What is NATO? Rob de Wijk
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1 What is NATO? Rob de Wijk The European revolution of 1989 has had enormous consequences for NATO as a traditional collective defense organization. The threat of large-scale aggression has been effectively removed, the Warsaw Pact and Soviet Union have collapsed, three former communist countries have become full members of the Alliance, and most other former adversaries are now Partners for Peace with diplomatic missions at the Brussels headquarters. Consequently, the pacifying function has become more important. Five concepts The process of adaptation has fundamentally changed the nature of NATO. Its new raison d être is now founded on crisis response operations and peacekeeping outside the NATO area, defense cooperation with Partners for Peace and other countries, and regional collective defense. The latter is politically important in case things go wrong in Europe. NATO successfully transformed from a traditional collective defense organization into a multifunctional security organization, combining elements of the following concepts of NATO: Collective defense organization The first concept is NATO as a collective defense organization. In Article 5 of the NATO Treaty, parties agree that an armed attack against one or more of them in Europe or North America shall be considered an attack against them all. The Alliance s 1991 Strategic Concept still pictured a traditional collective defense organization that would adapt to the new security situation. On the one hand the Strategic Concept described the risks to Allied security as multi-faceted in nature, which makes them hard to predict and assess. 1 On the other hand the political strategy still took into account the possibility of a large-scale attack from the East. The document concluded that even in a non-adversarial and cooperative relationship, Soviet military capability and build-up potential, including its nuclear dimension, still constitute the most significant factor of which the Alliance has to take account in maintaining the strategic balance in Europe. Consequently, to preserve the strategic balance within Europe became one of the fundamental security tasks listed in the document, thus emphasizing collective defense. Because of the Soviet Union s demise, NATO had no other choice but to replace this security task in the new version of the political strategy, among other things to be able to counter pressures to reduce substantially its armed forces. Removing the collective defense clause from the Washington Treaty will indeed remove the very cement that has kept the Alliance together for five decades. But too much emphasis on NATO as a collective defense organization will pose challenges. First, in the absence of a large-scale threat, only small-scale, regional security risks might pose a threat to NATO countries, requiring regional collective defense. As pointed out, limited risks call for limited responses with potentially undermining effects for Alliance cohesion. Furthermore, too much emphasis on collective defense will make further enlargement more difficult. The Russians have great difficulties in understanding the nature of the Alliance. They are never tired to argue that enlargement is unnecessary. In their view, there is no need to enlarge a collective defense organization in the absence of a threat. As a consequence, they consider further enlargement a hostile act, threatening their own security. A new confrontation with Russia could undermine stability and may create new division lines. Internal pacifying function The second concept emphasizes NATO s internal pacifying function. The cold peace between Turkey and Greece has always underscored the importance of the internal pacifying 1
2 function. Evidence suggests that NATO has had a considerable impact on their way of dealing with each other. The United States and NATO s Secretary-General Javier Solana have played a mediating role in the conflict between the two countries. At present, the internal pacifying function plays a key role in the enlargement debate. When politicians speak about projecting stability to the East they refer to this function of NATO, the idea being based on the premise that democratic states that are allies do not fight wars against each other. Thus enlargement with the Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland is supposed to contribute to peace and stability in Europe. Community of values The third concept is that of NATO as a community of values. Most contemporary institutions are products of Western civilization. Treaties and charters usually emphasize the importance of Western values such as democracy, human rights, a free market economy and the rule of law. Among the main aims of institutions such as the United Nations, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe and NATO are the promotion of these values. For instance, the preamble of the NATO Treaty explicitly states that the parties are determined to safeguard the freedom, common heritage and civilization of their peoples, founded on the principles of democracy, individual liberty and the rule of law. Some leaders of Central and Eastern European countries have publicly stated that they wish to join the Western club. 2 Vaclav Havel, the President of the Czech Republic, spoke of a common destiny, and he went even further by stating that the offer of NATO membership is, for us, not only a chance to fulfil our security needs, but above all, a chance to share and play a part in the peaceful and democratic development of this continent. Similarly, Polish President Aleksander Kwasniewski stressed that Poland shares all the values which underpin the Alliance - its commitment to democracy, human rights, the free market economy and its conviction that the regulation of international relations is most effective by peaceful means. Finally, the Hungarian Minister of Foreign Affairs Laszlo Kovacs stated that it is Hungary s determination to become a member of the Alliance based on shared values. One may argue that all of this is mere rhetoric, but that assumption is too simple. Only countries that consider themselves belonging to the Western club wholeheartedly applied for NATO membership, while most controversies over possible NATO membership arose in countries that for historical reasons only partially belong to this club, such as the Russian Federation and Ukraine. In conclusion, countries belonging to cultures different from the West - for example, some southern republics of the former Soviet Union - do not consider NATO membership an option, although they are facing security risks and have good reasons for joining a collective defense organization. This cultural argument suggests that there will be a natural limit to NATO expansion. If NATO is considered a community of values based on a common culture, future rounds may include countries such as Slovenia and possibly Romania, Slovakia and Bulgaria. The Baltic States undoubtedly belong to this European culture, but NATO enlargement with these states will have severe consequences for NATO-Russia relations. Meanwhile, for cultural and historic reasons both the Russian Federation and Ukraine may not only wish to stay outside NATO but are likely to continue to consider the Alliance as an opposing military block. Organization for security and military cooperation The fourth concept is that of NATO as an organization for security and military cooperation, its relevance being to carry out crisis response operations and peacekeeping, and to relieve humanitarian suffering. NATO provides the political and military framework for military operations that may be carried out in cooperation with non-nato countries. In an ideal world NATO should be considered as a subcontractor to the United Nations because crisis response operations need a Security Council mandate. Other operations, such as peacekeeping, could be mandated by the OSCE. NATO s 1999 political strategy recognizes 2
3 this concept, where in order to enhance security and stability in the Euro-Atlantic area, the Alliance identified two fundamental security tasks: Crisis management: to stand ready, case-by-case and by consensus (...) to contribute to effective conflict prevention and to engage actively in crisis management, including crisis response operations. Partnership: to promote wide-ranging partnership, cooperation, and dialogue with other countries in the Euro-Atlantic area, with the aim of increasing transparency, mutual confidence and the capacity for joint action with the Alliance. 3 Two challenges could undermine this concept. First, the Alliance could peter out if NATO is denied a mandate to carry out operations outside the NATO area. Fiercely opposing interference in the domestic affairs of sovereign states, the Russian Federation may prevent the Security Council from mandating NATO forces to intervene in ongoing intrastate conflicts. US Secretary of Defense Cohen, however, already argued in 1998 that NATO does not necessarily need a mandate if the peace and security of NATO states are threatened. He stated that military intervention in Kosovo might be required if the crisis affected the whole region. Secretary Cohen defended his position by referring to article 51 of the UN Charter (the right of self-defense), and indeed in March 1999 the Alliance intervened in Kosovo without a mandate. The mandate issue was carefully avoided in the Alliance s 1999 Strategic Concept, leaving open the possibility of intervention without explicit approval of the Security Council. Thus the question of mandates became another source of tension between the US and some of its European Allies as well as the Russian Federation. Second, there is some controversy on the question of whether NATO is a regional or a global player. Most Europeans consider NATO as a typically regional organization, which has a crucial role to play within the OSCE area. They stress that NATO should carry out its tasks especially in its own periphery. Many Congressmen and Senators in Washington, however, argue that the Europeans should help the US in maintaining peace and stability around the world. They believe that in return for US support in Europe, the European Allies should support the Americans in other parts of the world, thereby placing the dividing issue of burden-sharing once again on the agenda of transatlantic relations. Most European leaders do not favor a global role for NATO, because they do not envisage additional global commitments for their countries, nor do they want to act as the world s policemen. Collective security structure The fifth concept is that of NATO as one of the mutually reinforcing institutions in a collective security structure. This concept is elaborated in greater detail by David Yost in his chapter. Yost notes that the international organizations favor the term cooperative security instead of collective security. The heart of collective security is mutual economic, sociocultural and military cooperation among an ever-growing group of countries. The objective of collective security is to anticipate potential conflicts and prevent them from breaking out, or to strive actively to suppress conflicts once they have broken out by means of joint international action within the system. Besides a preparedness to cooperate politically, militarily and economically, the concept demands common values and standards of conduct within the system and that countries must be answerable for failing to observe them. The basis of the system is already available in the form of the OSCE, which has developed a comprehensive set of legally binding values and standards of conduct. As the OSCE lacks its own military structure and assets, it must call upon NATO. The Alliance could explicitly link its new mission to an initiative to give greater substance to the concept of cooperative security within the OSCE. As NATO is the only effective organization, the Alliance could opt for carrying out all military operations within the OSCE area under its command, thereby in a way developing into the military arm of the OSCE. Thus NATO enlargement with many OSCE countries, including the Russian Federation, would be 3
4 advantageous. Regarding the Russians, close and meaningful cooperation could be an incentive for them to refrain from vetoing interventions in crises that affect the system. This scenario is less unlikely than it seems, because there is ever-increasing cooperation, both at political and operational levels, between NATO and its Partners. In fact, the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council (EAPC) could play a central role as the platform to discuss the military-operational aspects of combined operations within the OSCE area. Implementing this concept does not require a change of the Washington Treaty. Peace support operations and humanitarian aid are based on Article 4 of the Treaty, in which the parties promise that they will consult together whenever, in the opinion of any of them, the territorial integrity, political independence or security of any of the Parties is threatened. Moreover, within the cooperative security system, Article 5 will still apply to those countries that signed the Washington Treaty. Interestingly, during the November 1999 OSCE summit in Istanbul, the Heads of State and Government adopted the Charter for European Security, including a Platform for Cooperative Security through which the member states seek to develop and maintain political and operational coherence, on the bases of shared values, among the various bodies dealing with security, both in response to specific crises and in formulating responses to new risks and challenges. The goal of the Platform is to strengthen the mutually reinforcing nature of the relation between those organizations and institutions concerned with the promotion of comprehensive security within the OSCE area. 4 The concept of NATO as part of a collective security system thus combines elements of the five concepts mentioned above. First, it provides cement to keep NATO together and to prevent free-riding. Second, it reaffirms NATO s collective defense function, while emphasizing the importance of values, new roles and missions, as well as the internal pacifying function. Third, it links its role to that of the OSCE, thus emphasizing standards and values and engaging the Russians. From a theoretical perspective, collective security could contribute immensely to peace and stability in Europe. The key issue is whether Russia merely pays lip service to Western standards and values. If this is the case a system of interlocking and mutually reinforcing institutions will never materialize. Finally, as Russia continues to consider itself a military superpower, the leadership issue will hinder implementation of the concept. Impact of the Kosovo Crisis The Kosovo crisis could have a considerable impact on the future of NATO. During the crisis NATO demonstrated its willingness to intervene without a mandate, and as a consequence operation Allied Force was fiercely opposed by Russia and China. Both have argued that interference in the domestic affairs of a sovereign country cannot be tolerated. They have argued that the humanitarian tragedy that took place in Kosovo was the result of a counterinsurgency campaign against the Kosovo Liberation Army. Although they both disapproved of President Milosevic s methods, they acknowledged his right to keep the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia together by force. Indeed, both the Chinese and Russians face similar problems in Tibet and Chechnya respectively. In fact, Russian nationalistic politicians and military argue that both the United States and its NATO Allies misuse the hegemonic power they achieved after the end of the Cold War and are striving for world dominance. They find evidence in the West s four interventions without a UN mandate: Somalia; Afghanistan (early 1998); operation Desert Force against Iraq (late 1998); and Kosovo (early 1999). They also find evidence in America s unwillingness in 1999 to ratify the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty and their wish unilaterally to adapt the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty. Finally, they consider NATO s enlargement as an attempt to enlarge the West s sphere of influence. Clearly, Russia and China do not understand the nature of the new NATO. They also do not understand the typical Western concept of humanitarian intervention because they do not share all of the West s standards and values. 4
5 The cultural factor could define the nature of the European security architecture. Firstly, NATO s future boundaries could be defined by cultural factors. Secondly, if standards and values are not universally accepted throughout the OSCE area, it is unlikely that a truly collective security system will materialize. Thirdly, if NATO continues to pursue interventionist policies it will continue to alienate Russia. The most unfavorable outcome of this process could be a new Cold War and new division lines, which will be quite similar to the old division between Western Christianity and Eastern Orthodoxy. Conclusion In sum, for the time being the question of what is NATO? will remain relevant. From a collective defense organization, NATO transformed into an organization for security and military cooperation. At the same time NATO remained a pacifier while its members shared common values and standards, but because of interventions without a UN Security Council mandate there is a danger that the preferred concept of NATO as one of the interlocking institutions in a cooperative security structure will not materialize. An alienated Russia will be a non-cooperative Russia. Consequently, the OSCE Platform for Cooperative Security will become a superfluous attempt to strengthen the mutually reinforcing nature of the relationship between those organizations and institutions concerned with the promotion of comprehensive security within the OSCE area. If NATO leaders still insist that Russia is indispensable for peace and security in Europe, they should find ways to engage Russia. If they fail to do so, the obvious answer to the question what is NATO? is once again simple and straightforward: a collective defense organization. Dr R. de Wijk is researcher at the Netherlands Institute of International Relations Clingendael in The Hague, Professor of International Relations at the Royal Military Academy (Breda) and Professor of Strategic Studies at Leiden University. This article is an adaptation of the first chapter of a book entitled NATO after Kosovo, in which Dutch and foreign experts discuss various aspects of NATO s future. The book is a joint publication of the Netherlands Atlantic Association, the Netherlands Institute of International Relations Clingendael and the Royal Military Academy and will be published early January Noten 1. Strategic Concept, agreed by the Heads of State and Government participating in the meeting of the North Atlantic Council in Rome on 7-8 November See the contributions of Presidents Vaclav Havel and Aleksander Kwasniewski, and Minister of Foreign Affairs Laszlo Kovacs, in NATO Review, no. 5, September-October Strategic Concept 1999, par OSCE, Charter for European Security, Istanbul, November Basic document and operational document, The Platform for Cooperative Security. 5
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