Urbanization, Housing Problems and Residential Land Conflicts in Zambia

Transcription

1 Japanese Journal of Human Geography (Jimbun Chiri) Vol. 69 No. 1 (2017) DOI: /jjhg.69.01_073 Urbanization, Housing Problems and Residential Land Conflicts in Zambia ZULU Richard 1 * and OYAMA Shuichi 2 (Received on 11 October, 2016; Accepted on 7 January, 2017) I Introduction II History and Current Framework for Land Administration III Urban Context and Housing Supply in Zambia IV Statutory Housing Areas and Urban Residential Land Conflicts V Addressing Conflicts over Residential Land VI Discussion 1 Housing problems associated with unplanned urbanization 2 Informal sector initiatives and residential land conflicts Abstract Disparity in the patterns of development between rural and urban areas in Zambia has resulted in very high rural-urban migration with a lack of corresponding effort to provide appropriate housing in the expanding urban regions. This paper analyses the history of land administration, urban housing problems, and residential land conflicts in Zambia during the era of economic liberation and land commercialisation. A major problem is the fact that about 80% of national housing in Zambia is located in informal and unplanned settlements. Provision of services such as water, electricity, and sanitation in unplanned settlement areas is inadequate, resulting in floods and diseases such as cholera and dysentery. Zambia has experienced a critical shortage in housing since independence in 1964 when barriers to rural-urban migration were eliminated. The Zambian government enacted the 1995 Land Act, with the aim of stimulating the accumulation of capital and reducing poverty in the nation, and this significantly impacted land ownership and urban housing. The housing sector in Zambia is largely driven by self-help housing initiatives, but many residents are unable to afford construction costs and land rent. A serious potential problem is the disruption of social order due to competition for urban residential land and the radical responses of urban residents to land requisition by administrative subrogation. Key words: housing, land grabbing, public-private partnership, rural-urban migration, self-help, Zambia 1 * Institute of Economic and Social Research (INESOR), University of Zambia richardzulu5@gmail.com 2 Center for African Area Studies, Kyoto University

2 74 Japanese Journal of Human Geography (Jimbun Chiri) Vol. 69 No. 1 (2017) I Introduction Rapid urbanization and housing problems have been prevalent for many years in sub-saharan Africa (Baker, 1974; Baker, 1986; van Western, 1995; Aldrich and Sandhu, 1995; Tait, 1997; Drakakis-Smith, 2000). The development of slum and squatter settlements in African countries is a direct manifestation of the high rates of urbanization (Kanyongo-Male, 1978; Obudho and Mhlanga, 1988; Halfani, 2001). Rural-to-urban migration has fuelled population growth in the major cities and caused extensive housing shortages, and responses such as unplanned and often illegal construction have increased significantly (Bahr and Jurgens, 2006). Zambia is a landlocked country in southern Africa and is one of the most urbanised countries in Africa; the urban population comprises 39% of the total (Republic of Zambia, 2010). Thus, urban areas in Zambia are faced with the challenge of accommodating the rapidly growing urban population in an inclusive way, providing them with adequate housing and basic services, while ensuring environmental sustainability, as well as enhancing development. The marked increase in the urban proportion of Zambia s population has meant that a large percentage of urban residents are living in unplanned urban settlements. The government of the former ruling party of Zambia, the Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD), promoted market-based approaches to land reform (Brown, 2005; Oyama, 2016), and prioritised economic liberalisation and introduction of foreign capital to tackle poverty. This policy was driven by the international community to accelerate the accumulation of capital and reduction of poverty in African nations. The Zambian government enacted the 1995 Land Act, which introduced new legislation on land use and land reforms with the aim of stimulating capital and reducing poverty (Brown, 2005). Moreover, this law was a condition for receiving debt relief from donor countries; however, land-market reform had a significant influence on land ownership and urban housing in Zambia. As identified in the Sixth National Development Plan (SNDP, ), the inadequate availability of affordable and decent housing in Zambia represents a major challenge for the Zambian government as it strives to provide adequate services to the entire population (Republic of Zambia, 2011). Zambia is experiencing a chronic housing shortage. The latest estimates by the Zambian government of the urban population to 2025 indicate that there will be a need for about 1.3 million new dwellings between 2011 and 2030, which represents one new dwelling every two minutes of the working day for a 19-year period (United Nations Human Settlements Programme, 2012). Urban areas form the epicentres of development in Zambia. Therefore, the management of urbanization by all concerned parties, including the provision of housing and residential land, plays a key role in shaping the country s future. This paper analyses the history of land administration, urban housing problems, and residential land conflicts in Zambia during the era of economic liberalisation and land commercialisation. II History and Current Framework for Land Administration Zambia became independent from British colonial authority in 1964, inheriting the colonial legacy in the land tenure system (Mvunga, 1980). A dichotomy in land tenure exists between customary and privately titled land

3 Urbanization, Housing Problems and Residential Land Conflicts in Zambia (ZULU and OYAMA) 75 in Zambia. British colonial authorities introduced political and tenure distinctions between Crown Land areas as European settlements, and the remaining customary land or tribal areas. Rural African residents were governed by chiefs and customary law, living on spatially distinct communal land. In contrast, white settlers and urban-dwelling citizens were governed by modern civil law, owning or renting private property. The regime of the first president, Kaunda, and the United National Independence Party (UNIP) focussed on economic socialism and nationalism. The government maintained many aspects of indirect policies from the period of British rule, including the role of chiefs in controlling customary land. The vast majority, 94%, of land was classified as customary land at the time of independence. Under the 1975 Land (Conversion of Titles) Act, all land in Zambia is vested to the President, in trust for the people of Zambia. The President delegated land administration to the Commissioner of Lands under the 1964 Statutory Instrument No. 7, and the 1975 Gazette Notice No amendment. Land in Zambia is divided into State Land (formerly Crown Land), Reserve, Trust Land, and Park and Reserves. The Act also abolished all freehold estates and abridged all interests in land to statutory leases of 99 years duration. All land in municipalities is also State Land. The larger municipalities now administer land independently under the 1976 Housing (Statutory and Improvement Areas) Act, as statutory land and housing land. Via this legislation, the state suppressed the land market, and sought to administer all leasehold land transfers directly. Land was deemed to have no intrinsic value, and only buildings and agricultural infrastructure could be bought and sold. New legislation in 1985 restricted land transfer to foreigners, except for investors and organisations certified by the President. In 1995, a new Land Act was enacted. This new act is divided into three main parts: Land Administration, Land Development Fund, and the Lands Tribunal. This act re-enforces that all land in Zambia is held by the President indefinitely on behalf of all Zambians. It allocates the authority to the President to bestow land to any Zambian, and states that he can only give land to a non-zambian when the specified conditions in the act are met. However, the President is not allowed to give customary land away, to either Zambians or non-zambians, unless the recipient of the land follows the customary law of that area, and consults the local chief and local authority (Oyama, 2016) and, if the land is in a game management area, the Director of the National Parks and Wildlife Service, (unless the person applying for the land has already done so) also consults with those currently occupying/using the land. The act incorporated a provision to allow customary land to be bought and sold on the open market. It also eased restrictions on foreigners buying up land, and allowed both Zambian and foreign investors to acquire private titles to former customary land by converting it to leasehold land. The act sought to free up the land market in a bid to increase productivity and attract domestic and foreign investments (Mpundu, 2006; Oyama, 2016). III Urban Context and Housing Supply in Zambia Before becoming a British colony, Northern Rhodesia (later Zambia) was under the administration of the British South African Company (BSAC) from 1899 to When the country was brought under British colonial rule, there were no major urban centres. The growth of a network of copper mines, which began as early as

4 76 Japanese Journal of Human Geography (Jimbun Chiri) Vol. 69 No. 1 (2017) 1906 with the gradual concentration of labour required by the mining industry, was the key factor contributing to Zambia s relatively long history of urbanization (McClain, 1978). Before independence, urban planning was based on the Town Planning Ordinance of 1929, although in practice, much of the urban planning activity in Lusaka was conducted on an ad hoc non-statutory basis (Rakodi, 1986). Lusaka was declared a city in 1960, but the City Council did not assume responsibility for planning until 1965 under the 1961 Town and Country Planning Act (Rakodi, 1987). Although Lusaka had been the administrative centre of Northern Rhodesia for 30 years, industrial development was concentrated in Southern Rhodesia and the Copperbelt, and only a few small-scale industries existed in Lusaka. The years following independence were marked not only by a rapid increase in employment in administrative and service positions, but also by economic diversification and expansion of the manufacturing sector at the end of the 1960s (Rakodi, 1987). In 1969, 28% of the total population lived in urban areas (Figure 1). During the first decade after independence, housing policies emphasised the construction of self-contained houses for renting to low-income households and civil servants, and the provision of serviced plots. The rate of urban growth was high, and adopted policies limited the administrative capacity, which was forced to absorb the rapidly growing populations in urban areas. More than a third of the urban population was accommodated in unauthorised areas, including as squatters. The evident failure of housing programmes, particularly the construction of complete houses, led to reconsideration of policy in the Second National Development Plan (Rakodi, 1992). The post-colonial period up to 1980 was an important time of change, resulting in the significant problems caused by urbanization that Zambia has experienced since the 1980s. The analytical report of the 1969 census stated that the major cause of the shift of the population to urban areas was the increase in employment opportunities due to the rapid expansion of the economy (Republic of Zambia, 1969). Figure 1. Proportion of urban population in Zambia by census year. Source: Republic of Zambia (1969, 1980, 1990, 2000 and 2010)

5 Urbanization, Housing Problems and Residential Land Conflicts in Zambia (ZULU and OYAMA) 77 However, an increased number of people in employment could not entirely explain the rapid growth in the urban population. The number of people working in urban areas was restricted by laws regulating males living alone at the time of the 1963 pre-independence population census (McClain, 1978). The families of these men generally stayed in the villages because employment in urban areas was not linked to the availability of family housing, as was the colonial policy. Both independence and the 1973 Constitution eliminated the barriers against migration to urban areas (McClain, 1978). Furthermore, owing to the improved housing conditions in urban areas as a result of the Second Zambian Development Plan from 1972 to 1976, a large number of families joined their bread-winner relatives in urban areas (Jules-Rosette, 1978). This resulted in a significantly higher influx of people to urban areas than would have been the case if the increase were only due to increased employment opportunities (Republic of Zambia, 1969). Most of the cities and towns in Zambia emerged in two zones (Figure 2). The first area was along the railway line constructed for the purpose of connecting the rich copper mines in the Katanga region of the then Belgian Congo to the South African ports, and the second zone was the Copperbelt, where towns and cities emerged around the copper mines. Other towns also emerged around administrative centres established for Figure 2. Road and railway networks in Zambia.

6 78 Japanese Journal of Human Geography (Jimbun Chiri) Vol. 69 No. 1 (2017) administering the large thinly populated territory. The urban population in Zambia was mostly concentrated in the cities and towns of the Copperbelt, and the towns around the copper mines grew most rapidly between 1945 and the immediate post-independence period (McClain, 1978; Mulenga, 2003). All of the urban areas faced infrastructure problems and severe resource constraints as well as limitations to their autonomy (Rakodi, 1992). Zambia s capital, Lusaka, contains squatter areas characterised as unauthorised settlements, recognised unauthorised settlements, and areas in which landowners have commonly collected small monthly payments from people who built structures that were in violation of planning regulations and building code requirements. In 1973, there were 8,214 high- and medium-cost housing units, 21,961 low-cost units, 4,988 self-help units, and 28,300 squatter units. All low-cost housing was eliminated by Lusaka City Council or the central government (Collins, 1978). Land acquisition could in most cases take place without cost to the central government by using a notice to yield possession, and reference to the Land Act s definition of unutilised land. Under these circumstances, no compensation was required to be paid (McClain, 1978). During the Third National Development Plan ( ) and Interim National Development Plan ( ), allocation of investment continued its previous bias towards high- and medium-cost housing, and focussed on the rising demand for accommodation for civil service employees. In , 13,162 squatter units were upgraded out of a target of 110,900 (Tait, 1997). Since 1980, assistance to squatters has been coupled with demands for their resettlement and conformation to higher standards for the dwellings. No provision has been made to improve or authorise buildings in the remaining illegal squatter areas, nor has adequate action been taken to accommodate the population growth of low-income households. During the twentieth century, employers, particularly the mines, and the local authorities were the major suppliers of housing. It was a requirement by law that housing was supplied as part of an employment contract, but it is important to note that the divisions between formal and informal housing only marginally reflected the occupational division between formal and informal workers (Tait, 1997). Squatter settlements housed newcomers and temporarily unemployed rural migrants, as well as the formal labour forces of skilled and unskilled manual workers. This requirement in employment contracts was eliminated, and each household became responsible for its own housing following the liberalisation reforms of the 1990s. This required a major shift in policy and the focus of government interventions, which did not take place due to the introduction of the Structural Adjustment Program. Much of the current housing supply is informal and poorly serviced. It is heavily concentrated into oneand two-bedroom units, as shown by the national census data on housing in Figure 3 (Republic of Zambia, 2010). We took the average household of five as an example to analyse the adequacy of the urban housing supply in Zambia. Ideally (and culturally), such a household would require three bedrooms, one for the parents, one for girls and one for boys. However, the majority of such five-member households have only one bedroom. Generally, the bedroom is used by the parents, and the children sleep in the kitchen or living room. A major problem in urban housing is that about 80% of the housing supply in Zambia is located in informal, unplanned residential settlements. This is considerably higher than the global average of 32% of the urban population living in slums (United Nations Human Settlements Programme, 2003). The provision of services such as clean water and sanitation in unplanned residential settlement areas

7 Urbanization, Housing Problems and Residential Land Conflicts in Zambia (ZULU and OYAMA) 79 Figure 3. Number of bedrooms in urban households. Source: Republic of Zambia (2010) is poor, resulting in floods and diseases such as cholera and dysentery. In an attempt to resolve the critical shortage of urban housing, the housing sector in Zambia is largely driven by individual and private sector initiatives. Although there are a few large private developers selling plots and/or constructing houses for highand medium-income clients, the main housing provision in urban Zambia occurs through households employing informal, small-scale builders. The provision of services such as garbage collection, water, and sanitation, which would normally be provided centrally, has fallen behind the pace of building. IV Statutory Housing Areas and Urban Residential Land Conflicts The law governing residential areas plays a key role in Zambia in the urban housing situation. According to Chapter 194 of the Laws of Zambia, the Housing (Statutory and Improvements Areas) Act: the Minister of Lands may by statutory order declare any area of land within the authority of a council as a Statutory Housing Area, and may at any time thereafter declare that the whole or part of the land comprised in the Statutory Housing Area shall cease to be part of a Statutory Housing Area (Republic of Zambia, CAP 194). This is provided that no land shall be declared as a Statutory Housing Area unless: such land is held by the council or by way of leasehold, or a grant has been made to the council in accordance with the provisions of the Zambia (State Lands and Reserves) Orders of 1928 to 1964 ; and a plan showing the particulars or details mentioned and duly approved by the Surveyor-General is deposited by the council with the Surveyor-General, the Commissioner of Lands, and with the Registrar of Lands and Deeds. It is in this context that local authorities exercise their powers within the towns and cities in which they operate to administer urban land acquisition for residential settlements. The government has wooed foreign investors into the country, offering land and tax breaks as inducements. The policy has been praised for helping bring about an annual growth rate of 5% over the past five years, cutting inflation to single digits, and appreciation of the local currency against foreign currencies. However, critics of

8 80 Japanese Journal of Human Geography (Jimbun Chiri) Vol. 69 No. 1 (2017) this approach have argued that the country s growth, including many environmental protection and tourism promotion programmes, has led to the eviction of residents from informal settlements when they were deemed to be in the way of investors, and that they have little or no hope of compensation from the government. The backlog in affordable public housing has compounded the problem and led to the spread of unplanned urban settlements in many urban areas of the country. The following cases demonstrate the reality of urban residential land conflict and land grabbing in Zambia. Case 1: The loss of land by urban residents to large-scale commercial development Mr. Z lost out to commercial development in the capital. His informal settlement was located on land that was allocated to the Chinese government for the construction of a Chinese economic zone. Mr. Z had lived in the settlement for many years and his children were grown up. They had been told to relocate to suburbs in the city, but they had nowhere to start this new life, with no land or house in the place to which they were relocated. Compensation was not offered by the government. The government did not prepare formal residential land for the residents because the land occupancy was illegal. Case 2: Urban land grabbing by top government official The Defence Minister, Mr. G, was accused of grabbing and selling land belonging to the Zambian army in an urban residential area in Lusaka. The army was planning to construct a stadium on the land, and the land was large enough to accommodate 10 football pitches. The land was also being demarcated by the party-ingovernment cadres who said that they had been given the land by Mr. G. The party cadres claimed that Mr. G had told them to build a school and a clinic on the land. However, further investigation indicated that even the cadres had been misled as Mr. G had actually sold the land to some businessmen. Ownership of the land was disputed within the government, and the cadres tried to take the land from the army themselves, but Mr. G managed to have his way, as he had already sold the land to some businessmen. Case 3: A football ground converted into residential land Residents of X area in Lusaka recently fought with cadres belonging to the governing party who wanted to demarcate a football pitch into residential plots to share among themselves. The party cadres arrived at the football ground around midday and started demarcating the ground to divide among themselves, but they were met by furious residents from the surrounding areas. The armed party cadres apparently tried to scare the residents, but were eventually outnumbered and forced to flee, leaving behind an assortment of weapons. The Minister of Sports, Mr. B, came to the aid of the residents, and protected the football ground from the party cadres who were intent on grabbing the land. The ground had produced many renowned football stars, some of whom had played for the national football team. The residents have vowed to continue protecting the sports ground, which was built in 1967, and the title deeds are now in the hands of the community.

9 Urbanization, Housing Problems and Residential Land Conflicts in Zambia (ZULU and OYAMA) 81 V Addressing Conflicts over Residential Land A serious potential problem in Zambia is the disruption of social order due to growing pressure over residential land as the population increases. It is crucial for the stability and growth of the country to find effective means to offset conflict over residential land. This section analyses local initiatives that have developed in resolving conflicts and maintaining co-existence. We discuss how this existing body of local initiatives and its related institutions might be employed in resolving or settling conflicts and enabling reconciliation. The following case demonstrates how the country is changing in terms of its vigilance over issues involving residential land, and its approach to conflict resolution in urban residential land conflicts. The police arrested a governing party ward councillor for N ward, Mr. A, for illegally selling a piece of land in his ward to two individuals, but the local party leadership was pushing for an out-of-court settlement with the complainants. The police explained that Mr. A had been apprehended earlier that week and had only been released on police bond following interventions by the Member of Parliament, Mr. B, and the Mayor, Mr. C, who were also linked to numerous dubious illegal land sales. There were complaints about political interference in matters that involved members of the governing party. This land dispute involved almost all of the governing party councillors. These councillors possessed a list of the corrupt land dealers, as did the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC), and even the local government ministry, but there was too much interference from the local party leadership, which led to some senior council officers being transferred or retired. The local civic authorities (municipalities) in Zambia are mandated to provide residential land in their towns and cities for both commercial and domestic purposes. The local authorities are run at the political level by elected councillors headed by a mayor. Since Zambia s political independence on 24 October, 1964, the councillors have been instrumental in allocating residential land, and the governing party had all of the authority and could not be challenged by anyone. However, the above case was interesting in the sense that the Patriot Front (PF) were the governing party, but the ward councillor for N ward, Mr. A, was arrested for illegally selling a piece of land. This indicates that a degree of opening up in the system in curbing and resolving such conflicts has now evolved in Zambia. Whereas previously, the governing party was untouchable, now the police are able to arrest anyone involved in illegal land dealings. Various measures have evolved in such a way that the proper procedures are encouraged to be followed in residential land allocation. The groups working to bring transparency and legality to housing and residential land acquisition through correct procedures include the following: Private citizens, who report malpractices to the relevant law enforcement agencies when they notice that correct procedures are not being followed. These citizens can include any person who notices that the law is being broken in terms of the acquisition of a piece of residential land. Civil society, which acts as lobbyists, such as the Zambia Land Alliance (ZLA) created by civil society organisations (CSOs), to facilitate effective citizen participation in the ongoing land debates in the country. The CSOs participate in meetings related to land issues and also write articles reflecting the concerns of civil society. The police, who apprehend culprits (now hopefully without consideration of political affiliation and status). The police are becoming increasingly politically non-partisan. In the past, the police would not apprehend anyone belonging to the governing party, even when they were clearly breaking the law in acquiring land.

10 82 Japanese Journal of Human Geography (Jimbun Chiri) Vol. 69 No. 1 (2017) The Zambian news media, which can report news without fear of any repercussions because of insulation against victimisation from people in positions of political authority by the ease of sharing information via the internet. Internet-based news media use any person who happens to be in a place where news is happening as their sources of information. Law enforcement agencies often follow up such stories and the culprits are held accountable, instilling a new sense of responsibility among the Zambian population, created by the awareness that someone is watching their actions. The judiciary, who prosecute culprits, now hopefully without consideration of political affiliation and status. The judiciary is moving towards greater independence as they prosecute cases and convict even those who belong to the governing party when they break the law. Opposition political parties, who ensure greater accountability by the governing party, raising any concerns over land issues when they feel that they may not be in the best interests of the urban poor if it is land for their housing. VI Discussion 1 Housing problems associated with unplanned urbanization Migration trends in Zambia have led to high population growth in urban areas without corresponding improvements in infrastructure for the provision of services, such as housing. Towns and cities have continued to attract large number of people from rural areas. The high levels of migration into the cities can be attributed to a more diversified economy, relatively better access to social services, and employment opportunities, but this has not been matched by growth in and quality of housing. Unplanned urban settlements in Zambia owe their origins to the neglect of provision of low-cost public housing, which had started to be built during the colonial period. Successive governments after independence have failed to come up with a permanent solution to the provision of adequate housing in rapidly growing urban environments. Although the 1974 Improvement Areas Act has shown that the critical housing shortage can be best resolved with the involvement of the residents of the squatter areas, the government does not seem to have grasped the key lessons that should have been learnt from the upgrading projects (Mulenga, 2003). However, the major lesson that can be learnt from the experience of the upgrading projects is that participatory approaches are more likely to deliver decent housing at an affordable cost to both individuals and the government (Muller, 1978), whereas the traditional public provision of low-cost housing has failed to deliver improved housing for the bulk of the population, especially in the period from 1966 to 1970, when large amounts of public resources were devoted to the provision of public housing. A significant challenge confronting unplanned urban settlements is sustainable provision of essential infrastructure and services, as well as effective solid waste management. This indicates the increasing need for new technologies to be employed to address these issues (OECD, 2002). Additional issues, which are generally more difficult to visualise, are insecurity and overcrowding. The rapid urban population growth largely due to rural-urban migration is also causing serious land shortages, especially for urban residential housing, cemeteries, and the disposal of solid waste. Land for new housing is

11 Urbanization, Housing Problems and Residential Land Conflicts in Zambia (ZULU and OYAMA) 83 also required in many of the urban settlements that were upgraded about thirty years ago. This is because most urban land has been used intensively to the extent where there are no free areas for adequate waste disposal, gardening or even new pit latrines. This has led to urban land conflicts such as the aforementioned Cases 1, 2 and 3. The development of effective solutions to the problems faced by the residents of unplanned urban settlements requires serious effort by more proactive and progressive leadership at all levels of decision-making. As mentioned in previous studies (Okpala, 1986; Rakodi, 1987), centralisation in Zambia has not proven ineffective in achieving policy objectives at the local level. More autonomous local authorities are desirable with full control over the affairs of the urban areas, including their finances and management (Mulenga, 2003). However, such comprehensive and fundamental democratic decentralisation of local authorities requires acceptance by those who wield political power. A decentralised local authority is more likely to be responsive to the needs and concerns of ordinary residents and the plight of the poor. The effort required to provide millions of dwellings in sub-saharan Africa has the potential to generate a large number of job opportunities directly in construction for the present generation entering the workforce (Tipple, 1994). The government needs to create an enabling environment that can support an increase in the housing supply, improve the living environment in urban settlements and leverage the role of public-private partnerships to support the self-help housing efforts and initiatives of the urban poor. 2 Informal sector initiatives and residential land conflicts The role of housing in national development policies in African countries has passed through three main phases, from an emphasis on state-built public housing, through an aided self-help phase, to a more effective management of services and infrastructure (Stren, 1990). During the Third and Interim National Development Plan ( ), the Zambian government continued to invest in high- and medium-cost housing to accommodate civil service employees. The provision of the bulk of low-cost housing remains very heavily dependent on informal sector initiatives in Zambia. In fact, local authorities are only involved to a very limited extent, in their attempts to provide piped water and electricity. However, garbage collection is almost non-existent, and only exists in wealthier urban neighbourhoods where individual residents through their own initiatives sometimes engage private contractors for garbage disposal. This situation, where the provision of urban housing is so heavily dependent on informal sector initiatives, has led to the springing up of unplanned urban settlements in many urban centres in Zambia. Initially, residents took advantage of available empty spaces and started building using self-initiative. With the passage of time, local authorities began to recognise some of these informal urban settlements. In an attempt to improve the situation, the local authorities began providing piped water in the settlements that they recognised, and the Zambia Electricity Corporation (ZESCO) also installed electricity to those houses where the owners could afford to pay for the service. The issue of land grabbing as urban residents search for more residential land is rooted in this situation. Residential land conflicts in the urban areas of Zambia have arisen from the self-help housing approach, which has been heavily relied on as a solution to housing the urban poor. Between 1974 and 1980, the lowest

12 84 Japanese Journal of Human Geography (Jimbun Chiri) Vol. 69 No. 1 (2017) waged 30% of public sector employees received 1.8% of total housing subsidies, while the top 10% received 45% (Sanyal, 1981). Derived from the accumulation of a large gap in subsidies and investment, the increasing economic differentiation in the nation is widely recognised. Squatter settlements were demolished in favour of middle- and upper-class housing under the single-party UNIP regime, with no concern for inclusive, wellplanned urban development (Mulwanda and Mutale, 1994). As discussed by Choguill (2007), the housing situation is linked to job opportunities, economic class, education level, health status and social class. In Zambia, municipalities are mandated to provide residential land in their towns and cities for both commercial and domestic purposes. Some authorities, including governing party cadres, have abused their authority, and sold the residential land to investors, defining it as regional development. In the process, what may be termed land grabbing has arisen in some instances, resulting from economic incentives and pressure over residential land. In the past, these privileged classes were untouchable, and nepotism, which fosters corruption, is still recognised among personal relationships through ethnic and personal connections (Szeftel, 1983). However, the Zambian population has become alert to illegal land acquisition, and such cases are becoming easier to report to the relevant authorities in an increased effort to follow the rule of law. In the modern multi-party political system, the people constitute an important political power in choosing the governing party. These factors have significantly reduced land grabbing problems and contributed significantly to resolving residential land conflicts. The focus has been on facilitating the self-construction of housing, as opposed to the illegal acquisition of land. References Aldrich, B. C. and Sandhu, R. S. (1995). The global context of housing poverty. In Aldrich, B. C. and Sandhu, R. S., eds. Housing the urban poor: Policy and practice in developing countries. Zed Books, Bahr, J. and Jurgens, U. (2006). Johannesburg: life after Apartheid. In Schneider-Silwa, R., ed. Cities in transition: Globalization, political change and urban development. Springer, Baker, P. H. (1974). Urbanization and political change: The politics of Lagos, University of California Press. Baker, J. (1986). The rural urban dichotomy in the developing world: A case study from northern Ethiopia. Norwegian University Press. Brown, T. (2005). Contestation, confusion and corruption: Market-based land reform in Zambia. In Evers, M., Spierenburg, M., and Wels, H., eds. Competing jurisdictions: Settling land claims in Africa. Brill, Choguill, C. L. (2007). The search for policies to support sustainable housing. Habitat International, 31, Collins, J. (1978). Home ownership aspects of low cost housing in Lusaka. In Kanyeihamba, G. W. and McAuslan, J. P. W. B., eds. Urban legal problems in Eastern Africa. Scandinavian Institute of African Studies and International Center for Law in Development, Drakakis-Smith, D. (2000). Third world cities second edition. Routledge. Halfani, M. (2001). Governance of urban development in East Africa: An examination of the institutional landscape and the poverty challenge. In Swilling, M., ed. Governing Africa s cities. Witwatersrand University Press, Jules-Rosette, B. (1978). A Zambian squatter complex: Cultural variables in urban relocation. In Obudho, R. A. and Mhlanga, C. C., eds. Slum and squatter settlements in sub-saharan Africa: Towards a planning strategy. Praeger, Kanyongo-Male, D. (1978). Urban squatters in Nairobi and policies for improving on their condition. In Kanyeihamba, G. W. and McAuslan, J. P. W. B., eds. Urban legal problems in Eastern Africa. Scandinavian Institute of African Studies and International Center for Law in Development, McClain, W. T. (1978). Legal aspects of housing and planning in Lusaka. In Kanyeihamba, G. W. and McAuslan, J. P. W. B., eds. Urban legal problems in Eastern Africa. Scandinavian Institute of African Studies and International Center for Law in Development,

13 Urbanization, Housing Problems and Residential Land Conflicts in Zambia (ZULU and OYAMA) 85 Mpundu, M. (2006). We know no other home than this: Land disputes in Zambia. Panos Institute Southern Africa. Mulenga, C. L. (2003). Urban slums reports: The case of Lusaka, Zambia. Institute of Economic and Social Research, University of Zambia. Muller, M. S. (1978). The Improvement of Chawama, a squatter settlement in Lusaka, Zambia. In Obudho, R. A. and Mhlanga, C. C., eds. Slum and squatter settlements in sub-saharan Africa: Towards a planning strategy. Praeger, Mulwanda, M. and Mutale, E. (1994). Never mind the people, the shanties must go. Cities, 11(5), Mvunga, M. P. (1980). The colonial foundations of Zambia s land tenure system. National Educational Company of Zambia Limited. Obudho, R. A. and Mhlanga, C. C. (1988). The development of slum and squatter settlements as a manifestation of rapid urbanization in sub-saharan Africa. In Obudho, R. A. and Mhlanga, C. C., eds. Slum and squatter settlements in sub-saharan Africa: Towards a planning strategy. Praeger, OECD (2002). Ageing, housing and urban development. OECD Publishing. Okpala, D. C. I. (1986). Aspects of urban housing and human settlements policies and strategies in Africa. Habitat International, 10(3), Oyama, S. (2016). Gurdian or misfeasor? Chiefs roles in land administration under the 1995 Land Act in Zambia. In Moyo, S. and Mine, Y., eds. What colonialism ignored: African potentials for resolving conflicts in southern Africa. Langaa RPCIG, Rakodi, C. (1986). Colonial urban policy and planning in Northern Rhodesia and its legacy. Third World Planning Review, 8(3), Rakodi, C. (1987). Urban plan preparation in Lusaka. Habitat International, 11(4), Rakodi, C. (1992). Some issues in urban development and planning in Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe. In Drakakis-Smith, D., ed. Urban and regional change in southern Africa. Routledge, Republic of Zambia (1969). Census of population and housing. Central Statistical Office. Republic of Zambia (1980). Census of population and housing. Central Statistical Office. Republic of Zambia (1990). Census of population and housing. Central Statistical Office. Republic of Zambia (2000). Census of population and housing. Central Statistical Office. Republic of Zambia (2010). Census of population and housing. Central Statistical Office. Republic of Zambia (2011). Sixth national development plan Ministry of Finance and National Planning. Sanyal, B. (1981). Who gets what, where, why and how: A critical look at the housing subsidies in Zambia. Development and Change, 12, Stren, R. E. (1990). Urban housing in Africa: The changing role of government policy. In Amis, P. and Lloyd, P., eds. Housing Africa s urban poor. Manchester University Press, Szeftel, M. (1983). Political graft and the spoils system in Zambia: The state as a resource in itself. Review of African Political Economy, 24, Tait, J. (1997). From self-help housing to sustainable settlement: Capitalist development and urban planning in Lusaka, Zambia. Avebury. Tipple, A. G. (1994). The need for new urban housing in sub-saharan Africa: Problem or opportunity. African Affairs, 93, United Nations Human Settlements Programme (2003). The challenge of slums: Global report on human settlements Earthscan Publishing Limited. United Nations Human Settlements Programme (2012). Zambia: Urban housing sector profile. UN-Habitat. van Western, A. C. M. (1995). Unsettled: Low-income housing and mobility in Bamako, Mali. Netherlands Geographical Studies, Universiteit Utrecht.

14 86 Japanese Journal of Human Geography (Jimbun Chiri) Vol. 69 No. 1 (2017) ザンビアにおける都市化と住宅問題, 土地紛争 ズール リチャード *( ザンビア大学経済 社会研究所 ) 大山修一 ( 京都大学アフリカ地域研究資料センター ) (2016 年 10 月 11 日受付,2017 年 1 月 7 日受理 ) ザンビアにおける都市と地方の不均衡な開発は, 地方から都市への人口移動を引き起こしたが, 都市における住宅開発は順調に進まなかった 本稿は, ザンビアの土地政策の歴史をみたうえで, 経済の自由化と土地商品化の動きにともなう都市の住宅問題, 宅地をめぐる争議を検討する 主要な問題は, 都市における住宅のうち80% がインフォーマル, あるいは, 開発計画の適用地域外であるということにある これらの地域では, 水や電気の供給, 下水道やゴミ収集といった衛生に関する行政サービスは乏しく, 洪水が起きたり, あるいは, コレラや赤痢などの感染症の発生もみられる ザンビアでは,1964 年の独立時に, 人々の移動が自由となった結果, 都市の住宅不足が深刻な問題となった さらに1995 年に土地法が改正されたことにより, 貧困削減を目的として, 土地の資産価値を認め, 首都への資本集中を進めた この土地法の改正は, 土地所有権の強化と都市の開発を進めることになった ザンビアにおける住宅開発は, 住民の主体性に任せる 自助努力による住宅開発 にもとづいているため, 地価や物価の上昇のなかで住宅を確保できない住民も多い ザンビアにおける潜在的な問題として, 都市部における住宅地の競合と行政による土地接収に対する都市住民の過激な反応にともなう社会秩序の混乱を指摘しておきたい キーワード : 住宅供給, 土地の収奪, 産官パートナーシップ, 地方 都市間の移住, 自助努力, ザンビア