea and Japan. However, the issue related to the differences in interpreting history has caused recent relations between the two countries to take a step backwards. As I prepared this talk, I found myself wondering how we can make a step towards a history of peace and friendship. Taking another view, next year is also the 60th year since the Bandung Conference. I try to imagine what it must have been like at the time, in Bandung Indonesia, where, with the independence of Asia and Africa, leaders tried to fulfil their dreams of building nation states. Unfortunately, the spirit of Bandung ended in a statement, and the realities of politics did diminished its effectiveness, but I believe that the spirit of Bandung still lives with us. Today I want to share with you a story from Korea, and connect the spirit of Article 9 with the Bandung Conference, and through that, to share together our dreams for Asia. There are many interpretations of the history of how the Japanese constitution was created, but we need to focus on the point that it comes from a reflection or selfexamination that a war the likes of what human history has never experienced should never be repeated again. And even more important, that the victors of the war, required of the defeated nation, a humiliating article, to renounce the use of weapons and to have a military but it is also true, that with the passage of time, the importance of this and the symbolic significance has increased. Because of this, Article 9 has become, not a symbol of a heartless nation state, but has become a principle for those of us wishing for peace and hope not only for Japan, but for all nations and even further, that it must be the principle for nations in the 21st Century. 024

27 That Article 9 must be protected, in other words, the situation now that Japan is trying to revise the constitution, is indeed a crisis for us. Our society has a exclusive and discriminatory nationalism, and is becoming more rightist. And I am most concerned that this fascist like logic is growing naturally, and especially gaining hold among the young generation, who are have lost hope in society. The exclusionist nationalism in Korea has a deep connection to the division of the Korean peninsula. The system of a divided Korea is not only based on the system of the US-Japan Alliance, but also strengthened by the divided system in Asia. The Korean War was not only an internal war of ideology among the same ethnic group but also was a proxy war for the US-Soviet Cold War System. That Korea helped the US in the Vietnam War is connected in the same vein. However, it is not that the south and north have not made efforts for reconciliation and cooperation. In 1991, the South and North both joined the UN and passed the Basic Law on South/North Relations and agreed on the denuclearization of the Korean peninsula. In 2000, the first top level summit was held since the division. In the west, efforts have been made to cooperate economically, and in the east, through shared tourism at Kumgang Mountain, but these efforts were not successful with only the efforts of south and north. This is because, the problems of the Korean peninsula are definitely effected by international order with the US at the center. Ever since 9.11, 2001, North Korea was named Axis of Evil and with the North withdrawing from the NPT and conducting nuclear tests, the Korean-US-Japan military alliance became stronger. When the 6-party talks were held to address this problem, they came upon some limits to implementations, the north started nuclear development, the military expenses of 6 party nations continued to grow, and now has surpassed twothirds of the military expenses of the entire world. Everyone now talks about the Pivot to Asia, and is trying to extend economic relations, but at the same time is trying to expand and strengthen and also legitimate the military alliance. The Abe administration is in effect disabling Article 9, pushing through collective selfdefense, insisting on its legitimacy, and the US not only is welcoming this but is stressing the construction of the THADD missile defense system and the tri-country alliance. Therefore, the alliance with US as leader needs an enemy and so is reproducing the 025

28 division of Asia with the Korean peninsula at the core of this system. And at the same time, the rightward leaning of Korean society is combined with the segregationalism and reconstructing the anti-communist ideology. Let me give one recent case as example: This fall at an opening ceremony at the Asian Games in Inchon, the top 3 leaders of North Korea came to Korea, and high level talks were held. As it were, a sports event made possible a chance for reconciliation and cooperation, a very symbolic action that the south also welcomed. However, just afterwards, a conservative group distributed defamatory leaflets and fanned the flames of north south tensions. The human rights issues of north Korea were presented to the UN and the North took this as an infringement of sovereignty, while the South claimed this as a victory of foreign policy, escalating the two countries collision. From this sense, the Korean government is extending its war strategy and firming up the military dependency on the US, and at the same time strengthening the alliance diplomacy. I cannot fail to mention another incident, of a completely different character. I speak of this past year s most tragic incident; the sinking of the ferry, Sewol. Of the 476 people who were aboard, 295 lost their lives and 9 are still missing. Especially sad was the fact that 85% of the dead, 242 people (not including those missing), were high school students on school excursions. The entire nation was devastated by the fact that these children s lives ended before they had a chance to bloom, and mourned their deaths as a nation. What shocked us even more, perhaps, was that the Sewol tragedy brought to light our rot as a society, our indifference to safety, and the deplorable unresponsiveness of our government. Not only did the government act as if all hope was already lost, even during the 7hrs and 20min before the ship finally sank, it made a scapegoat of Sewol s captain and failed to address basic questions about the government s safety problems. Next February will mark the 20th remembrance of the Hanshin-Awaji, or Kobe Earthquake. It was very clear to us then, the answer to the question; who can save us? It was neighbor s, people living near home, who helped each-other. The 2011 earthquake of North-East Japan, and the following disaster of Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Power Plant showed us just how much we are exposed to dangers in society, and the role that the state plays in allowing dangers to invade our lives. The point I wish to make is not that we must cross-examine the responsibilities of government. The structures of vested interest and unjust corruption have become so 026

29 entrenched and systematized, I think it would be very difficult to create a new regime, no matter who seizes the government. I believe it is necessary, even if it means starting today, to gather our ideas and wisdom to identify the fundamental principles of society and statehood necessary to create a safe, peaceful and happy society. At a symposium held in Korea in 1998, the recently deceased professor Sakamoto Kazuyoshi proposed the building of a civic government. This has remained an important concept for me, but I have come to define this in terms of a civic state, and to think of what would be the necessary elements to include in the constitution of a civic state. I believe Article 9 would be a core principle that forms a civic state. Let us turn our attention back to the Bandung Conference. The Korean War ended in 1953 and the war of independence in Viet Nam ended in 1954, bringing to Asia an end of war in Before ever experiencing modern statehood, many nations of Asia, Africa and the Americas were colonized under European and Japanese imperialism, then, after the Second World War, suffered through large and small civil wars and regional conflicts. The fact that leaders from across Asia and Africa, whose nations had emerged from conflict, who dreamed of new statehood, gathered together to share this dream, was a great thing. But the great hope of the Bandung Declaration was emasculated by the cold war framework which followed, and this led the world into another system of segmentation. We re-examine the content of Bandung conference, because their dream in 60 years ago has become even hope for us now. 10 principles which were presented in "declaration for world peace and international cooperative promotion" at the time, is more urgent now. Out of the 10 principles, first one gives highest regards to basic human rights, and aims to eliminate the aggressive behavior by arms, which is in the same manner as Article 9 does. I hope to be able to put that principle from what we discussed together gathered today by reflecting on the basic elements of the Constitution based on humanism. As mentioned before, because nation-state" is riding in the context of the global rightward and it is turning in an exclusive nationalism, it is difficult to create changes in our society without fundamental reflection of state and principles. In Northeast Asia, where the Korean Peninsula issue is existing, it is very difficult to start from dramatic scenes such as the wall of Brandenburg in Because, the 027