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3 Vincenzo Cesareo Editor The Eleventh Italian Report on Migrations 2005 Polimetrica International Scientific Publisher

4 2006 Polimetrica S.a.s. Corso Milano, Monza Milano Phone Web site: ISBN Printed Edition ISBN Electronic Edition The electronic edition of this book is not sold and is made available in free access. Every contribution is published according to the terms of Polimetrica License B. Polimetrica License B gives anyone the possibility to distribute the contents of the work, provided that the authors of the work and the publisher are always recognised and mentioned. It does not allow use of the contents of the work for commercial purposes or for profit. Polimetrica Publisher has the exclusive right to publish and sell the contents of the work in paper and electronic format and by any other means of publication. Additional rights on the contents of the work are the author s property.

5 The Report contains the results of the researches and studies carried out by Ismu Foundation collaborators. The drawing up of the Report was accounted with the supervision (editor) of Vincenzo Cesareo (General Secretary) assisted by Gian Carlo Blangiardo, Marco Lombardi, Giovanni Giulio Valtolina and Laura Zanfrini as editorial board. Elena Bosetti was in charge for the editorial coordination and for the editing. Nora Stern was in charge for the translation in English. This Report is a selection of the Italian version. The Fondazione ISMU - Iniziative e Studi sulla Multietnicità (Ismu Foundation - Projects and Studies on Multiethnicity) arose from the need to encourage and support studies and projects concerning the various aspects of multicultural society. The Foundation is particularly concerned with migration, which has come the forefront in the recent years; it is structured to provide a service aimed mainly at public bodies and institutions, voluntary workers and organisations, teachers, academics as well as private individuals. The work of the Ismu Foundation can be divided into four main areas: documentation: the collection of available material both here and from other countries; promoting studies and research; training: including backup available to staff working in both private and public bodies; information: by means of seminars, conventions and publications on multiethnicity. The Documentation Centre (CeDoc) has at it disposal books and periodicals as well as audio-visual materials. They may be consulted with the help and guidance of specialised staff. The CeDoc, at 16 Via Galvani, Milan, is open to the public on Tuesday, Thursday and Friday, Via Copernico, Milano Phone Fax ismu@ismu.org; cedoc@ismu.org

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7 7 Table of Contents 2005: The Crisis of Traditional Integration Models Foreigners Presence in Italy Laws and Regulations EU Political Trends Labour School Health Living in a House, Settling in a Country Criminality and Deviance Immigration and Society in Italy A Five-Year Monitoring Action on Migration in Lombardy Bibliography Statistical Enclosure: Immigration in Figures

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9 9 2005: The Crisis of Traditional Integration Models by Vincenzo Cesareo 1. Immigration in Italy 1.1 The Growing Immigrants Presence in Our Peninsula The regularly present foreign population in Italy totalled, according to Istat data as to January 1 st, 2005, 2.7 million individuals, 940,000 more persons than those reported in the different estimates referring to the same date of two years before, that is, prior to the first effects of the regularization measures enforced by the laws n 189 and 222 of Going into details as to presence type, the same official source points out that those who found themselves in conformity to permanence regulations resulted in nine cases out of ten registered at the Registry Office of an Italian municipality, and remarks that foreigners are now representing, by 2.4 million registered persons, 4.1% total (Italian and foreigner) residents. In addition, the same source underlines that the whole body of residents who may be classified as citizens originating from from the commonly defined paesi a forte pressione migratoria (heavy migration pressure countries) (Pfpm s) have grown over 2004 by 408,000 individuals (+22%). This foreign community, which had already grown at an average 17% yearly rate during the inter-census decade , has further increased its speed of growth during the three-year period Its average yearly growth rate was by 24.4% between October 20 th, 2001 and January 1 st, 2005, and lets us predict, should it continue over time, that it might even lead to a redoubling of the corresponding population about every three years. In the scenery of an intense growth of the number of foreigners residing in Italy, a major issue becomes the analysis of the dynamics

10 10 Vincenzo Cesareo concerning the younger segments. The about 50,000 minors registered at the Registry Office at the time of the 1991 census survey, had grown to 284,000 individuals ten years later, and have further grown to 502,000 individuals as to January 1 st, Again in this area, it is worth mentioning that a gain of 147,000 units must be specifically ascribed to the two-year period In short, if it is true that most of the over 900,000 further regular immigrants calculated at the beginning of 2005 in comparison with those of two years before, are the direct effect of about 650,000 immigrants regularizations that took place in , it is equally true that the remaining one third may be ascribed to a not less important indirect effect of the same cause. Achieved regularization as regards residence permits has in fact created the conditions for activating a great number of family reunifications. It is not by chance that the balance of residence permits issued for family reasons between January 1 st, 2004 and January 1 st, 2005 points out a 100,000 unit growth compared with a substantial immobility of those issued for job reasons. Likewise, it is not surprising to note that the previously mentioned minors growth results particularly concentrated in the second half of the two-year period , since it has likely developed thanks to the consolidation of the new regularized immigrants universe. The overall scenery of migration in the Italian context has lately found an interesting opportunity of enrichment through new evaluations and estimates worked out by our foundation in the second half of 2005, within the framework of an inquiry carried out at national level on behalf of the Ministry of Labour and Social Policies. The empirical results achieved by that inquiry have not only allowed updating the data of the most recent Istat estimates, but also extending information and knowledge about the phenomenon of migration to the different types of immigrants presence, and to some territorial details 1. 1 Il Mercato del lavoro e gli immigrati: a tre anni dalla regolarizzazione (Labour market and immigrants: three years after regularization), report by Vincenzo Cesareo at the European Meeting Azione di sistema per lo studio dell immigrazione nel Mezzogiorno d Italia (System action for the study of migration in the South of Italy) held in Palermo on Nov. 18 th, 2005 within the National Operational Programme Sicurezza per lo Sviluppo del Mezzogiorno d Italia (Security for the development of Italy s Mezzogiorno ).

11 2005: The Crisis of Traditional Integration Models 11 In particular, the total number of foreigners originating from Pfpm s is estimated, as to July 1 st, 2005, to scarcely exceed 3.3 million units, 85% of which gathering in the central-northern regions. On the whole, the component in possession of a regular permanence title totals about 2.8 million individuals, whereas irregulars total about 540,000 individuals, one quarter of which based in the South. This territorial area is characterized by both a particularly high rate of irregulars out of 100 immigrants present (27% vs. 16% on a national scale), and lesser stability among those present. The proportion of residents is in fact a little less than 2 / 3 of those present, whereas in the Centre-North it touches ¾. An analysis by large areas of origins, with reference to the data as to July 1 st, 2005, points out a clear numerical superiority of East- European immigrants who, by 1.5 million units, represent 46% out of those present. Around 600,000 units, and almost equivalent among them, is the number of North-Africans and Asians, while the number of the other Africans and Latin-Americans totals almost one half. As regards stability/regularity parameters, the previous classification has however undergone a radical change. In fact, Asians are those who show the highest share of residents (78.5%) and the lowest percentage of irregulars (11.5%), preceding in this virtuous classification North-Africans (whose parameters are, respectively, 78.1% and 14.5%). At the third place are Latin-Americans, followed by other Africans and, finally, East-Europeans. The latter gather, by 286,000 units, more than 50% irregulars present on the Italian territory. If we examine in detail individual nationalities, we notice that the foreign citizens communities including more than 100,000 individuals are only seven, and gather in all 56% subjects present. If instead, the threshold is lowered to 50,000 units, we are able to count 19 of them, which include up to 82% total immigrants. Three countries, Albania, Romania and Morocco (in order of importance, and all of them including over 400,000 individuals present), are actually enough to cover 40% persons originating from Pfpm s. A prominent position in the Italian scenery is also held by Ukraine, not only because of the considerable number of immigrants (that places it at the fourth place in the list of the most represented countries), but also because of the speed at which immigrants have increased. We need only to compare our estimate as to July 1 st, 2005 of 180,000 Ukrain-

12 12 Vincenzo Cesareo ian citizens, more than 2 / 3 of which registered at the Registry Office, with a calculation of no more than 9,000 residents made no later than four years ago on the occasion of the national census of the population. Besides those from the above mentioned countries, also the Chinese and Philippine communities are achieving a prominent position in the list of foreigners present in Italy, the former totalling 169,000 and the latter 110,000 persons present, as well as the Tunisian community (totalling 110,000 persons present, too) and the Ecuadorian community, which by 89,000 individuals, identifies the most numerous group originating from the Latin-American continent. However, the territorial distribution of the foreigners present on the Italian territory is not uniform. More precisely, as regards location, we identify areas of greater or smaller concentration, often depending on the particular favourable or unfavourable conditions of the socio-economic context. Therefore, if in the whole country, the density of foreigners originating from Pfpm s is estimated to be a little less than 6% (estimates as to July 1 st, 2005), as soon as we go into territorial details, a definite contraposition is clearly visible between densities exceeding the national average in central-northern provinces and values that are often by far lower in the southern ones. Quite different appears the comparison with the national mean value as soon as we analyze territorial variability with reference to the percentage of immigrants not in possession of a regular permanence title. The variation field is ranging, in fact, from minimum, almost physiological, irregularity peaks not exceeding 10%, chiefly in some provinces of the central-eastern Po Valley, to undoubtedly problematic high values in correspondence of some provinces of Calabria (Cosenza 51%, Vibo Valentia 39%, Crotone 33%), Puglia (Foggia 43%), Campania (Naples 31%) and Italian islands (Siracusa 33%, Ragusa 31%, Sassari 31%). To conclude, the availability of new information sources referring to foreigners present in Italy has allowed becoming aware not only of the very high numerical importance and extent progressively attained by the immigrants community, but also of its extraordinary growth over the last three years. The data emerging from available estimates point out that in a 15- year time span, the numerousness of the foreign component has tri-

13 2005: The Crisis of Traditional Integration Models 13 pled, exceeding 3.3 million subjects, who represent 5.7% of the entire population. Diagram 1 Foreign citizens residing in Italy according to 1981, 1991, 2001 census, and as to January 1 st, 2003, 2004, ,600,000 2,400,000 2,200,000 2,000,000 1,800,000 1,600,000 1,400,000 1,200,000 1,000, , , , ,000 0 Source: Istat and General Registry Office Diagram 2 Per cent incidence of resident foreign citizens out of the total population residing in Italy according to 1981, 1991 and 2001 census, and as to January 1 st, 2003, 2004, Source: Istat and General Registry Office

14 14 Vincenzo Cesareo If it is true that the discovery of the presence of over three million foreigners on the Italian territory, who might predictably double within three years, leads us to reflect, it is also true that the results of analyses by type of presence deserve a similar attention. In particular, these results underline a persistent incidence of irregular immigration, which consolidates at a percentage of about 16% on a national basis, but does not fail to display a significant gap between the South (by 27% mean values) and the Centre-North (by 14% only ), reaching however peaks around 50% in some southern provinces (such as Foggia and Cosenza). On the whole, the analyses on more recent data confirm the existence of important territorial gaps as regards the development of migration in the Italian reality. This is particularly true because there is a clear contraposition between a Centre-North characterized by a more stable and regular presence in average, and a South where immigration is less frequent and less deep-rooted, and because there is a further transversal distinction, as to geographic coordinates, between the large metropolitan provinces (such as Rome, Milan, but also Naples, Palermo and Bari) and the so-called minor provinces: a more concentrated presence in the former, and a presence more integrated in the local context in the latter. Another datum that allows evidencing the rapid growth of foreigners in our country refers to the presence of non-italian by citizenship students in schools. The historical series made available by the Ministry of Education in its statistical file concerning the last two decades, clearly shows that, particularly in the last decade, this presence has continuously grown. In fact, as from 2000, the yearly growth rate has not ceased to rise, reaching a yearly increase by 80,000 units in the two-year period 2003/2005.

15 2005: The Crisis of Traditional Integration Models 15 Diagram 3 Estimated number of foreigners present in Italy as to January 1 st, 1990, 2005 and July 1 st, ,200,000 2,800,000 2,400,000 2,000,000 1,600,000 1,200, , , ,000 *Ismu data processing based on Istat data Source: Istat and Fondazione Ismu Diagram 4 Per cent incidence of non-italian by citizenship students on overall school population. School years 1983/ / / / Source: Miur (Ministry of Education) 2,740,000 2,817, , , ,000 ISTAT Jan. 1st, / /90 irregulars 1991/92 ISTAT Jan. 1st, 2005* regulars / / /98 Fondazione ISMU July 1st, 1999/ / /04

16 16 Vincenzo Cesareo 1.2 Landings The turning point took place in In that year, migrants landings on our coasts began to considerably decrease: in 2001, the percentage of persons landed in Puglia and Calabria was respectively 42.4% and 30.3%. In the following year, it dropped to 14.2% and 8.9%. In recent years, landings show a decreasing trend. This is the result of contrast actions carried into effect by Italy, and is evidenced by the data referred to the last four years: the 20,143 total persons landed in 2001 set themselves against the 13,635 ones landed in It is worth mentioning the role of Sicily as major landing destination (in 2004, 99.7% illegal migrants landed on the coasts of Sicily, whereas in 2001 their percentage had been 27.3%, and in 2002 it had climbed to 76.8%), as well as a decrease in landings in Calabria and Puglia. As regards migrants nationality, 2004 data point out a greater presence of Palestinians (55%), followed by Eritreans (9%) and Iraqis (7%). The decrease of illegal African migrants has been the result of a readmission agreement signed with Libya. The same trend seems to be confirmed also by 2005 figures. In fact, the data provided by the Ministry of the Interior as to September 15 th, 2005, report a figure of 13,057 landed migrants, almost totally (13,040 individuals) landed in Sicily. 1.3 Internal Migrations The existing dualism between the North and the South of the world, deeply impacts on international migrations, but also within individual countries, such as in the case of Italy. In its annual Reports, Fondazione Ismu has pointed out several times the change undergone by Italy from an emigration country to a migrants destination, and has called the attention on a persistent internal movement, which goes from the more disadvantaged areas of the South to the rich regions of the North. We cannot ignore the relevance of this phenomenon. These movements concern both foreigners who have come to our country and Italian citizens moving to other northern towns. As regards immigrants transfers within our borders, the demographic balance of the year 2004 drawn up by Istat reports an internal migration balance per

17 2005: The Crisis of Traditional Integration Models 17 thousand inhabitants, which results positive in the north-west regions (+9.3 per thousand), and even more in the north-east ones (+15.1 per thousand), while it is heavily negative in the South (-24.4 per thousand) and in the Islands (-14.2 per thousand). The foreigners internal geographic mobility shows a greater tendency to transfers towards small municipalities, such as further evidenced by the negative value (-4.5 per thousand) in the demographic balance of the chief towns. This phenomenon, denoted in several studies by the term migration within migration, reflects the Italians movements, too. In fact, if we consider the migration index (Registrations less Cancellations divided by Registrations plus Cancellations per 1,000), in the year 2004, positive values are reported in the northern regions, and negative values in the southern regions. In the first case, there is a 26.4 per thousand balance in the North-West, per thousand in the North-East, while in the second case, values by per thousand in Southern Italy and per thousand in the Islands emerge. Therefore, we have reason to believe that the value referring to internal migrations, which had begun with the transfer of Italian workers towards the regions of the North, in recent years has been increased by the transfers of immigrants who, after having landed on our coasts, start their settlement process moving to areas they consider in the position to offer them better job opportunities. This phenomenon, with different values, has characterized the last decade. In fact, already in 1995, the Istat demographic balances reported that the job markets of the North were calling Italian and foreign labour from the South of the peninsula. These internal transfers point out a variable trend: a growth between 1998 and 2000, a subsequent reduction in the first two years of the 21 st century, and a further increase over the last two years. 1.4 Money Transfers Immigrants money transfers to their countries of origin are gaining not only an economic, but also a social relevance. Moreover, their growth is in line with immigrants presence increase in Italy. It is however impossible to establish their actual amount, due to difficulties in finding reliable data. Available data refer to official

18 18 Vincenzo Cesareo money transfers made through banks or agencies, while as a matter of fact there are several other more or less informal or hidden forms of transfer. Basing only on available estimates referring to the period, which are definitely approximate by defect, the Italian Exchange Office points out a considerable growth in the second half of the period, when money transfers passed from 749 millions in 2000 to 2,093millions in This increase can be explained both by the fact that many 2002-regularized immigrants began coming out of underground economy, and the new, more restrictive regulations on family reunifications enforced by the Bossi-Fini law in that year. A comparison on an international scale based on a study carried out in 2005 by the World Bank, puts Italy at the seventh place in the list of industrialized countries involved in the money-transfer market, while on a global scale, United States still hold their constant supremacy. As regards the European context, supremacy is held by Germany ( 8.1 billions), followed by Belgium, Luxembourg, Switzerland and France ( 3.9 billions). All these sums reached in 2004, a total amount of $126 billions equal to 97 billions and tend to continuously grow. We can in any case say that money transfers are now exceeding the total amount of subsidies western governments have allocated in favour of the developing countries. 1.5 Mixed Marriages Mixed marriages, that is, marriages between persons of different citizenships, are a hybridizing factor for society, and an integration indicator. The choice to get married in Italy may in fact reveal the immigrant s will to settle in our country, and is in any case an indication of a medium/long-term migration project. Basing on Istat data, over the last decade, the incidence of mixed marriages on the total number of those celebrated in our country, passed from 3% (almost 10,000 unions), to 10% (over 27,000 unions), showing a constant upward trend. According to the latest available data, which refer to 2004, in Italy particularly men are those who choose a foreign wife (57%), and one half of them get married with women from Eastern Europe. Though to a significantly lesser extent, there are also cases in the opposite direction, of Italian women marrying

19 2005: The Crisis of Traditional Integration Models 19 non-italian citizens (15%), particularly Africans. Furthermore, a progressive increase in marriages celebrated between foreign persons (by 26%), almost always of the same nationality, is also reported. In this regard, the Italian Episcopal Conference (Cei) has lately expressed its concern towards Catholic-Muslim couples, also because of the cultural and religious differences expressed by both religions. According to Cei, the experience made in recent years, shows how relevant, for example, have become the choice of a residence place for the future couples and their well-grounded expectation of living there also in the future. Settling in Italy, or in any case in western countries, would offer greater guarantees to the bond of matrimony. In addition, Cei points out some critical points, such as a different conception about the institution of marriage, reciprocal rights and duties of a married couple, children s religious education, and a different outlook of women s role. 1.6 Islamic Worship Centres Another reality about which it is particularly difficult to get reasonably reliable data is that concerning the number of Islamic worship centres operating in our country. Available surveys highlight, in fact, a significant variability, which most likely depends on the different meaning attributed to the term worship centre. We may assume that, in some cases, these calculations include, in addition to mosques, also Musallahs (houses of prayer particularly spread in big cities of the Islamic world), which quite often have the size of an apartment located at the ground floor of a house, and can contain no more than some fifty people. According to a map drawn up by Sisde (Civilian Security and Intelligence Service) in 2005, these worship places are currently 661, divided into 370 based in the North, 96 in the Centre, and 145 in the South and Islands. According to Sisde, again, the growth trend of those centres is particularly relevant, since they passed from a number of centres scarcely exceeding 100 units in 1996, to about 400 units in 2000, up to reach 563 units in 2004, and currently 611 units. Furthermore, there is a constant increase of Koranic schools,

20 20 Vincenzo Cesareo addressed to a public consisting mostly of Moslems born or grown in Italy. According to the secretary of the Union of the Italian Islamic Communities and Organizations (Ucoii), Islamic worship places in Italy are less than 300, whereas, according to other inquiries, they would total only a little more than 200 units. 1.7 Temporary Permanence Centres The Temporary Permanence and Assistance Centres (Cpta s) and the Identification Centres (Cdi s) have lately become a core issue in national and international debates. The latter were added by the law n 189/2002 (also known as Bossi-Fini law) and concern asylum petitioners, whose nationality or identity have to be checked. Cpta s, established by the law n 40 of 1998, also known as Turco-Napolitano law, are assigned to detain any foreigner against whom an expulsion provision has been ordered, which cannot be immediately executed due to lack of information about the concerned subject. In everyday language, the term Temporary Permanence Centres (Cpt s) is mostly used, making reference to the mere aspect of forced permanence. As a matter of fact, the substance of things does not change, and the removal of the letter A might induce us believe that those centres, formerly created as useful reception and assistance structures, have now changed into actual detention and confinement sites. Depending on the reference year or context, the same centre for example the centre based in Lampedusa has been from time to time called either Cpt or Cpa, that is, First Reception Centre. Therefore, disregarding the name, there are currently sixteen registered structures of this kind in Italy (11 Cpt s and 5 Cdi s), which particularly concentrate in Sicily, Puglia and Calabria, that is, in the areas where most illegal migrants usually land by sea. If at the beginning discussions were mostly focused on the changes brought to these centres by the Bossi-Fini law, the current debate focuses on whether it is appropriate preserving those structures, and whether it is necessary that personal rights are in any case observed inside them, or not. Undoubtedly, the most famous of them is the centre of Lampedusa, at least because of the number of migrants who stay there and the recent controversy aroused by alleged

21 2005: The Crisis of Traditional Integration Models 21 abuses on residents, which were denounced by a report published by the magazine L Espresso in September This issue even involved the Europarliament, which asked, through the European Commissioner Frattini, to carry out a greater number of inspections without notice. The major protagonist of this event was the Ministry of the Interior, which decided to continue a strengthening action of those centres that, in the Ministry s opinion, prove absolutely necessary to enforce illegal migrants expulsion provisions according to the Schengen agreement. In this regard, it is necessary to specify that similar structures exist also in the rest of Europe, totalling an overall estimated number of 139 centres, if reference is made exclusively to detention centres 2. Along with the latter, there are also other operational structures, such as, for example, reception centres for asylum petitioners, whose request is still pending (our Cdi s), while other centres are considered by the same standards as our prisons, since they receive hybrid users who are not exclusively foreigners waiting for expulsion or waiting for acceptance of their asylum petition. This is the case of Ireland, where the number of those centres may vary, depending on the denomination attributed to them, from a minimum of six to a maximum of seventeen units. In Greece, in turn, there are three kinds of detention centres; the first group includes structures for asylum petitioners, the second group is reserved to illegal migrants, the third group is assigned to cope with emergency situations, such as the sudden arrival of a great number of illegal migrants. 2. Events of the Year During 2005, there have been many episodes, events, circumstances, actions and debates focused on migration issues. We wish to dwell upon five of them, which we consider particularly meaningful not only because they are objectively relevant, but also because they offer many starting points for further reflection about the next future: the Italian and Community novelties concerning reg- 2 Respectively: Belgium (6), Czech Republic (7), Denmark (1), France (20), Greece (9), Italy (16), Hungary (11), Ireland (6), Lithuania (1), Luxembourg (1), Malta (4), Netherlands (7), Poland (24), Portugal (4), Slovakia (2), Slovenia (2), Sweden (5), Ukraine (1), United Kingdom (12) (from site:

22 22 Vincenzo Cesareo ulations, the establishment of an Islamic Council, the closing of the school of via Quaranta in Milan, the United Nations Commis-sion for Migrations, the waves of violence that upset several French cities. 2.1 Regulations and Green Book From a juridical point of view, the novelties of 2005 referring to regulations are chiefly two: the amendments brought to the rules for the enforcement of the Consolidated Act, as regards Italy, and the Green Book concerning economic migration management, submitted to the EU Commission. It is well-known that the Bossi- Fini law has introduced in the Consolidated Act a few immediately enforceable provisions first of all those referred to sanctions, as well as some rules, whose enforcement is subordinated to the passing of special regulations. Through the amendments brought to the rules for the enforcement of the Consolidated Act 3, another detail has been added to the normative course necessary to complete the law enforcement. Not the last one, however, because in many cases, regulatory norms defer some important issues to further normative acts, thus postponing, at least partly, the enforcement of the law regulations. This is, for example, the case of the regulations concerning the Counter for All Operations assigned to more rationally manage the paperwork on immigrants, whose establishment is subordinated to further ministerial directives. Among the norms depending on the enforcement rules, there are those regarding the new permanence contract, which has considerably characterized this reform action. If from the amendments brought to the rules for the enforcement of the Consolidated Act also some decisions were expected about the interpretation of some provisions of this law, it should be remarked that choices have been mostly oriented to privileging a strict reading of the law. For example, it has been established that the employers obligations, as regards the guarantee of an accommodation for the foreign worker and the expenses to be borne in case of repatriations, are provided for not 3 Presidential Decree n 334, October 18th, 2004 (published on the Official Gazette on February 10th, 2005) amending the rules for the enforcement of the consolidated act in order to conform the same to the amendments brought by the Bossi-Fini law.

23 2005: The Crisis of Traditional Integration Models 23 only for the first work contract, but have to be charged to all those who engage a foreign worker even at a later stage. A second legislative novelty of 2005 consists in the Green Book on The European Union Approach to the Economic Management of Migrations submitted to the EU Commission on January 11 th, 2005, dealing with some critical issues the national policies for migration management are asked to cope with. Among the most relevant issues, we wish to point out the one concerning the relation between need for labour force and migration flow planning. As the introduction explains, in a context of decreasing and ageing population, greater and greater migration flows will become increasingly necessary ( ) to guarantee Europe s prosperity. After having reaffirmed that decisions on the number of migrants ( ) to be admitted remain under the competence of member countries, the Green Book raises several questions and suggests ideas for a set of regulations to be enforced by the Community on economic migration. Furthermore, this paper wonders whether it is appropriate to allow subordinate workers immigration only in case of a specific open job, such as it mostly happens in EU countries, or whether more flexible systems, similar to the green card, should instead be introduced. As regards admission procedures for selfemployed workers, the Green Book suggests introducing a European standard referring to basic requirements, which may range from a detailed and financially sustainable economic programme to the provision of guarantees as regards the associated available funds. As to the general outlines of the future European regulations, this paper upholds that they should generate a transparent ( ), nonbureaucratic ( ) system, and act in the interest of all involved parties: migrants, countries of origin, and receiving countries, within the frame of a common European policy aimed at attracting those who migrate for economic reasons and making their admission easier, though not disregarding the possible negative effects this outflow might produce in the countries of origin. 2.2 Islamic Council In 2005, again, a heated debate has been started. Taking as a starting point the establishment, through a decree of the Ministry of

24 24 Vincenzo Cesareo the Interior of September 2005, of an Islamic Council, the debate has directly involved the issue of coexistence with Islam in our country. The Islamic Council, which includes a number of representatives of the Islamic community, is based at Viminale, the headquarters of the Ministry. The declared aim is making the first steps in a process, which is obviously neither short nor easy, leading to the hoped for creation of an Italian Islam, that is, a community peacefully included in the economic and social fabric of our country, free to profess its religious creed and preserve its own identity, but at the same time, completely respectful of our values and our laws. Waiting for the decree including the appointment of the Council members, disputes and objections have immediately burst out. In particular, the point of view of the Ministry, which deems that the Council activities would contribute to improve knowledge about the situation of the Islamic communities in Italy, encourage their integration in our society, and consequently encourage the birth of an Italian Islam, has not been shared at all. Contrary opinions to the establishment of this institution have been expressed also within the Islamic community. If, on the one hand, Ucoii (Union of the Islamic Communities in Italy) the organization that up to now is controlling the large majority of Italian mosques seems perplexed, on the other hand a more favourable position can be found in the Boards of the Muslim League in Italy and Moslems of Italy. In turn, from the pages of Corriere della Sera, the journalist Magdi Allam has put forward some criticism as to the Council composition, which he deems incorrect, since he fears there is the risk that in the committee itself may be included members that would not openly disavow terrorism. Despite those controversies and resistances, the establishment of an Islamic Council represents a step forward in the process of improving dialogue with the Islamic world, though the choice of its members still remains a very critical issue. On an international scale, similar actions have been already taken for many years now, such as for example, the representative organizations of the national Islamic communities in Belgium and France, and more recently, in the United Kingdom, as a reaction to the attacks to the underground lines in July 2005.

25 2005: The Crisis of Traditional Integration Models The Case-History of the School of Via Quaranta in Milan In Italy, too, there are several significant events evidencing the consolidation of a multiethnic and multicultural society. Among those events, the case of the Islamic school has raised some concrete questions regarding the way in which interethnic coexistence should be managed. Sixteen years ago, a group of Egyptian families living in Italy, but well-intentioned to go back sooner or later to their country of origin, asked the Islamic centre of Viale Jenner, Milan, for a support in teaching their children the Arab language. Later on, these after school-time lessons changed into an eight-year course of study (primary and junior-high school) certified by the Egyptian Consulate. In 1997, the school moved to Via Quaranta, where a real Islamic school was established, which however did not obtain any approval from the Italian authorities. Apart from the legal problems involved in such a situation, the difficulties in terms of integration mostly refer to the educational failure encountered in the following years by students who, after having completed their cycle of studies at the school of Via Quaranta, wanted to continue their educational course and attend an Italian high school. In the attempt to negotiate a possible solution for the future of those students, in 2001, the persons in charge for the management of the school of Via Quaranta asked a team of Milanese university teachers to develop a project for a special Islamic class for the transition stage from teachings given in Arab in compliance with the programmes of the Egyptian school system, to teachings given in Italian in compliance with the educational programme standards provided for by the Italian school system. The project of an Islamic class based in an Italian school was however rejected by the Ministry of Education (Miur), as it considered it not advisable to create a precedent that would have certified a sort of cultural segregation within a school system that must be the same for everybody. The closing of the premises of Via Quaranta ordered in September 2005 aroused a great deal of controversy both among those who had welcomed that solution, and those who had opposed it. However, this school was not

26 26 Vincenzo Cesareo closed insofar as it was Islamic, but because it did not ensure appropriate structures and legally acknowledged staff. In addition, it did not provide an educational service compatible with the national standards. There are in Italy both religious schools, such as the Catholic and Jewish ones, and merely foreign schools, such the American and Swiss ones. Consequently, in virtue of a juridically granted pluralism, we cannot exclude that also Islamic schools may be established in the future, on condition they are prepared to receive, admit, adopt and put into practice the inspiring principles of our Constitution, and conform themselves to our educational system. 2.4 The Global Commission on International Migration From an international point of view, we limit ourselves to mention the report presented by the Global Commission on International Migration, an independent organization based in Switzerland, established in December 2003 by 32 countries and by the European Union, including 19 commissioners appointed by Secretary Kofi Annan under United Nations protection. This report provides an overall balance of international migration trends, and suggests six action principles and thirty-three recommendations. As regards the six principles, the first four of them refer to national and regional policies, the fifth one underlines the need for multilateral agreements, and the sixth refers to United Nations role. The Commission invites United Nations to make available a Global Migration Facility in the position to coordinate and harmonize the actions several international institutions are carrying out and implementing in order to manage migration flows. The commissioners ultimately maintain that the international community has failed, since it has not been able to capitalize opportunities and answer the challenges of international migration flows. This report sheds light particularly on a number of difficulties encountered by migration policies in several countries. For example, it underlines the contradictory nature of the position of some nations which, though not being in need of immigrants workforce, are adopting, for reasons of security, extremely restrictive admission policies. In addition, a lack of appropriate policies can be found at any governance levels, and the report points out the need for greater

27 2005: The Crisis of Traditional Integration Models 27 international cooperation in dealing with such a critical issue characterizing the beginning of this century. Furthermore, the report admits that some models implemented in several countries cannot be globally applied. Therefore with a great deal of optimism it states it is necessary to work out new proposals from an actually global point of view. 2.5 Violence in the French Banlieues On October 27 th, 2005, the first riots in the north-west suburbs of Paris began to take place. Few days later, similar events involved also other towns and districts in France. At the origin of the first rebellion was the death, in the district of Clichy-sous-Bois, of two young men of Maghrebian origin. From that event onwards, the French nights began to be lit by cars on fire (more than 31,000 vehicles) and upset by repeated battles between rebels and police (3,000 arrested persons). It is a common opinion that this single event may not have been the only cause for rousing such a rage: which is therefore the reading key to understand what did it actually happen in the assimilationist European country par excellence? Attention should be focused on four major issues: situation in the suburbs; media attitudes; the way in which institutions managed this case; the crisis of integration policies addressed to immigrants. As regards the situation in the French banlieues (also known as Sensitive Urban Areas, or Zus), the scene of those riots, analyses carried out by the Observatoire des Zus, point out that out of a population totalling 4.67 million inhabitants distributed in 751 risky areas, 26.7% residents are unemployed (all over the country this percentage lowers to 9.9%), and 26.5% families live in a condition of poverty (against 10% in the rest of France). As to the role of institutions, opinions expressed in this regard underline that actions characterized by repression contributed to lead to the rise of an alliance among weak persons. Due to the lack of an actual leadership, this alliance seems spontaneous and not driven from the top. However, it cannot be excluded that some representatives of religious extremism may have claimed to be considered as a reference and aggregation point by individuals

28 28 Vincenzo Cesareo who, even without any links or contacts among themselves, became the protagonists of the Parisian nights. From a psychological point of view, the data emerging from studies on immigrants new generations show that, if the second generations tended to express anger and uneasiness particularly in terms of psychic suffering, the following generations are instead displaying reactions against society. The events in France have been read within the Italian debate as something that might find an echo in the future also in our country, and experts have wondered whether this is likely to happen. However, we should consider a few elements that significantly diversify the French reality from the Italian one. First of all, the concentration of immigrant foreigners living in monoethnic neighbourhoods, typical of the French banlieues, cannot be compared with the Italian context, where instead there is usually a greater residential medley between local population and foreigners. A second element of differentiation in the Italian urban reality consists in an extremely variegated composition in terms of geographic and ethnic origins, which in fact prevents the predominance of a single ethnic group over the others, such as it happens, on the contrary, in France. Though some episodes, such as those occurred in that country, represent an evidently critical signal, the attitudes and orientations of the Italian and European society towards immigration are still characterized by availability to grant more rights to foreigners. Reactions against immigration seem to let emerge, in the 25-member Europe, a rift between old and new member countries. In fact, in Central Europe realities, the alarm level seems higher than among the Union promoting partners (particularly Italy, France and Germany). In the latter, a contradictory attitude is emerging, because, along with a widespread availability to grant reception and integration, there are also reactions of fear involving considerable minorities of local population. Similar attitudes are reported particularly in Italy, where there is a particular sensitivity towards criminality, and in Germany, where the immigrant continues to be mostly considered as a competitor on the labour market. Among the factors which encourage an attitude of closure towards immigrant foreigners, a central role is played by anti- European feelings. All those elements shed light on the urgent need to build a real European perspective and to strongly commit our-

29 2005: The Crisis of Traditional Integration Models 29 selves to find an appropriate answer to the question of how interethnic coexistence should be managed. 3. How Can Multiethnicity Be Managed? The previously reported events occurred in 2005 point out that interethnic coexistence is becoming an increasingly topical and urgent issue also in Italy, where the most effective strategies for managing the typical problems of a multiethnic society are currently debated. As we shall see in the following pages, many are the events that have led this debate to deal also with the crisis of the models adopted up to now. The crisis of multiculturalism is particularly debated in the United Kingdom, where it has been questioned for a long time even by its supporters, and in the Netherlands after the murder, in November 2004, of the movie director Theo Van Gogh, guilty of having offended the Islamic religion through his movie Submission. However, even the French republican model, based on assimilation, has now entered a serious crisis after the acts of violence which fired the banlieues. In addition to this delicate and complex question, a second issue concerning the way in which migrations should be simultaneously read is being now debated. The current transformation process, which depends on globalization and technological revolutions, has in fact direct implications on migration, which, as we shall later see, tends to increasingly assume transnational features. This suggests us reconsidering and revising the methods through which migrations are analyzed and interpreted. Before proceeding any further with these considerations, it is important to note that the events we previously mentioned shed light on the fact that, also in our country, we reflect on the different ways of managing multiethnic society. Among these ways, the issue of multiculturalism, or better multi-culturalisms, has become particularly relevant, though a great deal of criticism weighs increasingly on it. Multiculturalism refers back to the field of political options and consists in a choice that aims at pointing out a solution to the problem of multiethnic and multicultural coexistence, and at being oriented to enhance the value of diversity. The distinguishing mark of this pro-

30 30 Vincenzo Cesareo posal consists in the acknowledgement of cultural differences by public institutions, and refers to an assumption of equal dignity for all individual cultural identities, that is, the equal value of different cultures. In turn, multiculturalism may express itself either in a temperate or a radical way. In the temperate form, the starting point is an assumption of equal dignity of all cultures, which however has to be proved. The radical form, instead, denies this condition and claims the right of acknowledgement for any culture, such as it is, thus rejecting the possibility to make any selection or evaluation based on value. This attitude becomes stronger through the coming back into vogue of ethnicity, considered as a source of collective identification and thrust to particularistic claims. In turn, the proposed distinction between temperate and radical multiculturalism allows understanding a first substantial difference, basing on which it is possible to focalize the different facets of multi-culturalism. Therefore, rather than about multi-culturalism, it seems more appropriate talking about multiculturalisms. This concept is however extremely fluid and has numerous meanings, because several conceptions of intercultural relations make reference to it. 3.1 Doubts about Multiculturalism Though during the last three decades multiculturalism increasingly focused the interest of researchers, policy makers, and mass media, in its different declinations it currently lays itself open to a great deal of criticism and puts some problems that from time to time take a different relevance, depending on whether reference is made to either multiculturalism model. We can identify the following risks: 1) the risk of aggravating differences, which derives from placing too much emphasis on differences, and from a more or less manifest opposition between different cultures. This aggravation may, in turn, either encourage community closures, further to which an individual culture isolates itself in its fortress, or start instead social disintegration processes, with regressions of a neo-tribal nature, or even degenerate into Balkanization ;

31 2005: The Crisis of Traditional Integration Models 31 2) the risk of privileging some groups more than others, since an actual distinction might take place between stronger and weaker groups, thus generating tensions and inter-ethnic conflicts; 3) the risk of abuses within a group: in this case, the group s liberty may be prejudicial to the liberty in the group. This may turn, for example, into discriminating actions both towards sub-groups and towards individual members; 4) the risk of fossilization: usually, the strategies regulating interethnic coexistence tend to privilege already consolidated minority groups, thus encouraging cultural reproduction rather than production and emersion of new cultures; 5) the risk of a more stereotyped vision of the other, basing on which monolithic pictures of the various civilizations are worked out. Both cultural heterogeneity, which may even express itself within an individual ethnic reality, and multiplicity of the relationship networks existing among the members of different ethnic groups, are neglected. 3.2 Towards Interculturalism? The basic challenge of multiethnic society is reconciling the need of being in possession of a common coexistence code with the request for cultural difference acknowledgement. Between the devil of mono-culturalism, involving the risk that the dominant culture may exert its imperialism, and the deep blue sea of multiculturalism, on which the risk of cultural relativism and society Balkanization is pending, the way out of these treacherous waters might be identified in intercultural integration, which aims in fact at reconciling universal rights with respect and value increase of cultural differences. Hence, a growing attention to the perspective of interculturalism. Born from a rib of multiculturalism, it distinguishes itself because its qualifying element consists in establishing a dialogue among different cultures, and consequently encouraging opening towards them and attention to the dynamism of cultural changes. While multiculturalism, even in its different expressions, stresses on cultural differences, interculturalism stresses on relations among different cultures based on bidirectional, symmetrical and personal exchanges, follow-

32 32 Vincenzo Cesareo ing the principle of acculturation, which in turn consists in a mutual acceptance of cultural elements respectful of individual identities. While the multiculturalism model foreshadows a society in which several distinguished and separate cultures live together, the interculturalism model is characterized by a variety and intenseness of contacts, relations, and exchanges among the different cultures acting in a single historical-social context. The essential premise for bringing into action an intercultural project consists in the fact that those who comply with it should be able to provide good reasons to support their requests. In addition, those reasons should be communicated so that persons belonging to a different creed or culture may be able to understand and accept them as something deserving their attention. The mainstay of such a proposal consists in the supremacy of the person upon State and community. It is the subjectivity of the person that becomes the foundation of living together. In this perspective, the different cultures are called to search for, share and accept a range of values considered inalienable and valid for any human being, such as freedom, dignity, and respect of life. Among the different ways in which multiethnicity can be managed, we would therefore include interculturalism, though this perspective is not free from possible risks. Apart from statements of principle, exchange might in fact cause the crumbling of individual and collective identities. Furthermore, if not correctly managed, interculturalism might contribute to the spreading of indifferentism and ethical relativism, as well as syncretism, particularly in the moral and religious fields. The proposals referred to multiculturalism and interculturalism do necessarily raise the question of how it is possible to hold together a society that is increasingly becoming culturally and ethnically differentiated, and how a growing ethnic and cultural heterogeneity can live together with shared, and consequently indispensable values. 4. Migrations as a Diaspora To the themes of multiculturalism and interculturalism, upon which we have dwelt in the previous pages, we should now add a further issue, that is, transnationalism, which well expresses the influence of globalization on migrations, and particularly, on the new trans-

33 2005: The Crisis of Traditional Integration Models 33 national features ethnic communities are taking. Though early 20 th century European migrants, too, would keep in touch with their community of origin, the novelty of emerging transnational communities concerns the number of persons involved and the immediacy contacts have gained through space and satellite communications. While in the past, migrations were tendentially definitive and contacts with the country of origin were rare and difficult, nowadays, a relative travelling easiness, low-cost flights, the spreading of fixed and mobile telephones, internet and satellite TV allow migrants not only entering a network of economic, social, cultural, and even political activities, but also sharing experiences with other members of their ethnic group who live in other countries all over the world. Reading migrations from the point of view of a transnationalization process allows therefore understanding how a growing number of migrants is in the position to establish social ties, which go beyond the geographical and cultural borders of an individual country. Furthermore, focusing on the transnational aspects immigrant communities show, lead us to outline a semi-settlement model induced and made possible by globalization. Through long-distance networks, a growing number of individuals find themselves leading a double life. They are often bilingual persons who are accustomed to easily move between two cultures, who often own two houses, one in their country of origin and one in the host country, and therefore pursue economic, political and cultural interests that ask them to be present in both countries. Transnationalism is a term describing a particular migration phenomenon, but also a particular kind of cultural attitude. Culture transnationalization is in fact a further effect of a cumulative causation process. The circulation of persons, goods, and ideas allows combining values, behaviour patterns, and attitudes of the society of origin with those of the society of destination, which give origin to new social areas that go beyond the national borders. This leads us to consider immigrants not only as individuals who have left their country and have chosen another country usually once and for all, but also as persons who are simultaneously living between and within two or more cultural worlds. Therefore, we have reason to believe that contemporary migrations tend to increasingly take the

34 34 Vincenzo Cesareo shape of a Diaspora, a phenomenon implying movement and constant exchanges between different places and cultures. Diaspora is in fact a transnational, either ethnic or cultural, community. It forms further to the scattering of a population, which is obliged to move away from a homeland that is not necessarily represented by a state, in which its members continue identifying themselves and to which refer, keeping their obligations and ties. In this regard, these new features of migrations in terms of a Diaspora are strictly linked to the creation of transnational areas that go beyond the limits of a place through a globalization and de-territorialization process. We are also allowed to reasonably think that these Diasporas will be able to let emerge new cultural expressions increasingly less bound to a particular territorial area, and increasingly deterritorialized and mobile. This tendency is confirmed by the fact that the feeling of belonging, not only among migrants, does increasingly depend on personal orientations, which are, at least partly, in the position to leave out of consideration taking roots in a particular site. Transnationalization, through which migrations are increasingly taking the features of a Diaspora, may also contribute to explain the immigrants growing resistance to a process of assimilation, which in the past represented the prevailing way of introducing themselves into a host society. Such resistances are clearly emerging also in USA, the immigrants country par excellence, besides the Old Continent. While in the past, except for some rare cases, moving from a country to another one involved abandoning the culture of the former and assuming more or less gradually the culture of the latter, nowadays, depending on whether migrations take the peculiar features of a Diaspora, the phenomenon of assimilation is increasingly less taken for granted, and becomes more and more problematic.

35 35 Gian Carlo Blangiardo 1. Foreigners Presence in Italy by Gian Carlo Blangiardo 1.1 An Unprecedented Growth According to the latest official data (Istat, 2005b), the foreign population regularly resident in Italy as to January 1 st, 2005, totalled about 2.7 million individuals, that is, 940,000 persons more than those reported by the similar surveys referring to the same date of two years before, and prior to the effects of the regularization enforced through the laws n 189 of 2002, and n 222 of Going into details as to kind of presence, the same source points out that those who are regularly resident are in nine cases out of ten registered at the Registry Office of an Italian municipality (88% regular immigrants, according to the data as to January 1 st, 2005), also underlining that foreigners by now represent, with 2.4 million registered persons, 4.1% overall residents. This survey underlines, in addition, that the whole body of resident foreigners, who in 93% cases originate from the commonly defined paesi a forte pressione migratoria (heavy migration pressure countries) (Pfpm s) 1, increased over 2004 by 412,000 units, 408,000 of which coming from Pfpm s (+22%). This community, which had already grown by an average 17% in the inter-census period, further increased it speed of growth over the three-year period. Its average yearly increase rate was by 24.4% between October 21 st, 2001 and January 1 st, 2005, and lets us understand, should this trend continue over time, that the related population would in prospect even double every three years! 1 We keep within this conventional body also 9 out of the 10 new EU-member countries (being Malta the only excluded member).

36 36 Gian Carlo Blangiardo Table 1 Regularly resident foreigners in Italy: Jan.1 st 2003 Jan.1 st 2004 Jan.1 st Variation Thousands Total regulars 1,800 2,570 2, of which: - residents 1,549 1,990 2, non-resident regulars Source: Istat (Central Institute of Statistics) Within the framework of an intense growth of resident foreigners, the dynamics of the younger component play a major role and deserve being carefully examined. The about 50,000 minors registered at the Registry Office by the 1991 census survey, rose in fact up to 284,000 units ten years after, and further increased up to reach 502,000 units as to January 1 st, It is worth mentioning that in this context a gain by 147,000 units must be specifically referred to the two-year period. Table 2 Resident foreigners in Italy: Census 2001 Census Jan.1 st 2004 Jan.1 st 2005 Thousands Total foreign residents 336 1,335 1,990 2,402 of which: - originating from Pfpm s 240 1,155 1,816 2,224 - <under Percent values Density per 100 residents % originating from Pfpm s % <under Source: Istat data processed by Ismu In short, in comparison with the previous two-year period, a great part of the over 900,000 additional regular immigrants reported at the beginning of 2005 represent the direct effect of the addition of about 650,000 immigrants regularized in , and the remaining one third of them should be attributed to a not less important indirect effect produced by the same cause. The achieved regular residence status has in fact produced the appropriate

37 Foreigners Presence in Italy 37 conditions for starting a high number of family reunifications. In this regards, the balance of residence permits issued for family reasons between January 1 st, 2004 and January 1st, 2005 points out an increase of 100,000 units face to face with a substantial immobility of those issued for labour purposes (Istat, 2005b: 4). Table 3 Italy: gender dynamics over 2004 among nationalities including 10,000 residents at least Male residents % residents variation in 2004 out of 100 women Men Women Countries with strong women s prevalence Ukraine Cuba Russia Poland Moldavia Dominican Republic Brazil Colombia Ecuador Peru Philippines Nigeria Countries with strong men s prevalence Senegal Algeria Pakistan Egypt Bangladesh Tunisia India Turkey Morocco Macedonia Relatively balanced countries as to genders Bulgaria Romania china Ivory Coast Sri Lanka Serbia and Montenegro Bosnia-Herzegovina Albania Ghana Source: Istat data processed by Ismu

38 38 Gian Carlo Blangiardo Similarly, it is not surprising to state that the previously reported increase of minors appears mostly concentrated in the second half of the two-year period, as it has likely developed in connection with the consolidation of the newly regularized immigrants universe. On the other hand, the upheaval stirred up by the so-called big regularization of 2002 did not only produce the effects of a numerical growth of foreigners presence. Besides (and along with) the immigrants familiarization action through the previously mentioned increase in family reunifications also a gender rebalancing action has continued. A comparison between immigrants registered in the Registry Office records as to January 1 st and as to December 31 st, 2004, points out that particularly in the communities in which women s presence was prevailing, the rates of men s growth were higher (Ecuador, Ukraine, Moldavia and Dominican Republic are the most outstanding examples). All this within the framework of a variegated scene ranging from recurrent examples of higher growth rates in an already clearly prevailing male component (such as in the case of Egypt, India and Bangladesh), to the very high peaks reached by some important realities, in which a certain gender balance is reported both as to residents composition and their growth dynamics (China, Romania, Albania, Ghana). 1.2 Reading the Signals of Residential Mobility To understand the great importance of the latest migration developments in Italy, a useful starting point for remarks can be drawn from the examination of the data concerning registry changes referred to the whole body of Italian and non-italian residents, and to the particular subset of foreign citizens (Istat, 2005a). The balance of the two-year period points out in this regard 915,000 registered persons from abroad, 90% of which foreign citizens (with a moderate women s prevalence), whose net contribution registrations less cancellations covers more than 85% total flows of foreign origin. Consequently, the merit of this persistent and strong demographic growth in Italy in , though in presence of a still slight natural balance debit (-26,000 units), should be attributed to the contribution of mobility from abroad both ac-

39 Foreigners Presence in Italy 39 tual mobility and the formal one certified a posteriori (as soon as irregular permanence is put right). Table 4 Italy: Registry Office movements over the twoyear period Men Women Total Total registered persons from abroad (thousands) of which foreign citizens % Balance foreigners from abroad/total registered persons from abroad (x100) Source: Istat data processed by Ismu A second important contribution, to be acknowledged to foreign immigration from an examination of registry data, can be drawn when the elements of the net migration balance are specified by individual year of birth. In particular, a simple comparison between the resident population s year of birth structure as to January 1 st, 2003 and the same date of 2005, allows assessing, in correspondence of each generation of young adults born in the 1970s and early 1980s 2, the existence of a considerable surplus, totalling about 30-40,000 units, that may be brought back to the net balance between registrations and cancellations from abroad over the considered two-year period. Not less interesting, even though more reduced (10-15,000 units per each cohort), is the parallel credit balance that accompanies the generation that developed since the 1990s. Ultimately, in a country like Italy, which is now becoming aware of the limits to development and the numerous problems that will rise along with the ageing process of its population, the discovery of the existence of meaningful young human capital injections (both first and second generations) should be undoubtedly considered as a profit item in economic and social assessments. 2 It is actually a minimum net balance, because the simple difference between the total amount of a generation aged x as to January 1 st, 2005 and the total amount of the same generation aged x-2 as to January 1 st, 2003 provides the twoyear period balance net of the corresponding deaths (which however, in this case, basing on the concerned age segment, may be considered negligible).

40 40 Gian Carlo Blangiardo Pict. 1 - Italy: resident population balance between January 1 st, 2003 and January 1 st, 2005 by year of birth and gender Year of birth Men Women Total In territorial terms, an analysis of residential mobility flows in the two-year period confirms the decisive role of the foreign component everywhere, but at the same time points out, on the one hand, the specificity of a persistence of significant Italians return flows to the regions of the Mezzogiorno (in the Islands, foreigners represent in fact only 60% registered persons from abroad, against more than 90% in the Centre-North). On the other hand, it points out the different weight of the foreign population internal movements within large territorial areas. In this regard, while for the North-West and the North-East the foreign component contribution in determining the credit balance of residents exchanges with the rest of the country represents one third and one fifth of the total, in other parts of the country this contribution represents a debit balance. Furthermore, while in Central Italy the foreign component balance is in countertendency compared to the internal movement balance (this area attracts internal immigration, but hands over foreign population), in the Mezzogiorno expulsive dynamics are shared by both aggregates. As to the South and the Islands, only a little more than 10% of the net deficit concerning the balance of transfers to other national areas may be attributed to foreigners.

41 Foreigners Presence in Italy 41 In general, we can say that in the two-year period, the North-West acquired, whether directly from abroad, or internally, 37% of the entire migration contribution received by the country, the North-East 26% of it, and the Centre 23%. Table 5 Italy: Registry office variations by territorial areas over the two-year period Source: Istat data processed by ISMU Relatively marginal is instead the attraction force of Southern Italy, where the already modest 15% share of foreign migration flows in this direction lowers to 13%, in relation to the current mobility processes from south to north. 1.3 New Data and New Analysis Horizons The image of the phenomenon of migrations in the Italian reality has found an interesting opportunity of enrichment through new estimates worked out by our Foundation during the second half of

42 42 Gian Carlo Blangiardo 2005 within the context of an inquiry on a national scale carried out on behalf of the Ministry of Labour and Social Policies (Cesareo V., 2005). The activities carried out within this context, specifically referred to the overall immigration originating from heavy migration pressure countries (Pfpm s), have not only allowed updating the information included in the latest estimates provided by Istat, but also extending our knowledge about migrations to the different types of foreigners presence and to some territorial details 3. Table 6 - Estimate of the number of foreigners originating from heavy migration pressure countries present in Italy as to July 1 st, 2005 Italy Centre-North South Absolute values (in thousands) Total persons present 3,358 2, of which: - Residents 2,499 2, Non-resident regulars Irregulars % values (per 100 persons present in each area) - Residents Non-resident regulars Irregulars Total persons present Source: Fondazione Ismu In particular, the numerousness of foreigners originating from Pfpm s is estimated, as to July 1 st, 2005, to slightly exceed 3.3 million units over the whole national territory. About 85% of them are present in the Centre-North regions, whereas only 15% of them (a little less than half a million units) are settled in Italy s Mezzogiorno. As a whole, the foreign component in possession of a regular residence title (which, similarly to what Istat data evidence, results included in the Registry Office records in 9 cases out of 10) 3 With reference to some specific studies reporting detailed information on the results achieved by this inquiry, we wish to resume in this report the contents of some information released in advance, which were officially circulated in the month of November 2005 (Cesareo V., 2005).

43 Foreigners Presence in Italy 43 totals about 2.8 million individuals 4, while irregulars total about 540,000 units, one fourth of which settled in the South. This area is characterized by both a particularly high irregulars percentage (27% vs. 16% on a national scale), and by a lower presence stability. The residents proportion is in fact a little lower than 2 / 3 of those present, whereas in the Centre-North it arrives to 3 / Geography of Origins An analysis by large areas of origin, with reference to the available data as to July 1 st, 2005, points out the clear superiority in numbers of East-Europeans, who by 1.5 million units represent 46% present immigrants. Totalling about 600,000 units, and almost equivalent between the two communities, is the number of North-Africans and Asians, while the number of other Africans and Latin-Americans totals about one half. 4 For a correct comparison with the data reported on Table 1, we should bear in mind that, on the one hand, this datum refers only to persons from heavy migration pressure countries (whereas Istat estimate refers to all migrants), and that, on the other hand, our estimate considers the developments occurred in the first six months of In this regard, it is sufficient to consider that in the January-April 2005 period, a 143,000 unit credit balance is reported on a national scale as regards movements with foreign countries. Considering that this figure refers mostly to foreigners, if we extract the datum concerning the first four months from the whole first semester of 2005, the further increase of regular immigrants noticed by comparing Istat estimates as to January 1 st, with those reported in this chapter as to July 1 st is confirmed.

44 44 Table 7 Estimate on the number of foreigners present in Italy as to July 1 st, 2005 by type of presence and area of origin Area of origin Total Of which: Composition by typology Persons present Residents Non-residents regulars Irregulars Residents Non-residents regulars Thousands per 100 persons present East-Europe 1,544 1, Asia, Oceania North-Africa Other Africans Lat. America Total 3,357 2, of which from new-25 EU* *Referring to nine out of the ten new-member countries (excluding Malta) Source: Fondazione Ismu Irregulars

45 45 Gian Carlo Blangiardo Referred to stability/regularity parameters, the above classification undergoes, however, a radical change. In fact, Asians are those showing both the highest share of residents (78.5%) and the lowest percentage of irregulars (11.5%), preceding in this virtuous classification North-Africans (whose parameters are, respectively, 78.1% and 14.5%). At the third place are Latin-Americans, followed by other Africans, and finally, East-Europeans. The latter, by 286,000 units, concentrate over 50% irregulars present on the Italian territory. As we pass to a detailed examination by individual nationalities, we have to remark the existence of both a wide range of origins (represented by 161 countries), and immigrants concentration into a limited number of leading national communities. The communities including more than 100,000 units are 7 and aggregate all together 56% migrants present, If the threshold is lowered to 50,000 units we can count 19 different communities, which include 82% total persons. Table 8 Distribution of heavy migration pressure countries by number of citizens present in Italy as to July 1 st, 2005 Number of foreigners present (by classes) Number of represented countries % out of total present persons accumulated % More than 100, From 50,000 to 100, From 30,000 to 50, From 10,000 to 30, From 5,000 to 10, From 2,000 to 5, From 1,000 to 2, From 500 to 1, From 100 to Up to Total Source: Fondazione Ismu As a matter of fact, three countries, namely Albania, Romania and Morocco (in order of importance and all totalling more than 400,000 persons present) are enough to cover about 40% total immigrants originating from Pfpm s. Furthermore, considerable importance on the national scene has achieved Ukraine, not only because of the high number of immigrants (which places it at the

46 46 Gian Carlo Blangiardo fourth place in the list of the most represented countries), but mostly for the speed with which they have increased. It is sufficient to think that our estimate of 180,000 Ukrainian citizens present as to July 1 st, 2005, more than 2 / 3 of which registered at the Registry Office, confronts with no more than 9,000 residents calculated no later than four years ago by the population census. In addition to the previously mentioned nationalities, the Chinese and Philippine communities achieve a relevant position in the list of national communities present in Italy, respectively by 169,000 and 100,000 individuals, as well as the Tunisian community (including 110,000 persons) and the Ecuadorian community, which by 89,000 units identifies the most numerous group originating from the Latin-American continent. Table 9 Major nationalities by number and type of persons present in Italy as to July 1 st, 2005 Total Persons Composition by typology (percent values) present Thousands Residents Non-resident regulars Irregulars Albania Romania Morocco Ukraine P.R. China Philippines Tunisia Ecuador Macedonia Poland Serbia and Montenegro Senegal Peru India Egypt Moldavia Sri Lanka (Ceylon) Bangladesh Pakistan Nigeria Total 20 major countries 2,810 Total 3, Source: Fondazione Ismu

47 Foreigners Presence in Italy 47 As to the composition by type of presence, the data referred to the major nationalities show complying with expectations a high residents incidence level among countries with a major migration seniority, such as Sri Lanka, Philippines and Egypt, while they evidence the lowest share of persons included in the Registry Office records level with Romanians, Ukrainians and Polish. Three nationalities, the latter, which stand out because of higher irregularity levels, with 21-22% values compared to a 16.1% national average, and confirm a polarization placing East-European provenances on the top of the list and Asian ones at the bottom. Not by chance, countries such as Philippines, China, Sri Lanka and Pakistan, are all characterized by irregularity percentages not exceeding 12% Territorial Variability Foreign immigrants territorial distribution in Italy is not certainly even. Similarly to what we noticed about residential mobility flows, also regarding immigrants location we are able to identify more or less crowded areas, which often depend on particular favourable or unfavourable circumstances in connection with a given socialeconomic context. Consequently, if over the country the estimated density of foreigners originating from heavy migration pressure countries is somewhat lower than 6%, according to available data as to July 1 st, 2005, if we go into further details in terms of provincial distribution though limiting ourselves to a little less than one half of the Italian provinces 5 we can see a variation field ranging from an 11% maximum in the province of Brescia, to a less than 1% minimum in some districts of the Islands (Enna, Oristano). In any case, a marked contrast clearly emerges between densities exceeding the national average in the provinces of the Centre-North (actually, with the only exception of Sondrio, being Como and Varese basically included in average values) and by-far lower values in those of the South. 5 These data refer to the 40 provinces (30 of which in the Mezzogiorno) examined by the inquiry on which the analyses of this paragraph are based. To those data, also the data provided by the 2005 Regional Observatory Report edited by Fondazione Ismu concerning the 11 provinces of Lombardy were added.

48 48 Gian Carlo Blangiardo Table 10 Immigrants presence density as to July 1 st, 2005 in some Italian provinces (a) Provinces exceeding the Italian average by presence density Presence density per 100 inhabitants ) Provinces below the Italian average by presence density Presence density per 100 inhabitants ) Brescia Como 5.53 Vicenza Varese 5.16 Milan 9.13 Caserta 3.79 Mantua 9.07 Reggio Calabria 3.74 Verona 8.71 Cosenza 3.71 Rome 8.46 Sondrio 3.40 Bergamo 8.26 Crotone 3.32 Florence 8.14 Salerno 3.18 Bologna 7.97 Vibo Valentia 3.11 Cremona 7.57 Foggia 2.86 Turin 7.47 Avellino 2.68 Lodi 7.06 Siracusa 2.56 Pavia 6.67 Matera 2.28 Ragusa 6.17 Naples 2.25 Lecco 6.15 Catanzaro 2.13 Messina 2.06 Palermo 2.05 Trapani 1.99 Sassari 1.94 Bari 1.88 Lecce 1.43 Benevento 1.42 Catania 1.42 Cagliari 1.28 Agrigento 1.24 Brindisi 1.16 Nuoro 11.4 Caltanissetta 1.04 Potenza 1.02 Taranto 1.01 Enna 0.96 Italy s average 5,74 Oristano 0.81 (a) Data concerning the 11 Lombard provinces derive from estimates as to July 1 st, 2005 calculated for the Regional Observatory for Integration and Multiethnicity of the Lombardy Region Source: Fondazione Ismu Among the latter, stands out only the province of Ragusa, which, with a density of 6.2 foreigners present per 100 inhabitants, represents the only southern province exceeding the Italian average. Quite different is the comparison with the national average value when in the same set of provinces we examine territorial variability

49 Foreigners Presence in Italy 49 values referring to the percentage of immigrants who are not in possession of a regular residence title. Table 11 Irregularity rate (number of irregulars out of 100 immigrants present) as to July 1 st, 2005, in some Italian provinces (a) Provinces (exceeding the Italian average) Irregularity rate Provinces (below the Italian average) Irregularity rate Cosenza 51 Potenza 16 Foggia 43 Matera 15 Vibo Valentia 39 Sondrio 15 Siracusa 33 Lecce 14 Crotone 33 Oristano 14 Naples 31 Bergamo 14 Sassari 31 Florence 13 Ragusa 31 Verona 13 Taranto 29 Bologna 12 Benevento 27 Lecco 12 Salerno 27 Como 11 Enna 26 Catanzaro 11 Cagliari 26 Brindisi 11 Reggio Calabria 25 Brescia 10 Rome 25 Cremona 10 Trapani 24 Messina 10 Catania 24 Vicenza 9 Nuoro 23 Varese 8 Turin 23 Lodi 8 Caserta 22 Mantua 7 Palermo 19 Bari 19 Milan 19 Avellino 18 Agrigento 18 Pavia 18 Caltanissetta 16 Italy s average 16 a) Data concerning the 11 Lombard provinces derive from estimates as to July 1 st, 2005 calculated for the Regional Observatory for Integration and Multiethnicity of the Lombardy Region Source: Fondazione Ismu The variation field fluctuates, in fact, from minimum, almost physiological, irregularity peaks not exceeding 10% in some provinces mostly based in the central-eastern areas of the Po Valley, such as Lodi, Cremona, Mantua, Brescia, Vicenza (but also Varese and, quite surprisingly, Messina), to maximum values a symptom of likely problematic realities in some provinces of

50 50 Gian Carlo Blangiardo Calabria (Cosenza 51%, Vibo Valentia 39%, Crotone 33%), Puglia (Foggia 43%), Campania (Napoli 31%) and Italian Islands (Siracusa 33%, Ragusa 31%, Sassari 31%). In general, while no more than one fourth of the provinces of the Centre-North (among the 17 considered ones) exceed the national mean value of irregularity (Rome, Turin, Milan and Pavia), in the Mezzogiorno the proportion of the provinces reporting below the average values is lower by one fourth: besides Messina, only the provinces of Brindisi, Catanzaro, Oristano, Lecce, Matera and Potenza are those reporting no more than 16 irregulars out of 100 immigrants present. 1.4 Final Remarks The availability of new information sources concerning the presence of foreigners in Italy has allowed all of us becoming aware of both the strong numerical size progressively achieved by the immigrants community, and an unprecedented immigrants increase over the past 2-3 years. If we must certainly reflect upon the discovery of over three million foreigners currently living in the Italian territory, whose presence has doubled in the space of three year, similar attention also deserve the results concerning immigrants presence typology. These results underline a persistent incidence of irregular immigration, which consolidates on a national scale at a 16% value, though evidencing a meaningful gap between the southern regions of the Mezzogiorno (27% average value) and those of the Centre-North (14% only ), but reaching even 50% peaks in some southern provinces (such as Foggia or Cosenza).. On the whole, the analyses carried out on recent data confirm the existence of important territorial gaps concerning the development of the phenomenon of migration within the Italian reality. First of all, this is true as regards the clear contrast between a Centre-North characterized by a presence that in average is more lasting and regular, and a South where immigrations is less intense and consequently less deep-rooted. However, some contrasts may be noticed also as regards a further distinction, transversely to geographical coordinates, between large metropolitan provinces, such as Rome, Milan, but also Naples, Palermo and Bari, and the so-called minor provinces.

51 Foreigners Presence in Italy 51 While the former stand out because of relatively higher immigrants irregularity and density rates, the latter give sometimes the impression that the phenomenon of migrations takes second place, with lower irregularity levels and greater signals of taking root in the territory and in local communities.

52

53 53 2. Laws and Regulations by Ennio Codini Numerous were in 2005 the novelties and developments regarding the set of laws on migration. First of all, in the month of February, the long-expected rules for the enforcement of the Bossi-Fini laws were published, and namely, the amendments of the rules for the enforcement of the consolidated act on immigration were passed. These amendments were necessary, in order to conform the consolidated act to the innovations introduced by the Bossi-Fini law. As it is well known, this law has been immediately enforced as regards a few aspects such as sanction regulations but not as regards the other aspects, particularly those concerning the entry of foreign workers, in default of the necessary provisions. Through the mentioned amendments brought to regulations, a significant step forward was made in achieving the full enforcement of this law. There have been several other events in 2005, which, despite an extremely variable extent, in terms of immediate effects, have in any case weighed upon immigration regulations and the associated debate. Since these events are heterogeneous on the whole, we prefer to list them in a merely chronological order as follows: In the month of February, the Constitutional Court rejected the regulations referred to the exceptional regularization decided in 2002 as regards the part in which they exclude denounced persons (with a pending trial) for a crime providing for flagrancy arrest; After the decision issued by the Constitutional Court in December 2004, in March, the Regional Administrative Court of

54 54 Ennio Codini Veneto delivered an important verdict on the matter concerning the presence of the crucifix in schools; In the month of July, the Council of State pronounced an opinion on immigrants political rights, basing on which the Government, among other things, annulled the Statute of the Municipality of Genoa as to the part in which it granted to immigrants the right to vote in municipal and district elections; Again, in the month of July, within the frame of new antiterrorism regulations, further regulations on expulsion, use of the Islamic veil, and illegal migrants regularization were added; In summer and autumn, in comparison with the same periods of 2003 and 2004, a growing number of illegal migrants were intercepted near or on the Sicilian coasts. In relation to those events, the interest of mass media in the phenomenon of illegal migration continued to remain relatively strong. In this regard, the weekly magazine l Espresso published a resounding report denouncing serious human right encroachments that would have taken place in the first reception centre of Lampedusa; In the month of September the authorities ordered the closing of the school of Via Quaranta in Milan, where several hundred Islamic boys and girls had been studying for many years; Again, in the month of September, the decree establishing the Islamic Council was passed; At the end of the year, the 2006 decree on migration flows began to take shape. This decree is characterized by a forecast of the number of entries for subordinate non-seasonal workers and self-employed workers, and goes fairly beyond the threshold of 100,000 units. However, some of the events listed above do not lend themselves to be extensively commented in this report. The action of the Constitutional Court concerning the regulations of the 2002 extraordinary regularization (decision n 78, February 18 th, 2005), has re-proposed again, besides the solution given on this specific issue not irrelevant, however, as it can be inferred by the high number of judges who had submitted this issue to the Court, but certainly peculiar, compared with a procedure that had substantially

55 Laws and Regulations 55 come to an end, by then several traditional principles. The Law Officers had defended the legislator s choice of shaping a few complaints as impedimental of regularization, stating that presumption of innocence does not exclude that the legislator may increase the importance of a penal accusation charged to a foreigner, by considering it as a systematic index of possible inclination to commit a crime. However, the Court declared the regulations concerning the 2002 extraordinary regularization unlawful, insofar as they make automatically derive the rejection of an instance ( ) from the submission of a complaint, in contrast with Art. 3 of the Constitution. This because in our legal system, a complaint ( ) is an action that does not prove anything as regards a subject s guilt or dangerousness, and therefore, basing on it, a discrimination between those who are admitted and those who are not admitted to regularization provisions is openly unreasonable, since Art. 3 is thus infringed as that provision admits discriminations between persons only in case they are reasonable. As to the new regulations on expulsion, they provide for a new particular kind of expulsion inflicted by the Ministry of the Interior, or by proxy, the Prefect. If there are well-grounded reasons to believe that ( ) the permanence [of a foreigner] in the State territory may for any reason encourage terrorist organizations or activities, the above mentioned authorities are entitled to expel that foreigner, and the expulsion provision is immediately carried out, thus excluding that a petition made to an administrative judge may lead to a precautionary suspension. This is a development of the previous regulations concerning foreigners expulsion because of serious order and public safety reasons, which had already allowed the Ministry of the Interior expelling for alleged connections with terrorist circles the Imam of Carmagnola (in November 2003) this measure was later annulled by the Administrative Court of Lazio, as the court did not recognize the existence of appropriate grounds (decision of December 10 th, 2004) as well as the Imams of Varese and Como (August 2004). On the basis of these new regulations, the Imam of Turin was expelled, either. However, we repeat, this is a partial redefinition of a pre-existing power, which was and is still reserved, in any case, to exceptional cases, giving thus cause for a rather difficult relation between collective interests and individual interest safeguard.

56 56 Ennio Codini This relation has formally become even more problematic by these new regulations (considering, for example, that precautionary guardianship exclusion seems to collide with the commonly stated principle according to which the guarantee of right safeguard should necessarily imply also the existence of appropriate precautionary guardianship measures). On the other hand, the norms on regularization included in the anti-terrorism laws passed in the month of July (Law Decree n 144, July 27 th, 2005, turned into law n 155 on July 31 st, 2005) are nothing but a development moreover, of rather modest importance of an institute already included in our legal system. Art. 18 of the Consolidated Act, in force since 1998 allows the regularization of immigrants not in possession of a residence permit and victims of criminality, if they cooperate in unmasking the criminals victimizing them. The new anti-terrorism laws provide for regularization (and even the issuing of the residence card) in case of an illegal immigrant s relevant cooperation with the authority aimed at preventing terrorist attacks or identifying the persons responsible for them. Therefore, the result is a mere enlargement moreover, of a necessarily reduced importance of regularization procedures through immigrants cooperation actions with the authorities. However, in this regard, our law system remains much less generous than other systems, such as the Spanish one, which in general provides for regularization in case of colaboración con la justicia, for all the foreigners who have cooperated with administrative, public safety, tax or judicial authorities. As to the increasing number of illegal migrants intercepted near or on the coasts of Sicily, collected data which should be considered approximate, being those intercepted in Sicily only a part of the illegal migrants entering the national territory simply confirm that illegal migration, apart from seasonal fluctuations, continues to be a constant factor (in relation to which amendments to regulations and improved control systems act merely in terms of limited containment). Even the controversy on human right encroachments in the reception and permanence centres does not add much to what can be commonly remarked in terms of principles, in the sense that resorting to retention but not imprisonment structures (since migrants are not criminals) particularly addressed to illegal migrants almost un-

57 Laws and Regulations 57 avoidably leads to considerable risks in terms of human dignity respect. Therefore, though resorting to such structures cannot be totally excluded, it should however remain absolutely limited. Even the expected amendments brought to the rules of enforcement of the consolidated act on immigration in order to conform it to the innovations brought by the Bossi-Fini law, have proved to have a relatively reduced innovating impact, and in some cases below expectations. On the one hand, people expected and requests in this sense had been made by regions and local authorities an interpretation key of some aspects of this law in the position to dim several particularly problematic constraints. On the other hand, people also expected a set of regulations that, after three years from the passing of the Bossi- Fini law might be in the position to fully enforce the innovations provided for by the law. However, the new regulations (as per presidential decree n 334 of October 18 th, 2004, and published on February 11 th, 2005): Have substantially confirmed the most restrictive aspects of the Bossi-Fini law, by establishing, for example, that the peculiar obligations to be borne by those who engage a foreigner guarantee as to availability of an accommodation and as to acceptance to pay possible repatriation expenses are not only valid for those who recruit an immigrant on its arrival on the territory, but also for any further employers recruiting an immigrant at any time and for any amount of work hours. Have for many important aspects further delayed the actual enforcement of the law. If we consider, for example, a central structure provided for by the Bossi-Fini law, such as the counter for all operations concerning immigration to be established at each prefecture, we realize that the new regulations defer the establishment of this counter and all associated forms and papers not only to individual prefect s decrees, but also to directives and decrees to be issued by the Ministry of the Interior in agreement with the Ministry of Labour. Surely more innovative though with radical differences as regards its reference points proves the 2006 migration flow decree outlined at the end of the year. If we compare it to the 2005 or 2004

58 58 Ennio Codini similar provisions, we can immediately note an increase in entry shares reserved to both non-seasonal subordinate workers and selfemployed workers. Since the economic and labour market situation has not substantially changed in comparison with 2005 or 2004 and there have been no significant changes in the overall capacity of the Italian society to absorb migrants we can reasonably remark a quite different approach, less restrictive and more sensitive, if not to the theme of rights, at least to the reasons of economy. 2.1 Identity and Integration Some of the above listed events lend themselves to be further discussed in depth, not so much because of their intrinsic relevance, but instead because though being not directly related with one another they can be referred to a single theme, to which they add on the whole a few, non-negligible elements. During the development stage of the new anti-terrorism regulations, it was discussed once again whether forbidding the use of the Islamic veil in public places, justifying this prohibition by the fact that the veil would make it difficult identifying a person. As it is well known, in Italy, such as in several other countries, there is a widespread opinion that wearing an Islamic veil in public, or in any case inside some public buildings, such as schools or courts, should be forbidden not so much for safety reasons which should be put forward in terms of an additional and formal justification but mostly because the ostentation of a different identity would mean scarce integration will, and would also hamper integration and, ultimately, civil coexistence. We might even talk about Identity versus Integration. However, in the final version of the anti-terrorism measures, such a restrictive orientation on the use of a symbol of religious belonging did not find any room. The debate on the veil has only produced a provision that renders the sanction more severe for those who infringe an already existing general regulation, according to which the use of means preventing to easily identify a person taking part in demonstrations or public events is forbidden.

59 Laws and Regulations 59 Therefore, no approach, in Italy, to the French model. While in France, in the name of the typical laic state conception and tradition of this country, veils and in general all visible symbols denoting religious belonging are forbidden in several public places, first of all in schools, Italy has substantially adopted a free-veil policy continuously confirmed by the competent authorities even in the particularly sensitive area represented by public schools. The distance, from this point of view, between Italy and France has emerged also as regards the crucifix case. In a wide-ranging and well-argued verdict (verdict n 1110, March 22 nd, 2005), the Administrative Court of Veneto stated that in the current circumstances, the crucifix in a classroom provides an instructive value, and it may and should be intended both as a symbol of our history and culture, and consequently, of our own identity, and as a symbol of freedom, equality and tolerance principles, and ultimately, of the laity itself of the State, which are the foundations of our coexistence and are by now an unquestionable fact in the juridical, social and cultural heritage of Italy. This thesis which should be placed within the frame of quite varied juridical and doctrinal orientations, which are even radically antithetical to it (Manco M., 2005) substantially proposes to interpret and, hence, consider what is in any case a symbol of identity as an integration factor. Mutatis mutandis, in this case, such as in the case of the Islamic veil, the doctrine does not devise integration as something passing through an identitarian mark marginalization, but rather as integration passing through acceptance and even enhancement preliminary, should it be deemed necessary of those marks. Apart from the specific theme of identity marks, we note there is a tendency (which on the other hand, has already appeared in several other ways, for example as regards the norms of the consolidated act on school) to pursue integration without compelling all involved actors to present themselves under a hypothetical neutral guise, but rather by guaranteeing and enhancing their different identities. The case of the closing of the Islamic school of Via Quaranta in Milan, might seem in countertendency, at first sight. In fact, mass media have sometimes presented this case as the closing of a school insofar as it was Islamic, or even linked to radical Islam, and hence unjustifiable. The closing was ordered, instead, because of the

60 60 Ennio Codini building and class unfitness. It seems likely that those who wished and supported the closing were actually hostile to the very idea of a school inspiring to Islam, it being however understood that in our law system, according to the Constitution, private citizens are free to establish schools (unprejudiced the accomplishment of the compulsory education cycle, which may be carried out either in public or private schools with the necessary qualifications). The case of the school of Via Quaranta in Milan can be placed, and in peculiar terms, within the frame of a general consideration of the relation between identity and integration. After the closing of the school, meditating on the future of the children and kids that were attending it, or would attend it in the forthcoming years, some people wondered whether it was preferable reopening the school in appropriate spaces; or reopening it in appropriate spaces and with such qualified staff, programmes, etc. as to allow its acknowledgment as a suitable place for the accomplishment of compulsory education; or instead, integrating the children and kinds that attended it, or would attend it in the forthcoming years, into the public school. In other words, would it be better having an identitarian (Arab-Islamic) school to be placed side by side with the public school as an additional training place for the students attending the public school, or would it instead be better having an identitarian (Arab-Islamic) school that, being officially qualified, would be an alternative to the public school, or finally, would it be better that Arab-Islamic children and their families enter the public school simply and merely the with their own identity? As it can be noted, in any case, it is not a matter of setting identity against integrations even a school inspiring to Islam and equivalent to the public school is such just because it has the qualifications of a social integration place but rather of evaluating which is the best way to combine them. On a juridical level, both solutions are equally lawful. With regard to the theme-problem concerning the relation between identity and integration, the establishment of the Council for Italian Islam (cabinet decree of September 10 th, 2005) might be an important development, too. The idea to establish this council is a clear answer to the assumption that identity and integration may and must combine. The law establishes, in fact, a representative body of the Islamic world and consequently it assumes, acknowledges

61 Laws and Regulations 61 and enhances an identity deeming it useful to integration. As written in decree introduction, the purpose being to promote an institutional dialogue with the Islamic component, aimed at a harmonic introduction (of that component) into society. After the establishment of the Islamic Council, the debate focused on the choice of the members (which mostly involved the typical opposition between lay, or in any case moderate, Islam and radical Islam). However, the most relevant issue is likely another one: the role of this council, whatever are its members, may be extremely variable, depending on whether it is frequently called and called on important matters, and whether some importance is attached to its suggestions, or it is left as it often happens with similar organizations in a sort of institutional limbo. Only the experience to be made in the next years will be in the position to give us some indications on the actual value of this choice. 2.2 Integration and Political Rights Without any doubt, the grant of political rights is in principle at the peak of immigrants integration. It is well known that the Italian law system is one of the most restrictive in this regard. The grant of citizenship, except for the case of marriage, requires very long implementation times both for immigrants and for their children. Moreover, the procedures in this regard are still rather uncertain. Face to face with continuous entry flows, there is the risk that within few years there will be several million adults permanently residing in our country without any political right and destined to remain in this condition for a long time. In connection with this situation, by the end of office of the current legislature, a few important actions have been started in favour of a change in the rules concerning access to citizenship, and in favour of the grant of political rights on a local scale even to foreign residents without Italian citizenship (according to the provisions already in force for resident foreigner citizens from an EU member country). However, those actions have not had any actual sequel, so far. Therefore, some local authorities have taken the initiative, in the at-

62 62 Ennio Codini tempt to overcome the inertia of the State, by independently granting political participation rights. Particularly relevant was the action taken by the Municipality of Genoa. This authority had approved in 2004 some statutory norms granting to regularly residing non-eu immigrants the right of vote in both the election of the district councils and the election of the municipal council. In August 2005, however, the government annulled those provisions (Presidential Decree of August 17th, 2005) conforming to the advice of the Council of State of July 6 th, In many comments this advice was opposed to another advice on the same matter delivered by the Council of State in July In any case, this issue demands being further discussed and examined in depth from a juridical point of view. In 2004, the Council of State dealt exclusively with the right of vote in district council elections, giving favourable opinion to the assumption that district councils are bodies to which the law attributes merely participative and advisory tasks, besides the management of basic facilities ( ), thus excluding any political or governmental function The assumption being: the citizenship proprium is a title to political rights, that is, rights to which corresponds an actual decision-making power as regards public welfare. Therefore, out of that context, the law may be also interpreted as an enhancement of local self-government granting participation rights. However, through its 2005 advice, the Council of State did not rebut that assumption, as it simply denied, on the basis of that assumption, the legitimacy of both the provisions concerning the grant to foreigners of the right of vote in municipal council elections, being it clearly an administration body, and also the provisions concerning the grant to foreigners of the right of vote in district council elections, stating that and on this point orientations have surely changed that the latter, too, have political competences. We shall not discuss in this report whether district councils are of a political nature or not. What should be instead remarked is that basically, the limit consisted and still consists in the actual decisionmaking power as regards public welfare. This appears as the real citizenship proprium. Only the legislator might exceptionally grant a part of that power to non-citizens. In our opinion, however, the main road to allow immigrants taking part in public life remains a revision

63 Laws and Regulations 63 of the norms for having access to citizenship. It is a question of developing a reasonable process of access to citizenship, and hence, to full achievement of political rights.

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65 65 3. EU Political Trends by Chiara Favilli and Bruno Nascimbene * Introduction 2005 was a year marked by transitions. From a programmatic point of view, after the five-year period of the Tampere Programme ( ), a new quinquennium opened under the banner of the Hague Programme ( ). From an institutional point of view, after the European poll of June 13 th, 2004, the new Commission was elected. New President was appointed the Portuguese José Manuel Barroso, and new Commissioner with a proxy for Justice and Interior Affairs, or more properly, for Justice, Freedom and Security, the Italian Franco Frattini. From a procedural point of view, after the end of the transitory period provided for by Art. 67, EC Treaty, the European Union passed from an advisory procedure to a co-decision procedure, involving an important power increase for the European Parliament. This triple transition led to the adoption of few normative acts, and on the other hand, to the submission of several communications aimed at outlining EC political strategies concerning migration and asylum, in the awareness of the positive and negative results of the previous five-year period and in the light of the new procedural context. These acts (as we shall see in the following pages) aim at relaunching the global approach to migration and asylum policies that characterized the positions of the European Commission since the first communications on this matter, which however, for reasons that have been extensively analyzed in the previous Reports, has been only partly carried out. * Introduction and paragraphs 3.1., 3.8. are by Bruno Nascimbene; the other paragraphs by Chiara Favilli.

66 66 Chiara Favilli, Bruno Nascimbene 3.1 The Hague Programme and the Action Plan The Hague Programme adopted by the European Council on November 5 th, 2004, identifies goals and priorities for the realization of an area of freedom, security and justice until As it had been foreseen, the programme was followed by an Action Plan, which was adopted by the European Commission and later on by the European Council on June 2 nd, 2005, basing on which those goals and priorities were transformed into a provision for special measures, along with a schedule concerning their submission and adoption 2. This plan constitutes the reference framework of the EC institution proceedings, except for possible changes determined by a further redefinition of priorities. A first evaluation of the plan implementation will be made in November Among the ten priorities identified by the Programme, four of them directly refer to immigration and asylum, and particularly to immigration management, which also includes the following issues: fight against illegal immigration (n 3); internal and external borders and visas (n 4); asylum (n 5); integration (n 6). The Commission seems definitely oriented to implement the Plan according to the schedule. In fact, in the second semester of 2005, several communications and normative act bills were published, which shall be jointly examined and adopted by both the European Parliament and the Council. It will be surely interesting to check whether the co-decision procedure, along with the Council s qualified majority vote, will affect the adoption process of those acts, since this procedure had represented the weak point of the so-called Tampere cycle. 3.2 Immigration Management Differently from other bills of the Commission, the Council has adopted in relatively short times the researchers package consisting of a Directive providing for a special swift procedure for the admission of citizens from third countries for scientific research purposes, as well as two Recommendations to the member coun- 1 In 2 In

67 EU Political Trends 67 tries aimed at facilitating admission and visa issuing to researchers from third countries 3. The reason for this rapid adoption, and hence, for the agreement by all member countries, lies in the goal pursued by these measures, which aims at contributing to the realization of the objectives determined in Lisbon, in order to make within 2010 the European economy based on knowledge more competitive on a worldwide scale 4. Member countries should adopt the Directive within October 2007, while the Recommendations are immediately enforceable although not binding 5. Among the measures included in them, we wish to point out the request to all member countries to allow researchers from third countries already present in their territories to apply for residence permits for research purposes, without being then obliged to preliminarily go back to their countries of origin. Furthermore, we would add the submission of a Council Decision proposal introducing a mutual information procedure concerning the measures adopted by member countries on asylum and immigration 6. The ratio of those measures is to encourage information exchanges among member countries, considering that, despite the competence attributed to the Community, they keep the strong role they exert by continuously adopting new national measures aimed at influencing the other member countries and the European Union. Both a restrictive migration policy and a policy excessively aimed at protecting civil rights affect intra-eu migration flows. Such a 3 Council Directive 2005/71/EC Oct. 10 th, 2005 concerning a specifically devised procedure for the admission of citizens from third countries for scientific research purposes; European Parliament and Council Recommendation 2005/761/EC, September 28 th, 2005, aimed at facilitating the issue of standardized short-stay visas for researchers from third countries moving within the European Community for scientific research purposes; Recommendation 2005/762/EC, Oct. 12 th, 2005, aimed at facilitating the admission of citizens from third countries for scientific research purposes within the European Community; all published in OJ L. 289, Nov. 3 rd, 2005: According to the Commission, within 2010 the European Union would have 700,000 researchers, that is, much more than those currently available on the European market. 5 See also the Council Directive 2004/114/EC concerning admission conditions for citizens from third countries for study, students exchange, unpaid training or voluntary work purposes in OJ L. 375, Dec. 23 rd, 2004: Communication COM(2005)480, Oct. 10 th, 2005.

68 68 Chiara Favilli, Bruno Nascimbene policy should be determined within a wider context of cooperation and information mechanisms and structures between member countries and the Commission, which tends to standardize and simplify all EU systems, structures and networks in order to reduce the administrative burden to the benefit of member countries. In addition, it should become part of a process, which had been started by the Commission already some years before the Maastricht Treaty, though without significant results 7. In 2005, the proposal to develop a mutual information system through the European Commission has recovered its strength after the amnesty, which took place in Spain. This amnesty aroused a great deal of criticism and concern among several member countries, up to involve the European institutions. So, Commissioner Frattini and the Luxembourg Presidency decided to send on February 5 th, 2005, a letter to the Council, which later on adopted and included, through the Conclusions on the realization of a swift preliminary alarm system, a few measures of a similar nature addressed to services that, on a national scale, deal with immigration and asylum 8. As regards in general the policies on entries for labour purposes, considering the stalemate of the negotiations regarding the directive proposal COM(2001)386 on immigration for labour purposes 9, the Commission started at the beginning of 2005 a European debate through the presentation of the Green Book on immigration for economic reasons 10. This Green Book intended to stimulate an in-depth 7 Commission Decision n 22/384/EC, June 8 th, 1988, referring to the establishment of a preliminary communication and consultation procedure with third countries on migration policies, in OJ 1988 L. n. 183, July 14 th, 1988: This Decision is based on art. 136, EC Treaty (formerly 118), concerning information and consultation on measures concerning entry, permanence and occupation of foreign workers from third countries, which as far as we know has never been enforced. See also Decision n 381/1985, July 8 th, 1985, establishing preliminary information and consultation procedures with third countries on migration policies, in OJ L. 217: 25 etc., which was later on repealed, as it lay outside the procedural power of setting up a consultation proceeding, by verdict of Sept. 9th, 1987, Federal Republic of Germany and Commission, joint cases 281, 283, 285 e 287/85, in Recc., 1987: 3203 ss. 8 &LANG=11&cmsid=352. JHA Council Conclusions, 14 April In OJ 332E, : COM(2004)811, 11 January 2005.

69 EU Political Trends 69 debate on the most appropriate form to be given to the Community regulations on immigrants admission for economic reasons. The answers of the 150 subjects who have replied, were publicly discussed during a public Conference held in Brussels on June 15 th, The Commission is currently working out the different proposals in view of the adoption of an Action Plan on legal immigration to be submitted by the end of Internal and External Borders and Visas Internal and external borders and visas are the two issues identifying the essential aspects of the so-called Schengen acquis, which is aimed at ensuring free circulation of persons inside the Community territory. In the forthcoming years, all activities in this area will be mostly aimed at granting full enforcement of the acquis to the ten new member countries, thus ensuring the elimination of controls at the internal borders of the whole territory of the European Union. To this end, the Schengen Information System (Sis) will be developed through the so-called Sis II, in order to allow the system becoming fully operational in 2007 with the number increase of member countries. As especially regards border management, in 2005 the Agency for the management of operational cooperation of external borders, also known by the acronym Frontex, has begun operating in This Agency is based in Warsaw, and must coordinate and assist member countries in external border control operations 12. Frontex is not responsible for controls but for their coordination, for border guards training and this is a quite interesting element for carrying out studies on risk analyses at the different external borders of the European Union. 11 I contributi sono consultabili sul sito della Direzione generale giustizia, libertà e sicurezza _en.htm. Si veda anche la relazione di iniziativa della deputata Ewa Klamt sulla migrazione economica adottata dalla plenaria del Parlamento europeo il 26 ottobre Doc. nr. A6-0286/2005, in _it.htm. 12 Council Regulations n 2007/2004, Oct. 26 th, 2004, establishing a European Agency for operational cooperation management at the external borders of the European Union member countries, in OJ L. n. 349, : 1-10.

70 70 Chiara Favilli, Bruno Nascimbene 3.4 Asylum The Council for Justice and Interior Affairs held on December 1 st, 2005, approved the Directive on procedures for the examination of asylum applications, thus putting an end to a long and troubled negotiation. This Directive is the final necessary act for closing the first stage of the development of a common EU policy on asylum. The final text has undergone important changes compared to the Commission bill, as member countries had great difficulties in finding a unanimous agreement on text. But the importance of this Directive goes far beyond the measures included in it, because as from its approval, any act on asylum will be adopted by qualified majority and according to co-decision procedures with the decisive intervention of the European Parliament 13. The amendments brought to this act, too, as well as all the other directives and regulations, will be approved by the same kind of majority. To this end, it is foreseen to assess the adopted measures, besides carrying out the second development stage of a common European asylum system to be completed within Within that year, the measures concerning a common European asylum system should be adopted, such as provided for by the Hague programme, including a common procedure and a uniform status for the persons needing international protection. In parallel, along with the development of a common system on asylum, the Commission intends to proceed by intervening in the countries of origin and transit through the implementation of Regional Protection Programmes. This is the content of the Communication (submitted on September 1 st, 2005) concerning the Regional 13 We should bear in mind that, being enforced the current procedure, the European Parliament report including a set of amendments to the Directive bill concerning procedures was not considered by the Council, which did not acknowledge any amendment submitted by the Parliament either. Report A6-0222/2005 by MEP Wolfgang Kreissl-Dörfler, in The Council Directive 2005/85, Dec. 1 st, 2005, including minimum regulations concerning the procedures applied by member countries for acknowledgement purposes is reported in OJ L. n. 326, : 13-34; the deadline for acknowledgement by the different national sets of laws is Dec. 1 st, 2007, excepts for what concerns the necessary legislative, regulatory and administrative measures to safeguard the right of aid, assistance and legal representation, whose deadline has been fixed on Dec. 1 st, 2008.

71 EU Political Trends 71 Protection Programmes aimed at strengthening protection capabilities in the areas of origin or transit, in order to provide them with the necessary bases to guarantee one of the three following stable situations: repatriation, integration, or inclusion in a third country 14. The basic idea of the Commission being that by strengthening the protection capabilities of the regions of origin or transit, it is possible to reduce asylum seekers need to go in search of protection somewhere else, thus diminishing the risks to which they are regularly exposed when they go in search for protection in another safe country. Therefore, this bill is apparently different from the original one formulated by United Kingdom, which was submitted several times to the attention of the European Council and the European Union, and referred to the possibility to examine asylum petitions addressed to the European Union in a third country 15. The Regional Protection Programmes will include actions aimed at amending regulations, strengthening local structure, as well as assistance and advice on repatriation programmes. These programmes will be developed in partnership with third countries and with the advice of the United Nations High Commissioner for the Refugees on the basis of pilot programmes to be started already in In this regard, it should be noted that the Commission agreed with Unhcr on February 15 th, 2005, upon an Agreement Memorandum 16. The area interested by the first Regional Protection Programme is western Balkans (Ukraine, Moldavia and Belarus). The following programme should involve the region of the Great Lakes, with priority to Tanzania, but with further desirable interventions also in other African countries. The Commission intends to back the 14 Communication COM(2004)410, , Improving access to lasting solutions : The Communication concerning the Regional Protection Programmes is COM(2005) 388, Sept. 1 st, In this regard, see the report made by MEP Jean Lambert on the examination procedures concerning asylum petitions and protection in the areas of origin, approved by Libe (Freedom and Civil Rights) Commission of the European Parliament. Among other things, this report points out that protection in the areas of origin should not be meant as an alternative, but rather as a complement of the Union s existing procedures. This means that the possibility of applying for asylum in the EU territory should be always granted in any case. See: 16 See the Decision proposal C(2005)371, , concerning the authorization to a letter exchange between the Commission and the United Nations High Commissioner for the Refugees in view of a stronger cooperation in asylum matters.

72 72 Chiara Favilli, Bruno Nascimbene pilot programmes with the current financial tools, particularly the Aeneas and Tacis programmes. The Council on Justice and Interior Affairs held on October 12 th, 2005, after an exchange of opinions with António Guterres, the United Nations High Commissioner for the Refugees, and referring to the already adopted acts and the international regulations in force, declared to be in favour of the realization of those programmes. In addition, the Council substantially accepted the Commission proposal to submit a bill aimed at amending the Council Decision on the European Refugees Fund, in order to use this Fund to support the Regional Protection Programme Integration The need to proceed and support actions aimed at increasingly integrate regularly resident foreigners is reaffirmed by the Hague Programme and by the related Action Plan. Such as pointed out by the Action Plan, the Commission has adopted the Communication Com (2005) 38 of September 1 st, 2005, concerning a Common agenda for integration. An outline for third country citizens integration in the European Union. This Communication aims at identifying a few synthetic elements concerning integration policies adopted by member countries so far. Clearly, third country citizens integration is a complex goal that should be pursued also through additional EU actions, and above all, through the measures for integration in the job market provided for by the Lisbon Agenda. Therefore, the new integrated guidelines on growth and development expressly foresee the adoption of provisions aimed at raising migrant workers occupational levels. In addition, this Communication identifies a few guidelines concerning national and &LANG=11&cmsid=352. See, in particular, the Council conclusions; in these conclusions reference is particularly made to the Commission Communication Com (2002) 703, Integrating matters connected to migration in the European Union relationships with third countries, the conclusions of the European Council held in Salonika on June 19 th -20 th, 2003; the Council conclusions concerning EU-managed entry of persons needing international protection and protection ability strengthening in the regions of origin, bearing the title of Improvements in access to lasting solutions, Nov. 2 nd, 2004, and the Hague Programme itself.

73 EU Political Trends 73 European policies, and points out some actions, which refer to acts already adopted by the Commission and by the Council on this matter 18. The Commission, as far as it is concerned, will issue in 2006, a new edition of the Integration Handbook, in order to provide all operators with best practice examples and guidelines for information exchanges, and promote the adoption of active policies 19. In addition to the individual measures, the Communication underlines the strict ties existing between legal migration and integration, as well as the central role of each member State countries, which should make itself responsible for integrating citizens from third countries in the European Union, in order to attain co-decision on interventions. To this end, each member country should organize an annual event focused on the theme of integration, and identify the so-called integration contact points, which should guarantee information circulation among member countries. 3.6 Fight to Illegal Immigration Common Regulations on Expulsion Fight to illegal immigration represents one pillar of the European policy. There are several guidance documents specifying its characteristics and goals. Over the Tampere cycle, some normative acts aimed at encouraging operational cooperation among EU members were adopted. Later on, the Hague Programme provided for the adoption of common regulations on persons repatriations, asking the Commission to submit a bill at the beginning of The Commission, within the September 1 st, 2005 package, adopted the Directive proposal submitted to the Council and the European Parliament, which includes common regulations and 18 See in this regard: Communication COM(2004)508, , First annual report on migration and integration; Communication COM(2003)336, , on immigration, integration and occupation ; Handbook on integration for policymakers and practitioners (cf. the following note); Council Paper n 14615/04, Nov. 19 th, 2004, on the basic common principles on third country citizens integration. 19 See Handbook on Integration for policy-makers and practitioners, in doc/handbook_en.pdf.

74 74 Chiara Favilli, Bruno Nascimbene procedures to be applied in member countries to repatriations of illegally resident citizens originating from third countries 20. The Council s request and the subsequent Commission s bill represent the final result of a process started in 2001 through the Communication on illegal immigration. Differently from other bills concerning legal migration and asylum, this directive bill has been accepted by all member countries with substantial agreement and unanimous points of view 21. It aims at establishing common regulations as regards expulsion provisions, procedures, execution conditions, and security measures. It provides that, in the case of risk of flight, local authorities are entitled to order that illegal immigrants are accompanied to the borders and, should this measure prove impossible, to decide their temporary custody up to six months. In case of approval, this directive will become the first normative act aimed at establishing common regulations on expulsion provisions, after the adoption of common regulations on mutual acknowledgement of expulsion measures, operational cooperation and realization of joint flights Repatriations The European Commission and the Council consider it essential to support and promote voluntary repatriation programmes. In the month of October, the Gha Council examined this particular issue within the measures aimed at fighting illegal immigration, and adopted some Conclusions. Through these Conclusions, the Council welcomes the development of overall programmes of voluntary repatriation, as well as special programmes to be adjusted to particular circumstances and to the needs of some particular categories of persons, mainly those considered more vulnerable or with 20 Cf. COM(2005) 391, See in particular: Communication on a common policy concerning illegal immigration, Com (2001) 672, ; Green Book on a Community repatriation policy, Com (2002) 175, ; Communication on a Community policy for the repatriation of illegally resident persons, Com (2002) n. 564, , to be consulted in illegal/doc_immigration_illegal_en.htm immigration_illegal_en.htm.

75 EU Political Trends 75 other particular requirements. A third category is represented by assisted voluntary repatriation programmes, which demand greater support from receiving countries and may contribute to the achievement of sustainable voluntary repatriations. In this particular area, too, cooperation among member countries should be improved through the development of experimental programmes Fight to Human Being Trafficking The European Union action against trafficking has undoubtedly become stronger over The group of experts on human being trafficking established by the European Commission, prepared a report with the purpose of identifying the strategic action lines concerning this matter. On the basis of this report, the Commission drew up a Communication on the fight to human being trafficking, which includes some proposals and an action plan regarding prevention and fight to human being trafficking for sexual or labour exploitation purposes, in compliance with the provisions of the Framework Decision of July 19 th, 2002 on human being trafficking and protection, support and rehabilitation of its victims. This Communication (based particularly on the basic concept of the need to adopt an integrated approach which may take into due account the delicacy of involved interests and the weakness of the victims) was followed by an EU Plan on best practices, regulations and procedures aimed at fighting and preventing human being trafficking. This Plan was adopted by the Council, which expressly declared it represents the implementation of one of the points (namely, 1.7.1) of the Hague Programme Cooperation with Third Countries The External Dimension of Immigration and Asylum Policies The European Commission has always considered cooperation with third countries as an integral part of the Community policy on 23 See COM(2005)514, ; EU Plan, 2005/C 311/01, in OJ C 311, : 1-12; the Framework Decision can be found in OJ L 203, : 1-4.

76 76 Chiara Favilli, Bruno Nascimbene immigration and asylum. The Commission seems now inclined to rationalize the efforts of the other European institutions through a global strategy. To the documents adopted in the past 24, the European Commission adds a Communication, which belongs to the previously mentioned package adopted on September 1 st, 2005, on Migration and Development. Concrete orientations, through which the Commission aims at re-launching some previous Council s communications, and points out some aspects in them, particularly as regards South-to-North migrations, with reference to possible actions to be carried out by EU in partnership with the developing countries of origin 25. Therefore, the Commission identifies concrete guidelines, as well as best practices, in the Community and in the different countries in order to formulate them some recommendations. The Communication is particularly focused on money transfers and on the diaspora characterizing developing countries, which bereaves them of their best and enterprising human resources. The Communication will be followed by continuous contacts among Commission, Council and member countries, as well as developing countries, in order to achieve greater consistency between the external dimension of EU immigration policy and development policies. About one month later (on October 12 th, 2005) the Commission published another Communication concerning A strategy on the external dimension of the area of freedom, security and justice 26. It concerns in general the construction of an area of freedom, security and justice and answers The Hague Programme request to adopt a strategy referred to the external dimension of that space. This Communication identifies the basic issues on which the actions to be carried out in partnership with third countries for the construction of this area should focus (human rights, institutional strengthening and good governance, migration, asylum and border management, fight to terrorism and organized criminality) and list some guiding 24 Communication COM(2002)703, , Integrating issues connected to migration in the European union relationships with third countries, already mentioned in note See COM(2005)309, Cf. COM(2005)491,

77 EU Political Trends 77 principles of cooperation (geographical differentiation, partnership and flexibility). Finally, on November 30 th, 2005, the Commission adopted another Communication concerning Action priorities to answer immigration challenges. First action taken after the Hampton Court Meeting, which is the follow-up of the informal meeting of the EU heads of state and prime ministers held at Hampton Court on October 27 th, On that meeting, all attending authorities requested a renewal in migration flow management policies and asked the Commission to develop a set of concrete and immediate measures to be carried out in partnership with the countries of origin and transit. The Commission intends carrying out the actions focused on immigration included in the Communication concerning development, external relations particularly regarding the European policy with neighbouring countries, as well as a set of specific actions to be started after the definition of the external dimension of the area of freedom, security and justice. The Communication, which pays particular attention to the Mediterranean area and the neighbouring countries, considers that these actions and their related short, medium and long-term goals had already been outlined by the previous communications and conclusions. However, through this communication, these actions should be better coordinated. An overall assessment is likely to be made already at the end of Three major action categories are described: cooperation and action strengthening among member countries as regards watch and control systems over the Mediterranean areas, also in partnership with the External Border Agency; joint actions with the major African countries of origin through measures aimed at fighting poverty and managing legal migration flows; joint actions with neighbouring countries. Within the current political situation, the European Union intends cooperating with North-African countries in order to aid them better managing migration flows, fighting human beings trafficking, and promoting legal immigration channels. The Euro-Mediterranean countries have 27 See COM(2005)621, , and the Council Conclusions on immigration and external relations adopted on November 21 st, 2005, in cms3_applications/applications/newsroom/loadbook.asp?bid=86&lang=11&cm sid=352.

78 78 Chiara Favilli, Bruno Nascimbene already come to an agreement and have already included many of these actions in the five-year work Programme adopted during the summit of Barcelona, which took place on November 28 th, Readmission Agreements It is well-known that the external dimension of immigration and asylum policies sees in readmission agreements one of its basic elements. These agreements aim at fighting illegal immigration, and provide for mutual cooperation obligations between European Union and third countries as regards irregularly resident foreigners repatriation. Currently, four separate readmission agreements have been established with Hong Kong, Macao, Sri Lanka (already enforced), and Albania (to be enforced soon). An important result is the conclusion of the negotiations concerning a similar agreement with Russia, which should be signed within short by the Council. The Council has also authorized the Commission to negotiate further agreements, particularly with the following countries: Morocco, Pakistan, Ukraine, Algeria, China and Turkey. We should also consider that, in addition to actual readmission agreements, the Community, such as the conclusions of the Seville European Council, currently tends including in any international agreement the so-called readmission clauses, which provide for the compulsory signature of readmission agreements at a later stage. A recent example of this kind of agreements and clauses is included in the Stabilization and Membership Agreement between the European Community and its members, on the one hand, and the Republic of Croatia, on the other hand 29. This agreement regards several different sectors, among which also persons circulation. Besides mutual cooperation concerning visas and citizens fair treatment in the respective territories, art. 77 provides for a readmission clause of Croatian citizens illegally present in the territories of the member countries. A further readmission agreement will be signed between the European Community and Croatia, or otherwise between the in- 28 See 10 Th Anniversary Euro-Mediterranean Summit Barcelona, November Five Year Work Programme, Couns Doc /05, in: intcomm/external_relations/euromed/summit1105/. 29 In OJ L. n 26, :

79 EU Political Trends 79 dividual member countries and Croatia, on the readmission of citizens originating from countries not included in the agreement. Art. 77, paragraphs 2 and 3, outlines Croatia s obligation to sign this agreement as soon as individual member countries or the European Community should request it Relations with Libya and the Ceuta and Melilla Case Among Mediterranean African countries, the Community considers Libya the most strategic one. In fact, the Commission sent a technical mission to Libya from November 26 th to December 5 th, 2004 (another mission had been previously sent in May 2003), and positively evaluated the cooperation of this country. Then the Council intervened for a first examination of the results of the technical mission during the Jha meeting of April 14 th, 2005, and later adopted some of the conclusions during the Jha Council of October 12 th, 2005, concerning in particular the cooperation with Libya on immigration, with the purpose of starting a systematic dialogue in this area 30. Further operational actions have been identified, which should be carried out in partnership by the parties responsible for the sea borders checks through special programmes developed by member countries within the frame of the Argo Programme and the participation to the next joint sea operations. Further actions concern the creation of an EU temporary Task Force equipped with ships and aircrafts made available by member countries; the drawing up of a report on risk evaluation in Africa; agents for immigration sent to Libya to ensure coordination and strengthening of the immigration liaison officer networks, including information and operational regulation exchange. Further shortterm aid, advice and cooperation actions are foreseen in order to fight sea emergencies with training activities as regards both firstaid operations and migration flow controls. The European Parliament, too, has dealt with the issue Libya by sending a mission to Lampedusa and adopting a resolution, which invites the Italian authorities and all member countries to refrain from carrying out collective expulsions to Libya or other countries 30 See =86&LANG=11&cmsid=352.

80 80 Chiara Favilli, Bruno Nascimbene of asylum petitioners and irregular migrants, and asks to ensure asylum applications examinations case by case, as well as observance of the principle of non-refoulement (non-rejection, nonrefusal) principle. MEPs particularly focused on the collective expulsions carried out by the Italian authorities between October 2004 and March 2005 from Lampedusa to Libya, as those provisions may involve the risk of infringing the United Nations Convention on Refugees 31. Another critical situation reported in 2005 was the one which took place in Malta and in the Spanish enclaves in Morocco of Ceuta and Melilla. The European Commission sent a technical mission, which identified a few priority actions, such as aiding Morocco in carrying out border inspections, the signature of a readmission agreement with this country, and the possibility to establish cooperation in this area also with Algeria Conclusions The next five years will prove decisive to understand the future orientations of the Community policies on immigration and asylum. It should clearly (and desirably) emerge whether the new Council majority requested to adopt acts and the role of the European Parliament are enough to shift the axis from illegal immigration control and fight policies to immigration management policies. The need for the Community to enhance cooperation and support measures to the actions carried out by EU-member countries, through the adoption of norms establishing a common juridical framework, particularly concerning expulsion and immigration for economic purposes, becomes therefore urgent. In lack of those regulations, in our opinion, the development of an appropriate migration policy would otherwise become impossible. 31 Cf. the Resolution submitted by MEP Monica Frassoni, doc. B6-0251/05, in 32 See, in this regard, the documents quoted in: home&idint=cn &mode=detail&imm= sesaction.do?reference=ip/05/1212&format=html&aged=0&language=it&gui Language=ithttp://europa.eu.int/rapid/pressReleasesAction.do?reference= MEMO/05 /380&format=HTML&aged=0&language=EN&guiLanguage=it.

81 81 4. Labour by Laura Zanfrini 4.1 Immigrants Labour in Europe and in Italy In outlining the international framework of migrants participation in the labour market, we should first consider the physiological delay with which the circulation of the statistics that monitor this phenomenon takes place in comparison with process evolution. The most authoritative source in this regard, which is represented by the annual Sopemi Report published by Oecd, includes in its latest issue (Oecd, 2005) data referred to the two previous years, which consequently do not consider the employment growth effect reported in several countries in 2004 and Nevertheless, the most important datum emerging from this report is an overall growth of immigrants and/or foreigners incidence on workforce volumes in most Oecd countries 1. However, this phenomenon should be read bearing in mind the well-known limits of this kind of statistics 2 (it is sufficient to consider that over the period only, in 15-member Europe, 5,885,000 persons were naturalized, thus disappearing from the statistics on foreigners). Though the share of citizens from third countries out of all employed persons in the European Union totalled 3.6% in 2002, over the period, these migrants contributed to an overall employment increase by 13%. This percentage rises to about 20% if 1 The table includes also non-european countries registered by Oecd. 2 For example, even in the countries in which the imported workforce volume is stagnant or declining such as Belgium, France, Austria and Denmark this does not mean that there has been a significant number of direct and/or indirect entries in the labour market, but rather that those entries have been balanced by an equal number of withdrawals depending on repatriations, exit from working age, as well as naturalizations.

82 82 Laura Zanfrini we include also naturalized persons in this calculation (Münz R., 2004). Table 1 Foreign or born abroad workforce in some Oecd countries, 1998 and 2003 Foreign workforce Absolute values (thousands) % value out of overall workforce Source Austria Inquiry on workforce Belgium Inquiry on workforce Czech Republic Inquiry on workforce Denmark General Registry of the population Finland Inquiry on workforce France 1,582 1, Inquiry on workforce Germany 3,384 3, Inquiry on workforce Greece (2001)** Census Hungary* Work permits Ireland Inquiry on workforce Italy* Work permits Japan (2003)*** Work permits Korea (2002)**** Work permits Luxembourg ***** Inquiry on workforce Netherlands Inquiry on workforce Norway Inquiry on workforce Portugal Inquiry on workforce Spain Inquiry on workforce Sweden Inquiry on workforce Switzerland Inquiry on workforce United Kingdom 1,145 1, Inquiry on workforce

83 Labour 83 (Cont d) Table 1 Born abroad workforce 3 Absolute values (thousands) % value out of overall workforce Source Australia 2,281 2, Inquiry on workforce Canada ( ) 2,839 3, Census New Zealand (2001) Census United States 17,373 21, Inquiry on workforce Note: Data based on the Inquiry on Workforce refer to workers included in the age segment, except for the United States (over-15 years old workers). Data based on different sources concern over-15 years old workforce. * Data referring to ** Data referring to foreigners entered in Greece for job reasons. *** Resident foreigners with a work permit. Long-term and permanent residents who can work without restrictions are excluded. Overstayers (the greatest part of whom is considered to be working illegally) are not included. **** Overstayers are not included. ***** Resident workers (border workers excluded). Source: Oecd, 2005: 59 In many countries, the foreign workforce rate of activity is lower than the overall one, with the significant exception of Austria, Luxembourg and South-European countries, where the prevalence of migration flows for labour purposes and the age structure of the foreign population positively weigh upon on its participation rates. Obviously, considering the migration process development, which leads to a growth of the unemployed component and the ageing of the already resident immigrant population, this situation might not necessarily remain the same over time. In other words, we can reasonably expect there will be within few years a decrease in work activity rates referred to the immigrant population, along with a proportional reduction of its contribution to GDP making and to the social security system. Going back to the European situation, the employment rate of the population born abroad is lower than the average rate reported in EU 3 Considered the relatively easy way in which citizenship may be acquired, in the countries adopting a permanent settlement model, statistics are not based on nationality but rather on birthplace.

84 84 Laura Zanfrini member countries (61% vs. 64%), due to migrants more limited employment opportunities, especially among those originating from lowincome countries. This is exactly the opposite of what happens for those who are born in West and South-European countries 4 (Münz R., 2004). Employment rates are particularly low and unemployment rates are as high among immigrants from Turkey (50% employed, 15.5% unemployed), from Central-East Africa (respectively, 51% and 16%), from Asia (respectively, 58% and 8.2%). Immigrants from the new EU member countries, as well as those from Balkans, Eastern Europe (63%) and Latin America (63%) report more or less the same employment rates as those reported in 15-member Europe, though unemployment rates are higher (ibid.). This obviously means that migrants belonging to different national groups include themselves in the labour market by offering differentiated resource packages in terms of human and social capital, but also their level of exposition to ethnic prejudice and discrimination is different. For some reasons, the personal characteristics at the base of employment difficulties are similar both for migrants and native population: among them emerge age (being very young or, on the contrary, close to retirement) and qualification levels. Obviously, when one of those deficits is associated to ethnic and/or national belonging, the result is a manifold discrimination. This might explain the critical employment performances of migrants coming from low-income countries, such as North-African countries and Turkey. At the opposite end, the possession of training credentials continues to represent a strategic resource to contrast the risk of exclusion from the labour market, but it is important to state beforehand that: in the first place, it is not taken for granted that this possession such as the Italian experience teaches us may turn into a result consistent with one s educational level. In the second place, for a foreigner its educational qualification results lower than that of a native (likewise, for example, the participation rate grows higher, the highest one s educational 4 Basing on 2001 census data examined and commented by the latest Caritas/Migrantes Dossier, the foreign population would report an employment rate by 15.6 percentage points higher than that reported among the overall Italian population. However, in our opinion, this datum should handled with care, bearing in mind that to a good extent the most marginal immigration component has likely escaped from the census survey.

85 Labour 85 qualification is, but not to the same extent as that of the local labour offer). Furthermore, immigrants presence seniority in the host country certainly helps explaining different job performances; between newcomers and immigrants who came ten years before, the difference is by almost 20 percentage points, and also the inquiries carried out in Italy point out this relation (cf. for example Zanfrini L., 2006). Generally speaking, in many countries and namely, in old European immigration countries foreigners unemployment rates are in any case significantly higher than those referred to natives. A less asymmetric situation is instead reported in the countries implementing the socalled settlement model, as well as in new destination countries of migration flows, such as Italy, Spain, Greece, Hungary, Ireland (besides Luxembourg). This is what the latest Sopemi Report states, though the assumable reasons may be different: a basically more universalistic labour market, in which careers are less conditioned by hereditary factors, in the first case, and immigrant workforce greater adaptability (since a good part of immigrants are newcomers and lacking in unemployment benefits), in the second case. As to Italy, we must underline that, as usual, statistical sources provide clashing indications, which however allow appreciating the continuous and considerable growth of regularly employed foreigners. In its latest annual Report (published in 2004, with data referred to 2003), Istat (the Central Institute of Statistics) reports about 580,000 job positions held non-eu citizens (however, this figure does not include agricultural labourers and household workers). This datum, fruit of the Survey on employment, wages and welfare contributions, underestimates the actual size of this phenomenon, though it points out a number increase, in a five-year span (from 1999 to 2003), by over two and one half times among employed immigrants. Much closer to the actual datum is the figure provided by Inps (the National Security Institute) concerning the holders of an insurance position at this Institute, which totals 1,425,391 workers (in addition to about 34,000 non-eu workers holding an ongoing and coordinated collaboration contract), which however refers to Inps report is rather evasive in this regard, but most likely, provided data do not yet completely include the effects of the regularization ended on November

86 86 Laura Zanfrini (see Table 2). Inail (the National Insurance Institute against Industrial Injuries), in turn, draws from the registered nominative accident reports the overall figure of 1,765,578 non-eu insured persons in 2004, mostly holders of non-standard work contracts. The international scene points out the persistence of gender asymmetries, which turn into lower women s participation, but above all, into employment rates that among immigrant women are lower than those referred to both native women and to their own male fellow-countrymen. Immigrant women from Turkey (33% employment rate vs. 16.9% unemployment rate) from Africa and from Middle East (respectively, by 33% and 17%) have particularly low employment rates (by 20 percentage points lower than those reported in the average European women s population) and high unemployment rates (almost double compared to the European average) 6 (Münz R., 2004). This situation represents the counterpart of the progressive femininization of international migrations and the growing relevance of women who migrate alone (i.e. not following the members of their family) and for work reasons (cf. Zanfrini L., 2005b). A first aspect usually called into question to explain immigrant women s low participation in labour refers to the work division models based on gender that prevail in the countries of origin. At least partly, the behaviours of women s labour offer reflect the traditions of the country of origin, but international comparisons also betray some important differences, which have evidently something to do both with the selection process carried out through migration policies, and with the labour market characteristics of the countries of destination. Such as it happens in the case of native women, family situation (starting from being married or not, a condition producing positive effects in men, and negative ones in women) is the variable that better explains the behaviours of women s labour offer and their performances on the labour market. 11 th, 2002, except for the case of home helps (the reported 348,968 unit figure seems to include also regularized persons). 6 Women who emigrate from high-income countries (other EU-member countries, North America, Australia) present, however, an even more favourable occupational situation than that reported among native women.

87 Table 2 Non-EU workers registered by Inps by category and residence area, 2002 North West North East Centre South Islands Undetermined Total Italy Agricultural labourers 3,451 6,434 5,951 6,101 4,943 19,298 46,178 Selfemployed workers 13,688 12,848 9,754 1, ,945 Home helps 109,282 63, ,348 43,032 14, ,968 Subordinate workers 334, , ,271 77,501 24,623 59, ,300 - Trade 118,558 90,920 70,141 25,584 11,042 5, ,229 - Building industry 65,652 46,428 45,650 12,458 2,658 1, ,532 - Metal industry 54,088 53,682 19,272 8,092 2,316 1, ,205 Total 460, , , ,516 44,291 79,231 1, Source: Inps, 2004 Annual Report 87

88 88 Laura Zanfrini Probably much more than domestic segregation induced by traditional cultural models, for no other reason that the latter may be easily undermined by the need to integrate the family income. Therefore, while woman wage earners free from family obligations or better freed from them, in virtue of their being far away from home rather easily succeed in finding appropriate jobs, particularly within the so-called private welfare, in the case of wives/mothers offer rigidity, which is imposed by family responsibilities, clashes with the flexibility requested by demand, thus decreeing their exclusion from remunerated jobs. For other aspects, immigrant women s employment trends reflect the native women s ones (not by chance the most considerable growth rates are reported just in countries which have lately experienced significant progresses in women s employment overall rates). Both the replaceability hypothesis and the complementarity one can suggest an explanation: in the first case, foreign women would benefit, like native women, from the growth of feminine job opportunities, particularly in the facilities sector. In the second case, immigrant women s work would respond to the growing demand for support in household activities caused by native women s growing employment rates. This second hypothesis is currently the most reliable one, particularly because it is consistent with the undeniable and showy datum referring to the multitude of immigrant women employed in families. This phenomenon is particularly visible in Italy; at the end of 2002, foreigners percentage out of the total number of house-help workers registered by Inps, touched 75%, whereas it totalled 50% in 1999, and a little more than 25% in These data do not require further comments to evidence the very high ethnicization level of this job sector, which turns, as to immigrant women, into a condition of heavy occupational segregation. Further to the last regularization, and thanks in particular to the growth of the component originating from Eastern Europe, there has been a further growth of the already considerable women s workforce incidence. Basing on still provisional data referred to 2003 (Table 3), 85% foreign workers are women.

89 Labour 89 Table 3 Inps insured house-help workers by origin and gender, 2002 and (provisional data) Italians Foreigners, of which from Europe Africa Asia America Oceania Women Men Total Women Men Total 116,309 4, , ,211 4, , , , ,472 56, , , % 32, % 74, % 59, % % Total 408,997 60, , ,683 60, ,091 Percentage (column) Italians Foreigners Total Percentage (line) Italians Foreigners Total Source: Inps Statistical data banks Observatory on Home-Help Workers Moreover, on the basis of what we could infer from data referring to Lombardy (Zanfrini L., 2005c), these women earn in average less than their (few) male colleagues performing the same kind of job. On the other hand, the 56,244 foreign workers employed in the household sector even represent 93% employed men in the same sector. 4.2 Labour Demand Orientations and Strategies On an international scale, foreigners employment tends to concentrate particularly in some economic sectors, such as building industry, catering/restaurants, and services to families. However, available statistics also reveal some national peculiarities, which reflect both the characteristics of the production system and those of the development model of each country, and its history from the point of view of international migrations. Therefore, for example, the incidence of foreigners employed in agriculture is higher in Spain than in any other country, and the same can be said as to the building industry in Greece and the mining and energy industries in Japan and Germany. In any case, the overall trend sees a growing immigrants presence in the tertiary sector, consistently with the extensive tertiarization process that is taking place in the economies of developed countries, but also with the tendencies to

90 90 Laura Zanfrini occupational polarization and the proliferation of bad jobs typical of the current metropolitan economies. Furthermore, we can point out a growing number of immigrants employed in the health and welfare sectors, in consequence of a quantitative-qualitative demand evolution, which has not corresponded to an appropriate strengthening of local offer. Household labour has a relevant weight almost everywhere, though statistics use to under-represent it due to a widespread amount of hidden labour (as everybody knows, this issue is particularly topical in the case of Italy). Besides being segregated into few economic sectors, migrants tend to occupy the lowest segments. In general, the active immigrant population results over-represented in the positions corresponding to low-qualification manual labour, with the meaningful exception of those who come from high-income countries, who hold prevailingly highly-qualified job positions. Moreover, within a particular sector, immigrants often find themselves placed in the less noble and remunerative stages of the production cycle. These aspects are also confirmed by the available data on foreigners employment in our country. As we have seen, Table 2 reports the occupational weight of four areas in particular: household services, trade, building industry and metal industry. Though being under-dimensioned, Istat data point out also the weight of an occupational area, such as the area of monetary and financial brokerage, real estate and other professional and entrepreneurial activities to which refer cleaning companies and temporary employment agencies. The same source allows identifying the economic activity classes, which emerge because of an extremely high foreigners location rate (the ratio between percent incidence of non-eu subordinate workers and per cent incidence of the whole body of subordinate workers). These activities concern, in the first place, the less remunerative stages of the building industry system: other works to finish buildings (rate = 6.3), wall and floor facing (5.9), plastering (5.6), door and window frame laying (4.3), building roofing and roof frame construction (3.9), painting and glass setting (3.7). These activities confirm a gradual ethnicization process in the building industry and particularly in some particular segments which has gone along with a tendency to professional skill pulverization. The other activities reporting a high location rate are

91 Labour 91 already well known because of their attraction power on imported workforce. These activities refer, in order of importance, to leather preparation and tanning (4.4), street-retail trade with fixed pitches (4.1), good handling (3.6), non-ferrous metal fusion (3.4), metal coatings and treatments (3.2), restaurants (3.1), second-hand item retail trade (3.0), light metal fusion (3.0), leatherwear manufacture (2.8). To support our reasoning, there are two further statistic sources that deserve being considered: Inail files, as regards industrial injuries, and the Excelsior information system, as regards the professional needs of companies and their orientation to cope with them by resorting to imported workforce. Industrial injuries occurred to non-eu workers (Table 4) may be considered as an indirect indicator of their occupational segregation, or better, of their over-representation in the most dangerous jobs: 116,000 in 2004, equal to an incidence rate of about 65 denounced accidents out of 1,000 insured workers, whereas the value referred to the whole body of employed workers totals 40 out of 1,000 units. Accidents involving non-eu workers total by now 12% overall reported accidents, and this datum is so high that is has immediately drawn mass media attention as soon as it began being circulated. There is also an increase in fatal accidents, which in 2004 totalled 164 cases, equal to about 13% total deaths. The chance to run into accidents is higher among foreign men (victims in 83.4% cases), because of their concentration in particularly dangerous areas such as the building and metal industries, where about one fifth overall accidents affect immigrant workers. As to fatal accidents, the most dangerous areas are the building and transport industries. Lack of experience, which also depends on young age (54% victims are less than 35-year old persons), scarce attention to safety norms, working hours, insufficient vocational training/education, contribute to determine this high exposure to risks among foreign workers. Another interesting source is an annual inquiry carried out by Unioncamere Ministry of Labour on training and professional needs expressed by Italian companies. Focusing on

92 92 Laura Zanfrini the data concerning non-eu personnel and on the latest survey 7, recruitments foreseen in 2005 are distributed among the different sectors and the different company size typologies reported on Table 5. The need for services goes widely beyond industry needs, particularly in general estimate terms 8, thanks in particular, to some sectors in which, as usual, there are great personnel needs: Table 4 Industrial injuries occurred to non-eu workers by economic activity areas (agriculture, industry, and services), 2004 Industrial injuries Fatal accidents Area Absolute v. % V. Absolute v. % V. Industry and services of which 110, Metal industry 11, Building industry Trade and public services 9, Transports and communications 8, Services to cleaning companies 9, Agriculture 5, In total 115, Source: Inail, 2005: 29 operating services to companies and persons (which report even 25,550 employment forecasts); hotels, restaurants and tourist services (21,180), followed by retail trade (14,690), health and private healthcare services (14,200), and transports (11,060). Among them, two sectors particularly emerge due to a marked tendency to ethnicization, expressed by a foreigners recruitment percentage out of the total, which respectively reaches 48.4% in 7 For an in-depth examination, reference should be made to the 2005 Excelsior Report (cf. Zanfrini L., 2005d) from which we have drawn the comments reported hereafter. 8 This inquiry provides a maximum and a minimum estimate, whereas the former indicates the number of immigrants companies have already decided to recruit, and the latter the number of new jobs for which companies have not excluded the possibility to resort to non-eu personnel, though they have not yet made their decision in this sense. This calculation includes also the Central-East European countries which joined EU as from the month of May We shall hereafter refer to the maximum estimates, since our intention is not to quantify the needs for imported workforce, but only to analyze the demand orientations concerning immigrants labour.

93 Labour 93 the case of operational services to companies, in which the demand for cleaning personnel and canteen operators is particularly high and even goes beyond 50% in the case of health and private healthcare services (social-health assistants, old people care auxiliaries, social-welfare auxiliaries, home caretakers 9 ). As usual, as to industry, the building industry is the sector reporting the most significant number of recruitments, which total 26,560 units. Heavy jobs, mobility depending on building yard transfer, exposure to climatic/environmental conditions, relative job uncertainty, equally represent the major factors, which drive young Italians away from this industry, even those who are not in possession of any training credit, and generate a strong demand for masons, manual workers, carpenters, and assemblers. In the metal and mechanical industry, which is a fundamental sector for many local production systems, well-known are the recruitment problems deriving from the disaffection from factory work shown by the new generations entering the labour market, particularly in the case of production units involved in the heaviest stages of the production process and in continuous working processes, which do not make extensively use of labour-saving technologies. Consequently, there is great need for workforce (if we add together metal, mechanical and transport industries, the estimated new jobs range from a minimum of more than 13,000 units to a maximum exceeding 17,000 units), which on the other hand is scattered in a variety of professional roles. Finally, a high incidence in foreigners recruitments out of the total is reported in the rubber and plastic material industries, also in this case with a variety of professional roles in which needs are distributed. Considering now the most demanded professional roles (Table 6), we can first of all see that the predicted number of new jobs for non- EU workers is growing as soon as we pass from managerial professions (150) to intellectual, scientific and highly specialized (2,760) and technical (10,350) ones; from executive roles concerning administration and management (7,220) to sales and services to families (45,530), from skilled workers (41,580) to unskilled personnel (50,070), with an additional demand for 27,240 plant operators. 9 We wish to remind that this inquiry does not survey families demand for labour, which if considered, would obviously increase this estimate.

94 94 Table 5 Predictable new job number in 2005 for workers originating from non-eu countries by activity sector, size class and other characteristics Total 2005 new jobs for workers from non-eu countries Of which on minimum value (% values) Minimum (A.V.) % out of all new jobs Maximum (A.V.) % out of all new jobs Needing to be trained Up to 29 y. of age Unskilled Mineral extraction (mining) Food, beverage and tobacco industries 4, , Textile, clothing and shoes industries 4, , Wood and furniture industries 2, , Paper, printing and publishing industries 1, , Chemical and oil industries 1, , Rubber and plastic material industries 1, , Non-metalliferous metal industries 1, , Metal industries 8, , Mechanical and automotive industries 4, , Electric, electronic, optical and medical industries 2, , Household objects, leisure time and other manufacturing industries Power, gas and water production and distribution Building industry 23, , Total industries 57, ,

95 95 (cont d) Table 5 Total 2005 new jobs for workers from non-eu countries Of which on minimum value (% values) Unskilled Minimum (A.V.) % out of all new jobs Maximum (A.V.) % out of all new jobs Needing to be trained Up to 29 y. of age Retail trade 7, , Car, truck, motorcycle trade and repair 3, , Wholesale trade 3, , Hotels, restaurants and tourist services 13, , Transport and mail delivery 6, , Information technologies (IT) and communications 1, , Advanced services to companies 2, , Banking, insurances and financial services 1, , Operational services to companies 11, , Educ. and private training services Health and private healthcare services 6, , Other services to persons 5, , Professional offices Total services 64, , Size class: 1-9 employees 56, , employees 27, , employees 19, , employees 4, , over 500 employees 13, , Total 121, , Source: Unioncamere Ministry of Labour, Excelsior Information System, 2005

96 96 Laura Zanfrini This distribution substantially follows the traditional incorporation model, that is, the model which assigns to newcomers the lowest jobs in the professional hierarchy, however with a few significant openings, which concern profiles rewarded by the migration policies of many countries, since they evidence a lack of offer it does not seem possible and appropriate to fill through wage levers. We refer to IT and computer programmers, planners and analysts (totalling 1,190 units), but most of all, to professional nurses (2,700 foreseen new jobs, about 93% of which considered hard to be found). That being stated, we wish to analyze now which are the profiles that gather the highest number of requests and to which we might refer a possible ethnicization tendency. A striking case, which was clearly identified by the first Excelsior inquiry and confirmed by all following surveys, is represented by persons assigned to cleaning services. Such as the figures of Table 6 report, we are talking about 23,090 new jobs for cleaning personnel and 1,580 for cleaning personnel in hotels and other businesses (in addition to 1,460 dustmen who are not reported on the table). On the other hand, each one of us has the opportunity to see how quickly changes, in a multiethnic sense, the composition of work teams assigned to cleaning services in offices, schools, companies, hospitals and universities. Disregarding wage and work conditions which moreover do not seem particularly advantageous this is the job profile that, in collective imagination, represents the example par excellence of a tributary low social prestige job, and therefore, it is not by chance that there is a widespread availability to recruit immigrants from the Third World and from Eastern Europe. Among other things, this circumstance contributes, in turn, to make in general this kind of job less remunerative. Other professional profiles tend, in any case, to be perceived by employers as typical occupational outlets for workers originating from heavy migration pressure countries: this is the case of the different manual workers roles (in industry, in the tertiary market, and in the building industry), concierges, warehousemen, and so on. For some aspects, we are in front of a sort of extension of the functions immigrant workers (and more frequently woman workers) carry out in families in the case of nurses, social-welfare workers, and cleaning service personnel. In the case of healthcare and welfare

97 Labour 97 workers (nurses and social-health assistants employed by institutions) we should not disregard the weight of recruitment difficulties, particularly felt, as we previously underlined, in orienting demand towards foreign workforce. For some other aspects, we are in front of the need to extend the recruitment area of the technical and workers roles which currently are insufficiently churned out by vocational schools. There is a strong demand for skilled workers, plant operators, fixed and mobile machine operators, industrial assembly workers, but this demands is scattered in multitude of professional profiles, which let however emerge the major role played by the building industry, which foresees engaging 9,700 masons, 3,290 workers as building structure cleaning staff, to which we may add also different workers, such as carpenters, plumbers, painters, decorators, etc. Finally, in other cases, seem to have a particular weight wage levels, which are not particularly attractive, especially if associated to night and holiday shifts are the new jobs foreseen for waiters, barmen, canteen operators and similar positions, 13,300 for shop assistants, 2,990 for cooks and similar positions (in any case, these are all professional roles for which companies do not denounce considerable recruitment difficulties). The availability to recruit immigrant workforce may be explained in two different ways. On the one hand, we may assume the existence of a universalistic orientation among entrepreneurs, which are able not to be conditioned by the candidates ascribed characteristics; on the other hand, instead, a tendency to pre-categorize some job profiles as particularly suitable to immigrants. The latter seems the most appropriate interpretation, if we consider the data concerning the professional roles in which imported labour concentrates, and particularly, is we compare the datum referred to the percent incidence of foreigners recruitments on the total with the datum concerning the percentage of engagements considered more difficult to find.

98 98 Table 6 New jobs foreseen in 2005 concerning non-eu personnel, by large professional groups, referred to the most demanded professions in each group 2005 New jobs (A.V.) maximum value % out of total new jobs Of which hard to be found (% V.) Of which men (% V.) Of which women (% V.) 1. Managers and directors Intellectual, scientific and high-specialization professions 2, Computer programmers Computer and IT programmers and analysts Technical professions 10, Professional nurses 2, Administration, accountancy technicians and similar roles 1, Sales agents and business agents Executive professions concerning administration & management 7, Employees assigned to stock manage- 2, Receptionists, information counter and call centre operators 1, Accountants 1, Secretarial staff 1, Professions concerning sales and service to families 43, Waiters, barmen, canteen operators and similar roles 15, Shop assistants 13, Social-health assistants in institutions 7, Cooks and similar roles 2, Hairdressers, barbers, beauticians and similar roles 2,

99 99 (Cont d) Table New jobs (A.V.) maximum value % out of total new jobs Of which hard to be found (% V.) Of which men (% V.) Of which women (% V.) Home social-health assistants 1, Skilled workers 41, Building industry workers, masons 9, Building structure cleaning staff 3, Wood carpenters and similar roles 2, Metal carpenters 2, Tool and metal product construction and repair workers 2, Welders and cutters 1, Motor vehicle mechanics and repairers 1, Pipe installers and plumbers 1, Electric plant installers and electricians 1, Agricultural or industrial machine mechanics and repairers 1, Joiners, cabinet, furniture and other wood product makers 1, Plant, fixed and mobile machinery operators, 27, Heavy-truck and truck drivers 5, Machine tool operators: metals 3, Assembly line, machine operators and assemblers 2, Mechanical machinery assemblers 1, Handling machine drivers and similar roles 1, Plastic product machinery operators 1,

100 100 (Cont d) Table New jobs (A.V.) maximum value % out of total new jobs Of which hard to be found (% V.) Of which men (% V.) Of which women (% V.) 9. Unskilled personnel 50, Cleaning staff 23, Good loading/unloading operators 10, Manual workers in the building industry 5, Industrial manual workers and basic assembly operators 3, Packaging operators and unskilled personnel in industry and services 1, Cleaning staff in hotels and other premises 1, Total 182, Source: Unioncamere Ministry of Labour, Excelsior Information System, 2005

101 Labour 101 We have reported this comparison on Table 7, by selecting some particularly meaningful roles, and we have come to the conclusion that a propensity to resort to foreign personnel does not necessarily reflect real recruiting difficulties (such as in the striking case of managerial job profiles, where to a widespread difficulty in finding appropriate human resources corresponds a scarce percentage of possible foreigners engagements), but actually, a generalized entrepreneurial conception of immigrants place in our job market. Further comments may be made as to gender distribution, which confirms the relevance of the ascribed roles as a predictive datum of immigrant women s occupational destiny. Table 7 New jobs foreseen in 2005 for personnel originating from non-eu countries referred to some selected professional profiles Roles/ Professional groups New jobs foreseen (A.V.) % out of total foreseen new jobs Of which difficult to find (% V.) Of which men (% V.) Of which women (% V.) Managers and directors Professional nurses 2, Skilled workers (entire group) 41, Plant operators (entire group) 27, Waiters, barman, canteen staff 15, Sales/shop assistants 13, Masons 9, Social-health assis- 7, tants in institutions Home social-health assistants 1, Cleaning staff 23, Source: Unioncamere Ministry of Labour, Excelsior Information System 2005 data, processed by Ismu To notice immigrants concentration in the less attractive jobs, as to social prestige and wage and safeguard conditions, and the fact that just in correspondence of immigrants the companies included in the Excelsior Information System gather their labour requests, on the one hand strengthens the idea of complementarity, but at the same time also the hypothesis that a consolidation of the ethnicization process is taking place in job relations, whose causes go likely beyond the selectivity itself of the local offer. In other words, this

102 102 Laura Zanfrini means questioning an assumption taken for granted: that resorting to immigrants labour has become a usual strategy for avoiding personnel recruitment difficulties, thus ignoring that it might be a preferential resort (though dimmed by immigrants concentration in unpleasant jobs) resulting from pre-categorization mechanisms on an ethnic basis. The latter assumption is supported by the statement that imported labour requirements, as we have seen, do not particularly involve qualified job profiles (in some of which recruitment difficulties are reported), but rather low-qualification jobs, where mismatch problems do not concern so much qualifications, but rather labour adaptability (in the broad sense) level. Furthermore, the so-called bad jobs, which in fact are increasingly carried out by immigrants, are also the segment in which more easily the defensive flexibility strategies which live on wild outsourcing and temporary job relationships have the opportunity to emerge. Even in the wealthiest provinces and in the driving sectors of local economies, resorting to immigrants labour may be considered as an alternative to production process re-design and to the adoption of labour-saving technologies, as it actually keeps competitive productions alive thanks to the possibility to draw from this workforce reservoir. A scarce universalism in recruitment procedures does not necessarily imply, in fact, their individualization. On the contrary, within the most disadvantaged niches, it may involve a complete depersonalization in employment relationships, where ethnic belonging and namely, the fact of being a foreigner originating from a poor country actually becomes an identification mark to allow encountering demand within the circuits that allow access to immigrants jobs (whether they are ethnic networks, or cooperatives, or temporary work agencies, and for some aspects, the counters managed by the voluntary organizations). An indirect confirmation is provided by Istat data concerning wages paid to immigrants. Not only non-eu immigrants receive lower gross salaries than those of the whole body of subordinate workers, but these differentials also tend to become broader over time, reaching in 2003 (the last available survey year) an amount of 34 per cent points. In addition, these differentials are even higher just in the sectors in which foreigners mostly concentrate. For example, in the real estate area, foreigners

103 Labour 103 pays total 60% of the average ones. Furthermore, there are 43 percent points separating the average per head salary received by the whole subordinate workers body from the salary received by non-eu workers emerged through the last regularization. Finally, all estimate analyses concerning hidden labour show a foreigners over-representation, and even the growth over time of their percent incidence on total workers carrying out black jobs. Already in our contribution to the previous issue of this Report (Zanfrini L., 2005a) we had conjectured that a parallel labour market was taking shape characterized by an ethnicization of the access channels to jobs, by wage and safeguard level reduction (and often by marked discrimination), by the hegemony exerted by some co-optation systems (either legal and illegal, such as the different forms of agricultural workers illegal recruitment at very low wages caporalato, or legal but improperly used), by the discontinuity of job careers and by the consolidation of prejudice as to immigrants adequacy when it is necessary holding particular professional positions. According to our hypothesis, this prejudice may even turn into barriers to Italian citizens entries, as these barriers are created by employers themselves, who go as far as to prefer immigrants because they consider them more productive and profitable. But these barriers are also the result of local workers legitimate reluctance to accept job positions immigrants presence has made even less remunerative. Ultimately, a market in which jobs do not reach the characteristics that allow talking about decent jobs, in the way in which this expression is used by Ilo, that is, a job in the position to grant an appropriate salary and reserve some time for other life dimensions, ensure security to the family, grant personal rights, give space to people s different needs, and show the way to social integration 10. All this obliges us to keep aloof from the illusion of a self-regulating market which is implicit in a liberalistic vision of the theme of international migration control and to acknowledge the need for an appropriate management and control not only referred to migration flows, but also to labour demand. 10 We have resumed this issue from E. Gregori, L. Mauri, 2005.

104 104 Laura Zanfrini 4.3 Behaviours and Strategies in Labour Offer: How Ethnic Specializations Are Changing Labour demand orientations and strategies have undoubtedly a critical role in establishing immigrants labour incorporation models and, in the long term, the very results of interethnic coexistence. This statement, however, should not lead us to consider inclusion dynamics exclusively from a demandist point of view. It is true that immigrants offer strategies articulate into a constraint and opportunity system, which is basically different from that in which local offer moves starting from the juridical difference between citizens and foreigners, and then passing through the existence of ethnic discriminations and immigrants heavy economic needs. However, it is equally true, that offer itself is characterized by its desire to be the focus of attention and expresses, if not an actual selectivity, in the terms in which we generally use this concept, at least a few privileged preferences and inclusion strategies. In this regard, in explaining the heterogeneity of immigrants labour inclusion models within the Italian economic system, researchers attention has in general been focused on a variety of reception contexts, as well as on the so-called ethnic resources and the role of social capital, except for re-appreciating at a later stage the importance of human capital itself and the ways in which it combines with other forms of capital. In this kind of analysis, national origin along with, obviously, gender is usually employed as a basic cleavage to explain performance differentials. Without absolutely claiming to be exhaustive on such an extraordinarily complex issue, we wish to examine now this matter with the purpose to shed light on how, within the ever-moving and ever-changing context of foreign immigration in Italy, inclusion models are in turn continuously developing, thanks to the implementation of dispersion and occupational mobility strategies, to new entry turnovers, and to a consolidated outlet saturation. To do so, we will use the data collected by the annual inquiry carried out by the Regional Observatory for Integration and Multiethnicity in Lombardy, which, though within the physiological limits of a quantitative inquiry on a wide-ranging sample of subjects 8,000 cases provides a set of information and elements that are precious

105 Labour 105 and unique on the national and international scene, moreover if we consider that Lombardy alone absorbs about one fourth foreign immigrants present in Italy 11. We start considering the data reported on Table 8 concerning either regularly, or irregularly employed immigrants distribution by job. Men are mostly employed as workers, with a strong incidence of building workers: the industrial characterization of immigration in our country does not change over time, with all the implications experts have drawn as regards its interpretative values of the Italian (and Lombard) development model. Relevant is also the weight, in the tertiary sector, of jobs that mostly concern lowqualification services particularly concentrated in the trade, restaurant, transport, and cleaning segments. There is also a significant percentage of trade activity owners, mostly consisting of street vendors, one of the first activities carried out by immigrants in Italy, which now, in most cases, has developed in a more structured way through the achievement of regular licenses and the purchase of stalls in the markets. Women s workforce remains to a large extent absorbed by ethnicized jobs, such as home helps, home caretakers, and cleaners, though there is a growing weight of its presence in restaurants and among workers. It is worth mentioning that hourly paid home helps are more numerous than fixed ones (this datum may be indicative of a stabilization process and a widespread need to reconcile work with family), and most of all, that the immigrant woman s typical job has become that of home caretaker, the most ethnicized one, which from its early urban characterization is now spreading in all directions on the territory due to an increasingly widespread and irrepressible demand. At the same time, it is also possible to see in women s component a small-scale entry (which is however much higher than men s) in the job market of clerical, intellectual, medical and paramedical professions. We want to consider now the distribution by nationality of the eight most numerous foreign communities living in the regional territory. 11 We resume in this paragraph some data with the relevant comments already published in the Regional Report; cf. L. Zanfrini., 2005c.

106 106 Laura Zanfrini Table 8 Type of job by gender, Percent values, Lombardy Region Men Women Total Unskilled workers Skilled workers Building workers Agricultural workers and similar jobs Cleaning staff Warehousing and guardianship service operators Executive and staff employees Shop assistants and similar jobs Trade activity owners Restaurant staff Artisans Transport operators Artisans (services to persons) Fixed home helps Hourly paid home helps Home caretakers Baby sitters Social-welfare assistants Medical doctors and paramedical staff Intellectuals Prostitutes/viados Other No declared profession Total Source: Regional Observatory for Integration and Multiethnicity, 2004 The higher concentration values concern the Chinese, one half of whom declare to be employed in the restaurant area (the most common job being that of cook), and further 16% own a trade activity. Fairly widespread are also artisan jobs, particular tailors, in which 12% Chinese identify themselves (clearly, as a consequence of the numerous textile concerns composing the ethnic economy of the Chinese community. The Chinese community is also that in which the distribution by profession referred to both the male and female genders shows the greatest similitude. This clearly reflects the spreading of entrepreneurial undertakings run by Chinese themselves, where family members and fellow-countrymen and women are employed with no gender distinction. The Philippine continue to be those most involved as home helps (either fixed or hourly paid, but in the latter case surpassed by Peruvians), but do not report any longer the extreme values of few years

107 Labour 107 ago, when it was legitimate to uphold the existence of an actual occupational segregation situation. There is now a meaningful Philippine presence both in the area of cleaning services and in workers professions, which also reflects a masculinization of immigrants presence. Besides home helps (21% if we sum fixed and hourly paid ones), Philippine men are employed as cleaning staff (22.3%), workers (18%, to a good extent skilled), warehousemen and doorkeepers (9%). The greatest part of Philippine women are instead employed as home helps (35.3% as fixed home helps and 15% as hourly paid ones), but some of them have begun to be employed as home caretakers (15.5%), office cleaners (6.9%), workers (8.6% including unskilled and skilled workers), and employees (6%). The Senegalese community is divided into workers (mostly unskilled ones) and retail activity owners, who total by now 21% (but are in the three quarters of cases street vendors). Almost absent are instead traditional immigrant women s professions, in consequence of the peculiar gender composition of this group, in which there is still a clear men s predominance. Among Peruvian male immigrants we find several persons employed as cleaning staff, unskilled workers, warehousing and guardianship staff, and above all transport staff, an activity in which Peruvians are increasingly numerous (20.7%), such as many of us can have the opportunity to notice on our roads and highways. Women s occupational outlets seem, in turn, still limited to the typical immigrant women s jobs such as hourly paid home helps (27.2%), home caretakers (23.5%), cleaners (11.1%), and fixed home helps (7.4%) or in any case feminine jobs such as social-welfare assistants (6.8%). Morocco, Albania and Romania show in some cases a similar distribution, in which workers jobs stand considerably out, particularly in the building industry (among Moroccans, the percentage of skilled workers has reached 9.3%, and is likely related to their longer migration seniority). However, in comparison with the other two national groups, the Romanian community shows a much higher incidence of persons employed as home helps and home caretakers. This is the effect of a large women s presence in those labour sectors: 20.4% Romanian women are employed as home caretakers, 14.8% as hourly paid home helps, 11.2% as fixed home helps, and another important share (19.4%) work in restaurants. Romanian men, instead, are al-

108 108 Laura Zanfrini most completely absent from these typically feminine jobs not only as home helps and caretakers, but also as industrial cleaning service staff and are widely employed as workers, particularly in the building industry. Workers jobs absorb 60% Moroccan men (the building industry alone absorbs 28% of them), and numerous are the Moroccans running trade activities (12%). The women of this community are instead mainly employed in the catering industry (18%), as hourly paid home helps (17.3%) and cleaning staff (13%). Albanian women present a distribution similar to Moroccan women s. They are divided, too, into restaurant staff (18.6%), cleaners (14.4%) and hourly paid home helps (12%), but they also report a significant share of employees (8.8%), and are employed in intellectual (5.7%), medical and paramedical (3.1%) professions. The majority of their fellow-countrymen are instead absorbed by the building industry (by over 40%) and to a good extent also by artisan jobs (12.4%), in addition to the usual skilled and unskilled workers profiles. Finally, Egyptians are divided into persons employed in workers jobs and in the catering industry (followed by cleaning services). They are also the community reporting the highest share of immigrants employed in intellectual professions, and particularly cultural mediation activities (though remaining a definitely minority share, even if added to employees and persons employed in other qualified professions). Fairly widespread are also artisan profiles, with a particular recurrence of decorators. The data we have provided are useful to identify the existence of situations involving immigrants occupational concentration or even segregation among those who share the same national origin (besides gender) in some particular jobs. Talking about specialization or ethnic niche, however does not only require that the presence of a certain group is particularly numerous, but also that it may arrive to ethnically connote a particular professional profile. To exactly assess this occurrence, it would be necessary to consider also the data referring to employed native workers. Limiting ourselves to examine some typical immigrants jobs (in addition to other jobs we have included in the list reported on Table 9, because we considered them particularly meaningful), we can however assess, if not the presence of actual ethnic niches, the existence of those

109 Labour 109 phenomena. Within the male sub-group, this is the case of Philippine men employed as home caretakers (68 immigrant men out of 100 perform this task) and home helps; but also the case of Indians employed as agricultural workers or performing similar jobs (37 out of 100); and finally, of Chinese employed in the catering industry. Among women, the most marked specialization is held by Ukrainians employed as home caretakers (29.4%), who are not only numerous in percentage but also in absolute terms. Philippine women, as we can see, still hold their supremacy among home helps, but the entry in this sector of many other women of different nationalities has progressively downsized their supremacy (which only few years ago would have resulted much more marked). Table 9 List of the three major nationalities performing some particular jobs by gender, Percent values, Lombardy Region Men Women Morocco Senegal Albania Senegal Morocco Albania Unskilled workers Albania Morocco Senegal Philippines Nigeria China Skilled workers Building Albania Romania Morocco workers Agricultural workers India Pakistan Bangladesh & similar Egypt Philippines Peru Albania Morocco Peru Cleaning staff China Egypt Morocco China Romania Albania Catering /restaurant staff Peru Morocco Ecuador - Transport staff Philippines Sri Lanka Ecuador Philippines Ecuador Sri Lanka Home helps Philippines Ecuador Sri Lanka Ukraine Romania Peru Home caretakers Turkey Albania Philippines Egypt Albania Brazil Intellectuals Albania Morocco Egypt Artisans Source: Regional Observatory for Integration and Multiethnicity 2004 data processed by Ismu

110 110 Laura Zanfrini Among skilled workers, Philippine women are unexpectedly the most numerous group (34 out of 100). This datum may be interpreted in the light of the high stabilization degree achieved by this community, which allows its members looking about for alternative occupational opportunities to those traditionally guarded by their group, which might however be considered disadvantageous by some members (particularly in the light of an ever-growing competitiveness, which has likely worsened retributive conditions). All in all, these data confirm that the universe of migration is extremely changeable and that the framework of its participation in the labour market is continuously changing in consequence of the turnover produced by newcomers and a search for new job opportunities within early-settled communities. Some traditional supremacies are confirmed (such as the supremacy of Egyptian men in the cleaning industry, who however risk being ousted by the Philippine, who have come to Italy following the traditional women s flows and are interested in monopolizing an activity that represents a sort of extension of home work). At the same time, new specializations are emerging (such as Peruvians in the transport area, where they already represent 15 operators out of 100 employed immigrants), while other job market niches are heavily colonized by the new European and Latin-American migration flows, which have literally ousted early migrants of Asian and African origin (such as in the case of home caretakers). Furthermore, the women belonging to groups traditionally dominated by men, as soon as they find a job, end up by following the same ways of access to labour as those used by their fellow-countrymen (such as in the case of Senegalese and Moroccan women, who begin to be employed as unskilled workers). The data referred to 2005, which were made available when this Report was being printed, confirm that the ethnic specialization concept must be continuously questioned in a situation in which the newcomers flow dynamics constantly re-define immigration composition, and though it, the characteristics of its participation in the labour market. Consequently, if the overall distribution does not seem to undergo important changes in the sense that the concentration in immigrants jobs and in lower labour qualification results substantially unchanged the newcomers migration flows

111 Labour 111 entering the labour market are in fact continuously renewed, in terms of national origin. Therefore, the immigrants labour offer strategies can be measured not only through the peculiarities of the different local reception contexts and through barriers to entry as regards the most appreciated jobs by the local workforce, but also through the presence of competitors within the universe of immigration, which re-design the range of accessible opportunities and their profitability over time. 4.4 Occupational Consolidation Processes and Passage to Self-Employment In addition to gender, age, nationality, qualification level variables, and to the characteristics of the receiving context, two other variables are closely connected to job conditions: presence seniority and juridical status. Though the importance of these aspects is selfevident, it deserves however being reaffirmed, because to a good extent they evidence a consolidation process in occupational conditions, which involves the majority of immigrants who attain a given presence seniority in Italy and succeed at the same time in keeping a regular residence permit, or even achieving an indefinite right of residence. In confirmation of this process, using again the data provided by the Lombard Observatory, we have established a stabilization index, which takes into account: presence seniority in Italy, status from the point of view of permanence, accommodation conditions, and cohabitation type 12. Obviously, the variables included in this index affect, and are in turn affected, by employment conditions (a good job allows extending residence permits, having access to decent accommodations, family reunifications, and may thus induce to protract one s permanence in Italy). In this case, we are interested in shedding light on the fact 12 More precisely, this index was established by selecting the following variables, to which a score ranging from 0 to 10 was attributed: year of arrival in Italy, juridical status, accommodation type, cohabitation type (single persons, couples, etc.). The index value may therefore range from 0 to 40. Then, this index was re-coded as follows: 0-2 = no stability; 3-15 = limited stability; = mean stability; = maximum stability. In this case, too, we report data referred to However, also the subsequent survey widely confirms an actual relation between these variables and occupational performances.

112 112 Laura Zanfrini that these stabilization indicators are positively linked to progresses in the economic adaptation process, such as we can infer from Table 10. The share of jobless and irregularly employed persons almost covers the whole community marked by the lowest stabilization index. This share is drastically drops among those who obtain reduced stability marks, and it further significantly scales down passing to the subjects composing the mean stability group. Finally, among those reporting the highest stabilization index, there is a large ever-growing share of housewives and self-employed workers. Even more evident is the relation between achieved marks in the stabilization index and ability to produce income. As Table 11 shows, income grows consistently with increasing stability, thus evidencing how stabilization is advantageous for both immigrants and host society, which by encouraging this process also creates the conditions for further availing itself of the economic contribution of immigration. Table 10 Employment conditions depending on achieved value on the basis of the stabilization index, Percent values, Lombardy Region No stability Limited stability Mean stability Maximum stability Jobless Student Housewife Regularly employed Open-end contract, standard work hours Part-time Temporary contract Irregularly employed Steady job Unsteady job Contract worker Self-employed worker Regular Irregular Other jobless conditions No answer Total Source: Regional Observatory for Integration and Multiethnicity 2004 data processed by Ismu

113 Labour 113 Table 11 Average and mean income (inclusive and non-inclusive of zero income) depending on the value achieved basing on the stabilization index, Percent values, Lombardy Region Zero income included Zero income excluded Average income Mean income Average income Mean income No stability ,2 600 Limited stability ,5 850 Mean stability , ,000 Maximum stability 1, ,050 1, ,124 Total , Source: Regional Observatory for Integration and Multiethnicity 2004 data processed by Ismu Though it cannot be obviously considered the only explanatory factor, stabilization is also positively associated with the start of independent business activities, such as it clearly emerges from the data reported on Table 10. In particular, the start of an independent business activity usually demands a given presence seniority in Italy. Absolutely paltry is, in this regard, the share of self-employed workers arrived in Italy in the past two years: 3.9% of them came to Italy in 2002; 41.2% during the period; 38.1% during the first half of the 1990 s, and 14.6% in the previous period. Furthermore, self-employed workers are definitely more numerous among subjects provided with greater training resources (to be observed that, in the case of irregular self-employment, it happens the opposite, confirming that this is actually a refuge-condition for those who have not succeeded in finding a different and more satisfactory work solution). Out of 100 regular self-employed workers, 23 are in possession of a university degree, which in over one third cases is equivalent to an Italian degree. The educational capital devaluation process caused by the difficulty to achieve an acknowledgement of the legal values of one s educational credentials results therefore less weighty than that referred to the whole immigrants body. Finally, self-employment has a precise gender characterization. If in general, men are more represented than women with a prevalence of persons running a business activity (a little less than one half total self-employed persons), followed by artisans, and by catering and transport staff the latter (women) mostly concentrate in employee and intellectual jobs,

114 114 Laura Zanfrini medical and paramedical activities, as well as in the catering industry. In most immigration countries, self-employment actually crystallizes migrants professional mobility strategies and their ambitions, which for different reasons were frustrated in performing subordinated jobs. The data provided by the Sopemi monitoring system highlight that in recent years, except for the case of Belgium and France, in all Oecd countries the share of self-employed foreigners has grown both in absolute terms and in percentage out of self-employed workers total number (Table 12), while a great deal of literature has contributed to shed light on the phenomenon of migrants extraordinary activation in this area (for an in-depth examination cf. Zanfrini L., 2004a: ). Table 12 Foreign self-employed workers in some Oecd countries % V. of foreigners out of overall self-employed workers % V. of self-employed workers out of overall foreign employment Austria Belgium Czech Republic France Germany Greece Ireland Luxembourg Netherlands Norway Portugal Spain Sweden Switzerland United Kingdom United States* * Data refer to the population born abroad Source: Oecd, 2005: 67 As to Italy, the circulation of the data collected through the Chamber of Commerce system has immediately drawn the attention of economic operators and mass media, and immigrants have soon begun to be considered the new protagonists of the Italian development model based on small firms. It is in fact to the businesses promoted by immigrants (cf. Table 13) that we owe the

115 Labour 115 growth of this area reported in recent years, particularly in consequence of the legislative developments, which abolished many of the previously existing limitations. We must however underline that the data released by the Infocamere files provide an over-estimate of this phenomenon, as they refer to business owners born abroad and not necessarily of foreign nationality. The tidying of these data has produced a drastic reduction in the number of businesses set up by immigrants, which is assessable around 72,000 units, as to June Nevertheless, these data allow highlighting the actual sectorial characterization of this phenomenon: a good part of these activities are focused on trade, particularly retail trade (however with an absolutely non-negligible presence of wholesale trade activities). Trade is followed by the building industry (totalling over 54,000 companies) and real estate (in which there is a likely prevalence of cleaning companies). Along with them, there are also several sectors including companies owned by foreigners, such as, for example, the clothing industry, monopolized by Chinese entrepreneurs. We are in front of a phenomenon of undeniable economic relevance, which should be however very cautiously read. There are undoubtedly further factors, besides a reasonable presence seniority, which may have contributed to a proliferation of businesses promoted by immigrants, as we previously remarked. In a country in which the share of self-employed workers is traditionally very high, the most enterprising foreigners may have found an ideal fertile ground for launching their businesses, thus contributing to a generational turnover within some sectors (such as it has visibly happened in the area of street trade, where the places left free by older street vendors have been immediately replaced by migrants stalls, whose presence is growing in almost all local markets). We should neither neglect the growing number of potential consumers within immigrants communities themselves (such as in the case of Islamic butcher s shops and other food shops, etc., that are increasingly opening thanks to trade licence liberalization) and within the wider 13 This datum was drawn from the Caritas/Migrantes Dossier, which is the fruit of a cooperation established between the researchers team editing this dossier and CNA (the National Artisan Federation).

116 116 Laura Zanfrini universe of immigration (for example, by setting up and spreading phone centres and other businesses providing different kinds of services, including support to those who want to organize relatives and friends migration). Furthermore, we should also consider outsourcing practice generalization, which has opened wide action spaces to operators prepared to drastically squeeze order execution times and labour costs. Whether an enterprise takes the shape of a heteronomous, rather than a strictly autonomous business (that is, in the case that the opening of a firm disguises a business relation totally depending on a single customer, which however is not prepared to bear regular employment costs), or reflects the search for greater independence and higher profit margins (such as it is happening in the area of transports, through a rising number of foreign self-employed truck drivers), these processes should in any case be kept under control, since several Italian entrepreneurs are beginning to fear their competitiveness. Table 13 Business owners by sector and nationality as to September 30 th, 2005 Non-EU owners Total owners Non-EU owners % A Agriculture, hunting and forestry 6, , B Fishing, fish-breeding & associated services 64 8, C Mineral extraction 7 1, D Manufacturing activities 22, , E Power, gas and water production/distribution F Building industry 54, , G Wholesale/retail/repair pers./household goods 82,702 1,052, H Hotels and restaurants 4, , I Transports, warehousing & communications 10, , J Money and financial brokerage 1,146 73, K Real estate, hiring, IT/computer, research 7, , L Public admin., defence, compuls. social security M Education 215 5, N Public health and other social services 184 2, O Other public, social & personal services 4, , P Home helps in families/communities X Non-classified businesses 1,042 10, Total 196,122 3,500, Source: Unioncamere, Movimprese, 2005

117 Labour 117 Finally, we cannot deny that this phenomenon has also an instrumental characteristic, because the opening of a one-man business guarantees extending residence permits and a legal permanence in Italy in the case in which one s working career consists of intermittent and not necessarily regular jobs. 4.5 Policies and Open Problems Today, in almost all highly developed countries, immigrants labour does not only represent a qualitatively relevant phenomenon in the position to stir up heated debates, but also one of the major transformation factors in national labour markets. The latter is perhaps the factor that escapes observers and researchers notice, since they are mostly concerned to develop formulas aimed at making programmable a phenomenon that tends by nature to get out the control of governmental authorities. The current framework of actions implemented by the different States to ensure migration control reports, once again, a prevalence of measures aimed at fighting illegal and irregular migrations, which significantly produce a rise in the financial and human costs involved in a strategy that, on the other hand, seems to report widespread failures. In a recent essay, W. A. Cornelius (2005) draws up, for example, a rather drastic balance of the U.S. migration policy aimed at controlling unwanted immigration. A persistent migration pressure, along with an insatiable appetite for immigrant workforce, may explain the substantial failure of a policy that ends by having mostly a symbolic function, aimed at reassuring the public opinion as regards authorities ability to keep national border control, a function that has become even more crucial in the post- September 11 th 2001 context. Hence, the American public opinion s ambivalence towards irregular immigration, feared because of its effects on the ethnic composition of the country and on the tax system equilibrium, but at the same time acknowledged because of its contribution, since it covers the multitude of low-paid jobs characterizing contemporary economy. According to this influential researcher, the current situation would bring unquestionable advantages to both entrepreneurs and consumers, and would allow labour

118 118 Laura Zanfrini cost control and pouring on irregular migrants the costs and risks produced by control policies. This kind of reading may be easily transferred also to the Italian experience, insofar as irregular migrants flows, or in any case a weak juridical status, have allowed companies benefiting from a large stock of low-cost workforce, and families extensively appreciating the advantages of the new global labour market. Therefore, the rhetoric of illegal immigration fight and control, which almost everybody shares in principle, in practice goes along with a great deal of tolerance towards this presence, and the circumstances in which companies and family offer a job and an aid to irregular migrants increase in wait for a new mass regularization, which many consider imminent 14. Apart from the entry ceilings established by our official programmes, the data provided by all the inquiries carried out during the period after the closing of the latest regularization evidence the extent of labour migrations towards our country. For example, the monitoring activity carried out by the Lombard Regional Observatory (Zanfrini L., 2006) points out how the migrants cohorts arrived in Italy between 2003 and 2005 are particularly exposed to unemployment, and above all irregular employment, risks. Irregular work relationships involve about 15% of the sample, but out of 100 immigrants arrived during the year in which the inquiry was carried out, only 9 have a regular job, 35 are jobless, and 32 have gone to feed the army of irregular workers. Out of 100 immigrants entered in 2004 (and therefore with a migration seniority of about 12 months when interviews were made), only 17 were working regularly, 14 were still jobless, and 45 were working in hidden economy. Over ¾ foreigners lacking in a residence permit have an irregular job, in confirmation of the fact that the 2002 regularization such as experts had predicted did not represent at all the desired turning point in immigration management and control. This situation involves even more the regions of the Mezzogiorno, where irregular migrants presence would total about 26% (Ce- 14 During several interviews made to immigrants, we had the opportunity to remark how widespread is the idea that in 2006 the Italian government will issue another amnesty. Basing on the past experiences, people firmly believe that 4 years are a normal interval between a regularization and the following one.

119 Labour 119 sareo V., 2006) and concealed labour is such a well-rooted practice as to be even considered normal. On the other hand, after the regularization expiry date, the fate of those persons seems settled. For some of them there are still some margins for emerging (for those who are in any case in possession of an appropriate residence permit allowing them to work, such as a permit for family reasons), but for some others regularization prospects are bound to the issuing of an umpteenth amnesty. Considering that the usual possibility to deceive entry regulations by simulating a call from abroad can be exploited only by a minority share of immigrants, we can reasonably expect a new increase in the stock of irregularly employed foreigners over time. This prediction is fully confirmed also in the opinion of several observers. At the same time, the possibility to keep a regular job over time is not at all taken for granted, considering that, according to Istat (2005), as to December 2003, only 38.2% subordinate workers regularized in compliance with the law 222/2002 were still working for the company that had applied for their regularization. This is a further confirmation of the discontinuous nature of immigrants work careers, but above all, of the improper use many persons have made of regularization. On the other hand, we cannot believe that only employers are completely responsible for this situation, because several empirical confirmations instead suggest that, in particular sectors, migrants sometimes prefer a better-paid irregular job to the alternative of a regular but less paid job. This is actually evidence that the acceptability of a concealed job has by now become a principle shared even by immigrants themselves. Hidden labour has become a national emergency involving a real army of persons, particularly in the Mezzogiorno. And it is not by chance that just in the areas of Southern Italy, where the occupational situation is extremely difficult and hidden labour is particularly widespread, ethnicization, too, manifests itself in its most worrying aspects. This is the reason why we are obliged to question the axiom of complementarity between local workforce and immigrant labour, that is, the same axiom which has led many people to believe that the major determinant of irregular labour is represented by a restrictive and under-dimensioned admission system compared to the actual absorption capacity of the economic system. Today, on

120 120 Laura Zanfrini the basis of some empirical confirmations read with more objective eyes (cf., for example, Avola M. et al., 2004; Zanfrini L., 2004b), we are in the position to say that immigrants easy access to a particular occupational niche does not necessarily mean lack of local offer, but may keep pace with exploitation and discrimination conditions. In some areas, such as low qualification services in the tertiary industry, as well as in Mediterranean agriculture and in many other trickles in which the poor labour of the poorest is conveyed, the starting selection is rather soft and the employer reserves the right to terminate a job relationship at any moment, as soon as it considers it more advantageous. In such a context, immigration ends up by resulting, against its will, dramatically competitive, giving life to a sort of back-up post-industrial army driven by need to accept any job condition. This army grows the more in size, the widest are the possibilities to either legally or illegally enter. In this regard, a perhaps undervalued phenomenon is that entry liberalization for the citizens from new EU-member countries has contributed to increase the offer on the hidden labour market, since they are workers who, in order to be regularly employed, remain subject to the share system. On the other hand, if we consider the actions promoted by the different countries in recent years, we cannot but remark a growing interest in human resource recruiting policies abroad, after a long stage marked by a substantial closure towards labour migrations. The reasons are well known, and refer to concerns about the demographic trend in rich countries, difficulties in finding appropriate workforce conforming to the different professional profiles, need to comply with spontaneous migrations making them, as much as possible, consistent with the needs of national economy. Particularly as from the second half of 1990s, this interest has taken the features of a tendential generalization of the guest worker model, through the proliferation not only in Europe, but also in countries traditionally oriented towards permanent migrants settlements of devices aimed at temporarily (or seasonally) importing labour, usually through a more or less rigid application of the unavailability principle (in the case in which entry authorization is subordinated to a preliminary assessment of lack of available local workers in the position to carry out a particular job). Also the device studied for

121 Labour 121 admitting low-qualification workers substantially follows the postwar experience, through the signature of bilateral agreements concerning workforce provision. For example, Germany has fixed entry quotas reserved to workers from the new EU-member countries prepared to work in building industry, agriculture and cleaning services. Other EU members have preferred to liberalize entries from the new member countries or, as we previously remarked, resort to scheduled programming decrees for seasonal and temporary workers entries (such as in the case of Spain). The question is that the number of migrants defined as temporary workers by the law has grown in most Oecd countries, from Australia to Germany, from Japan to New Zealand, from United Kingdom to Norway, besides obviously Italy, where the annual programming decrees have allowed though not being, as we know, the major access channel to the Italian labour market the entry of several hundred thousand foreign workers. In this regard, it seems us correct keeping aloof from what has become by now a statement uncritically repeated by both privileged witnesses and researchers, which depicts the Italian entry control system as a restrictive one. Since a few years, Italy has implemented an active migration policy, which attracts workforce from abroad and is based on quota restrictions, that may be certainly debated as to its broad lines, but in any case ends by admitting a high number of workers in relation to the global contemporary scenery, and ultimately, complies with a necessary gradualness through which society may be able to metabolize the growth of foreign workforce offer (which, we should not forget, is at the same time fed also by a considerable flow of family reunifications). Through the planning referred to the current year 2005 (cf. Table 14) and the forecast of quotas dedicated to the new EU-member countries, the entry ceiling has been practically doubled in comparison with the previous year, thus contributing to assert Italy s role within the international migration system 15. Despite the priority granted to seasonal entries, which in principle do not turn into fund alloca- 15 Clearly, the entries of citizens from new EU-member countries do not weigh upon the number of non-eu subjects present, though contributing to the growth of imported labour offer.

122 122 Laura Zanfrini tions, the basic statement according to which migration flow policy is not in the position to fully meet demand volumes, consequently seems at least questionable, particularly if this statement is based on regularization results and on irregular workforce flows, which cannot be any longer considered as an expression of the size of the still outstanding demand for imported labour. In this regard, some cautiousness would be desirable in drawing rushed conclusions from the results provided by the Excelsior inquiry, which as we have seen settle between 121,800 and 182,890 units the estimates concerning the number of new jobs offered to non-eu immigrants exclusively by companies. As a matter of fact, an analysis of professional requirements allows shedding light on employers expectations, and it certainly contributes to legitimize foreigners presence, encouraging their integration tout-court. Table 14 Migration flow planning for the year 2005 The Cabinet Decree of December 17 th, 2004 authorized, as an anticipation of the maximum quotas for the year 2005, a total maximum amount of 79,500 entries: 30,000 for non-seasonal jobs 15,000 of which reserved to entries for workers employed as home helps and personal caretakers 2,500 for self-employed workers (researchers, entrepreneurs, professional persons, artists, etc.) 1,250 of which as conversions of residence permits for study and vocational training purposes into residence permits for self-employment 200 for workers of Italian origin residing in Argentina, Uruguay and Venezuela 21,800 for subordinated non-seasonal jobs 1,000 of which for managers and highly skilled staff 20,800 of which for workers originating from signatory countries of cooperation agreements on migration (Albania, Tunisia, Morocco, Egypt, Nigeria, Moldavia, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Philippines, Pakistan, Somalia and possible others) 25,000 for seasonal subordinated jobs (entries for workers originating from signatory countries of migration agreements, or from Serbia-Montenegro, Croatia, Bosnia, Herzegovina, former-yugoslavian Republic of Macedonia, Bulgaria, Romania and for workers already in possession of seasonal labour permits in 2003 and 2004) The Cabinet Decree of December 17 th, 2004 authorized, for the year 2005, the admission of 79,500 entries for seasonal and non-seasonal subordinated job reasons of workers originating from new EU-member countries (Czech Republic, Republic of Estonia, Latvian Republic, Republic of Lithuania, Republic of Poland, Slovakian Republic, Republic of Slovenia and Republic of Hungary). However, on condition that people are able to leave behind an exclusively demandist approach in reading migration dynamics

123 Labour 123 which, besides over-estimating the actual occupational opportunities, neglect the basic datum of the self-propulsive nature of migrations, that is, their tendency to become over time relatively independent not only of law constraints, but also of inclusion chances in the host society. This means that the proposed estimate has no longer the meaning, like in the past, of measuring additional needs to be covered by importing new contingents from abroad. In the light of these considerations, more than rectifying the flowplanning quantitative dimension, it is instead necessary to consider the opportunity to streamline call procedures, which up to now have proved particularly heavy and slackened by a rebound game among provincial labour head offices, police headquarters and embassies. Along with a tendency to reopen the borders to temporary workers, another one has begun to take shape, which is more in line with the tradition of early immigration countries, where immigration is appraised particularly on the basis of its current and future potential. Consequently, we can notice an increasingly widespread attention to the so-called highly skilled migrants, not only appreciated because of their ability to integrate in the host society, but also because of their consistency with grey matter attraction policies development theoreticians consider today as a basic ingredient in the competitive strategies of the economically advanced systems. The implementation of pro-active policies, such as they have been defined by a recent document of the Global Commission on migrations (Münz R., 2004), in the position to improve the European countries ability to attract qualified migrations, is nowadays considered an unavoidable condition to counterbalance the demographic imbalances to which the old continent is subject, and to stand up their competitiveness. The Community action, too, follows this line aimed at encouraging member countries to become more attractive to third countries, bearing in mind, in particular, that the attraction power of European countries is today less marked than that of other countries, such as United States and Canada. The forefather of this model may be considered Canada, with its on the points system programme, in which the human capital quality of the candidates to migration represents the basic selection standard. Over the last five years, in Canada, Australia and New Zealand, skilled personnel permanent immigrations have grown by

124 124 Laura Zanfrini 25% along with an equal growth of temporary immigrations. On the pattern of this experience, other countries Germany, first of all, and later on Portugal, France, United Kingdom and even Czech Republic have adopted on the points systems, and have introduced special devices aimed at encouraging researchers, scientists, professionals and students entries. Norway and United Kingdom have started programmes allowing entries to highly skilled workers in search for a job. Finally, in addition to actions in the area of migration policies, several countries have provided for special tax incentives aimed at encouraging skilled immigrants arrivals. This issue has become topical also in Italy, though it has contributed to evidence once again the gap between rhetoric and reality. Therefore, while many experts consider it would be advisable to revise and raise the planned entry quotas, these quotas end by being only partly used 16, because for the time being they do not evidently find a correspondence in the actual dynamics of demand for imported labour. On the other hand, this can be easily understood in the light of the characteristics of the current immigrant labour inclusion model (and eventually, of the Italian development model itself). In this regard, available empirical confirmations tell us that companies tend to turn to the foreign labour market when they have to find unskilled workforce, whereas upward mobility processes inside the company or ad hoc recruitment channels, based for example on already validated credit mechanisms, are preferred when skilled workforce is needed. To extend resorting to immigrant labour for highly qualified functions it would be necessary to intervene with (or also) other incentives, starting from actions aimed at enhancing the migrants human capital already present in Italy: from support to the conversion of educational degrees to competence balances, from training to different actions aimed at developing human resource loyalty. Human capital management represents, on the other hand, one of the critical points in the Italian events, and also the above mentioned Excelsior data tend to evidence it, as they point out that the area concerning availability to resort to foreign workforce does not overlap the area concerning recruitment difficulties. 16 Statement made by Maurizio Silveri on March 18 th, 2005 during the presentation of the Tenth ISMU Report on Migrations.

125 Labour 125 And the interest the entrepreneurial class shows in eastern immigration might paradoxically have the result of emphasizing a particularistic approach. Rather than investing resources in projects aimed at making the individual skills of already present migrants recognizable, or at enhancing their potential through training actions, entrepreneurs prefer to resort to a specific recruiting system, whose professional characteristics are already well-known. In this way, while new openings to foreigners entries begin to appear in highqualification jobs, ethnic cleavages begin to play a major role as predictive standards in determining the professional destiny of individual workers, as well as market segmentation. For these and other reasons, companies demand to revise and raise the threshold of admitted entries deserves being carefully re-examined, as it might reflect different strategies and competitive choices. However, in the light of the events we have examined, it is clear that migrants professional promotion must pass, in the first place, through actions aimed at fighting their occupational segregation not only, and not so much, in typical immigrants jobs, but rather, and particularly, in the segments that might be described as parallel market (Zanfrini L., 2004b). Therefore, we should pay particular attention to the so-called legality-producing devices, whether they refer to the possibility to call immigrants disregarding the established quota ceilings, the hypothesis of perpetual regularization on an individual basis, tax reductions for families employing immigrants as caretakers, the possibility to turn tourist visas into work permits, or incentives for making concealed labour emerge, and so on. But also through more careful controls as to work conditions and working hours, compliance with safety regulations and with the wage equity principle. Although it is a widespread opinion that immigrants are destined to be included in low-qualification labour market segments, particularly in the early stages of their inclusion process, this should not however turn into systematic discrimination. Moreover, if we consider that discrimination and segregation are the actual factors that make immigration more competitive and potentially dangerous for the weakest segments of the domestic labour offer. Under those circumstances, the focus of our attention should be shifted from the theme of entry planning which up to now has

126 126 Laura Zanfrini monopolized the debate between economic actors and government authorities to the theme of inclusion processes in the labour market, according to the wish expressed by the State-City Joint Conference through its advice on the Programmatic Paper concerning the policy on immigration and foreigners for the years Far from us suggesting a revival of the old oxymoron integration without immigration, which in the past decades was considered as a compass by EU-member countries. The theme of social integration, particularly neglected in the opinion expressed by the joint conference undoubtedly deserves greater attention, starting for example from actions aimed at speeding up all procedures concerning residence permit extension and appropriate resource allocation to local authorities. On the other hand, the emphasis placed on integration should not necessarily go along with an attitude of closure to the new migration flows coming from abroad, as today the early stages of the settlement process are actually acknowledged as the most strategic ones. Therefore, in Italy, too, such as it happens in a great number of countries from Holland to Denmark, from Norway to Canada, from Germany to Luxembourg it would be advisable to provide for compulsory attendance of language and civic culture courses to be possibly included, such as it happens elsewhere, in a formal contract the newcomer is obliged to sign on its arrival in the host country. However, in the light of our previous considerations, a priority role should be assigned today to labour policies, a theme enjoying a generally renewed interest on a global scale face to face with a situation in which immigrants and those who belong to ethnic minorities are experiencing occupational difficulties depending on the gathering of several factors. One of the most significant actions has been taken by Holland, thanks to an agreement signed with the small and medium firms organization, aimed at promoting job opportunities for those who belong to ethnic minorities, and based on a positive discrimination principle. Other countries, such as for example Sweden, have undertaken actions aimed at re-including longterm unemployed persons, among which immigrants are often overrepresented. Several countries (Luxembourg, Canada, Norway, Sweden, etc.) have promoted and supported actions in the field of migrants linguistic and professional training, particularly women s.

127 Labour 127 Finally, projects aimed at encouraging the legal acknowledgement of educational degrees achieved abroad are also beginning to spread. As to Italy, it is worth mentioning a few actions, which are spreading over the territory, concerning migrants (and particularly, women s) professional qualification and progress in the area of caretaking activities to persons. This is a kind of mobilization starting from the bottom, which tries to regain the lost ground in relation to the institutional control of a phenomenon that burst out in a few years time and is ruled by a substantial spontaneism as regards both demand and offer. We cannot here go deeply into an appraisal of those actions, but we must however underline that they represent an exception within a scenery that, after the public employment centre transformation stage, reports a tension drop on the theme of labour policies. In fact, a relatively easy access to jobs has led many people to undervalue the risks involved in a scarcely universalistic market driven by informal and spontaneistic mechanisms. A little hastily, perhaps even though with an undisputable interpretative effectiveness they came, in the past years, to read the Italian inclusion model in terms of opposition between a mostly achieved economic citizenship, even considered by somebody strong, and a weak and inadequate social citizenship as regards both access to houses and, more in general facilities and social relations. The strong requirements for workforce denounced by companies contributed to support the idea, according to which the extra-professional sphere was the most critical side of integration. Over time, instead, it has become increasingly clear that social integration does not only retroact on the results of economic inclusion processes and on the professional projects and investments themselves, since today a datum perhaps neglected in the past, begins to increasingly emerge, whereas the prevailing aim was to give an appropriate visibility to immigrants labour. A job in itself is not necessarily a source of citizenship, but may give rise to discrimination, on the one hand, and nourish interethnic conflicts, on the other hand. Discrimination is an issue that consequently takes a new meaning. Differently from what social closure theories had assumed, according to which minority group discrimination would undoubtedly benefit majority groups, which strategically reserve in this way the best opportuni-

128 128 Laura Zanfrini ties and benefit from the low-cost services provided by immigrants, discrimination instead produces costs and consequences that become manifest only over time, when in some cases it is already too late for being able to act. Not by chance, the European papers have been talking for some years about discrimination as a threat to social cohesion, both because it produces estrangement in discriminated components, and because the dismantling effects determined by it may become dramatic. What is currently happening in France (when this Report is being printed), is a meaningful example of this tendency. This seems likely to happen also in a context such as the contemporary Italian one, where heavy entry flows outside official planning (irregular migrants but also foreigners entered with a tourist visa or for family reunifications, or subjects originating from countries for which compulsory visas are not in force) driven by the firm belief of being able to find a job, continuously fill up a workforce reservoir economic needs and juridical vulnerability make over-adaptable. Immigration and its role in the labour market, in Italy like elsewhere, are issues that increasingly intertwine with the problem concerning the future of accumulation systems and the solidity of the protection systems for workers and for their families. But above all, it seems intertwined with the dynamics producing new inequalities, a theme that has remained almost completely eclipsed. Evoking the existence of discriminations on an ethnic base is therefore rightful, because it obliges us to cope with a relatively new issue within a society accustomed to consider itself as ethnically homogeneous. All the more reason, in the moment in which we are preparing ourselves to witness the imminent entry in the labour market of the second generations born from immigration (Zanfrini L., 2005e). On condition that this event does not overshadow the transformation processes taking place in the labour market, which produce a more fragmented and less solid society. A society in which labour, from a right to citizenship and a basis for social belonging and cohesion would become an exclusion tool and a source of conflicts.

129 School by Graziella Giovannini Being linked by a circular relation to society and the surrounding environment, the school has become the battlefield of a double social-cultural challenge in connection with the theme of migration. On the one hand, the school has to cope with general migration policies and processes, which question and influence it. On the other hand, it plays a major role (which is socially acknowledged also by foreigners) in the overall integration process of minors and families. Therefore, in tackling an analysis of the school, it will be necessary to focalize the main characteristics of the presence of students of immigrant origin in the different educational grades, as well as and in the different Italian territories, trying to understand the way in which the progressive structuring process of immigration in the national context turns into minors schooling processes. In the second place, we will try identifying the way in which an Italian model is taking shape in the educational policies of the country, not in the sense of a complete and stable approach to this issue in rule-making and didactic terms, but in terms of widely shared choices in the world of education and training, in relation to reception and inclusion procedures. However, it does not mean that dynamism no longer remains an inescapable characteristic (not only because we are talking about migration, but just because we are actually in front of minors in the age of development) and that a number of knotty problems continue to affect both our understanding ability and the planning of effective intervention lines, as well as the systematization of this matter within the general school reform process.

130 130 Graziella Giovannini 5.1 A Stable/Moving Presence of Students of Immigrant Origin Such as in the case of immigration in general, also when we refer to the school, figures 1 may help describing a quickly consolidating situation, which places Italy in the school year 2004/2005 close to Spain and Portugal, thus reducing its distance from Central- and North-European countries. This increase began to speed up particularly at the beginning of the Millennium, in connection with foreigners regularization processes and with a growing number of family reunifications or newly established families in our territory, which show upward trends that are progressively changing the quantitative forecasts referred to the forthcoming years. In fact, until the school year 1998/1999, foreign students had not even reached 1% of the total number of students. As from that year, their increase began becoming quickly relevant (Table 1), up to reach in the school year 2004/2005 a total number of 361,576 students (Miur, 2005a) 2 with a likely yearly increase by about 50-60,000 units in the short run. Table 1 Non-Italian students from 1998/1999 to 2004/2005 school years School year Absolute values % value out of overall school population 1998/99 85, /00 119, /01 147, /02 181, /03 232, /04 282, /05 361, Source: Miur (Ministry of Education), 2005a, data processed by Ismu 1 Miur (Ministry of Education) has systematized its annual surveys on non-italian by citizenship students carried out in state and independent schools, by issuing an annual report since We must consider that a (very limited) part of the increases reported in schools in the last years is also in connection with improved information collection techniques. We most also consider that data comparisons with other European should be made with some cautiousness, since the definitions of the subjects included in surveys are often quite different (Queirolo Palmas L., 2004).

131 School 131 Foreigners presence has further grown stronger in nursery (4.58% of the overall population) and primary school (5.37%), and these two school grades jointly gather over 60% non-italian by citizenship pupils. Consequently, there is a growing share of children who complete, or almost complete, their educational training within the Italian school system, and have also access to non-compulsory pre-school education. Even though to a smaller extent, during the school year 2004/2005 foreign students increased also in high schools; in this regard, it is more significant making reference to the percentage of students attending the first school year (3.78%) than referring to all high-school grades (2.31%, in any case showing an upward trend compared to 1.87% reported in the previous year). In general, the presence of girls is continuously growing, though we notice a percent superiority in numbers of boys in the nursery, primary and junior-high school. Girls, such as it happened in the past years, are in percentage more present than boys in the high school, touching 51.20% of overall foreign students (their corresponding percentage out of the total school population being 47.91%). Families are mostly oriented to state schools, where the foreign students percentage reaches 4.31% compared to the 3.31% of independent schools, and there is almost no difference in nursery schools 3 or a minimum presence in non-officially recognized schools (Table 2). Table 2 Non-Italian students attending the different school grades, according to school administration types. Percent values school year 2004/2005 School grade State schools Total independent schools Non-officially recognized schools Total Nursery school Primary school Junior-high school High school Total Source: Miur, 2005a, data processed by Ismu 3 Within officially recognized schools, the presence of non-italian students reaches the highest percentage by 5.86% in public (usually, municipal) nursery schools.

132 132 Graziella Giovannini The overall picture concerning foreign students school attendance, bearing in mind the dynamics of the past years, shows undoubtedly the characteristics of a phenomenon that is becoming increasingly stable. However, the Italian school does not find itself in front of a clear and actual second generation, since many children and adolescents born abroad, who have already experienced the first educational stages in other countries, are continuously flowing every year into all our school grades. Similarly, there are also discontinuous arrivals of foreign students in different periods of the school year, which evidence the need for flexible and contingent responses. We also find, by analyzing the origin of minors attending the schools of our country, a similar presence of structural and change elements. The data concerning the school year 2004/2005 report in general a consolidation of immigration also within school institutions. The foreign students who attend the school represent almost all the 194 countries registered by Istat, evidencing a heterogeneity that goes far beyond the one reported in other European contexts, as well as a different migration history. However, by observing dynamics over time, we can identify some large national groups, which are further consolidating their presence, along with some stabilization lines, which are also linked to the recent changes occurred on the European scene. Albania, Morocco, Romania, China and former-yugoslavia (the five major nationalities over the last few years) gather in all 51.35% total non-italian by citizenship students, whereas in terms of large geographical area (Table 3) the school year 2004/2005 reported an increasing number of students originating from both EU and non- EU European countries, which now represent 47.8%. Africa still proves to be the second continent of origin, while the relative weight of Asia is lowering (11.9%, while it totalled 14.8% in the previous school year).

133 School 133 Table 3 Non-Italian students in state and independent schools by continent of origin and school grade. School year 2004/2005 Continent of origin Total Nursery school Primary school Juniorhigh school High school A.V. % V. % V. % V. % V. % V. EU 16, Non-EU Europe 155, Africa 91, Asia 42, America 53, Oceania + stateless Total 361, Source: Miur, 2005a, data processed by Ismu If we consider this overall picture, we can determine that, as to the foreign population of Euro-Mediterranean origin attending the school, as well, the outlined structure closely follows the general immigration trend 4. With reference to the school year 2004/005, if we add the students from European countries to those from North- African countries (Morocco, Egypt, Tunisia, Algeria, Libya), we reach a total number of 241,656 units, equal to 66.8% of non-italian students. This involves for us quite interesting prospects and new possibilities to get in touch with closer and more similar historical and cultural heritages. Among non-mediterranean countries, the first places of the list, by quantity of students present, are held by China (18,682 students totalling 5.17%), such as in the past years, and Ecuador (12,105 students, the children of immigrants arrived in Italy more recently, totalling 3.35%). However, these data also allow pointing out some elements of mobility and articulated tendencies: 4 The latest Caritas/Migrantes reports and the Tenth Report on Migrations by Fondazione Ismu particularly underline a growing European characterization, and the fact that, in 2004, all issued residence permits have placed Romanians, Albanians and Moroccans at the first places of list. A Euro-Mediterranean approach to the theme of migrations has been proposed by the Barcelona Process, starting from the Barcelona Declaration of The meeting held in November 2005, on the occasion of the tenth anniversary, relaunched its integration goals, even amid many actual difficulties, pointing out the importance of migration control agreements, but also the need for educational and socio-cultural exchanges, particularly regarding new generations and their inclusion in the job market.

134 134 Graziella Giovannini different settlement/stabilization times: Romanians, for example, have known a rapid increase of their presence in very recent years, placing themselves at the third place, in terms of students nationalities; new European national groups are coming at full speed on the scene, such as Ukraine, Moldavia and Poland; different inclusion rates in our schools: the data reported on Table 3 point our a growing presence in all educational levels of non-eu students, whereas African students are in countertendency. When we consider migration phenomena, we should however not forget that Italy, besides being still a country of emigrants 5 who cross our national borders, is also characterized by internal migration flows, which Istat data point out in rise as from the late 1990s. In 2002, the migration balance from southern regions (Campania at the first place, followed by Sicily and Puglia) to central-northern ones totalled 130,000 persons (among which about 10,000 foreigners). Lombardy is the destination for over one fourth total migrants, followed by Emilia Romagna, which receives 18.8% migrants, while the attraction power of the North-West is decreasing (Formez, 2005). These internal migration phenomena are different from those which took place in the 1960s, as they mostly involve yearold persons with high educational levels in search for a qualified job, but also workers. This is likely a kind of migration involving individual persons, which does not immediately impact on the school system, but adds to the previous generations of immigrants settled in the North, whose marks still remain in many territorial realities. Socio-demographic research has neglected in recent years 5 (...) In the European Union, Italy is the country reporting the highest number of migrants and, on a global scale, is the developed country with the highest incidence of Italian citizens living abroad in relation to the population living in the country (Maffioletti G., Colaiacomo A., 2004: 174). In Germany, Italian students are the second major group after Turkish students, and are the object of studies and interventions as regards school inclusion (Thränhardt D., 2004; Allemann-Ghionda C., 2005).

135 School 135 both the study of second generations 6 and the study of newcomers (even minors) from the South, who are also reported in different North-Italian contexts 7, along with the presence of foreign students. These young newcomers contribute to increase the multicultural complexity of our classrooms and often evidence uneasiness phenomena that surely are not smaller than those experienced by their non-italian schoolfellows. In terms of results and educational-professional choices, the school curricula of non-italian students become important indicators of both the involved subjects resources and the quality and strategies of the educational offer 8. Just because, as we have seen, we are not in front of a completely accomplished second generation permanently settled in the territory, its considerable delay in relation to the official school curriculum of the Italian students of the same age should be also interpreted as an effect of different discontinuities that still mark the biographies of many of today s foreign students. For different reasons, the children who continue to arrive in Italy after having attended the school somewhere else are not always included in classes of students of their same age. In addition, quite often their families move within our national territory, either from south northwards, or inside the northern regions, following the labour and 6 An inquiry carried out in 2005 by R. Impicciatore and G. Della Zuanna stands out because of its particular methodological strategy. This inquiry, based on the data resulting from a multi-purpose Istat inquiry of 1998 on families, is focused on the educational levels of the children of migrants from Southern Italy who moved to Central and Northern Italy. 7 An inquiry carried out in 2001 in the primary and secondary schools of the municipality of Reggio Emilia pointed out a presence by 13.8% of children born in a southern region (mostly Campania and Calabria), as well as a considerable presence of second generation-students of Southern-Italy origin. Furthermore, in the schools of this city, is also reported a meaningful presence of children whose families originate all from Cutro, a small village in Calabria near Crotone. 8 A more extensive overall description is provided once again by Miur reports. We refer particularly to an analysis of the results concerning the school year 2003/2004 (Miur, 2005b). Some meaningful integrations concerning Lombardy are also available, thanks to an agreement signed by Fondazione Ismu, Ministry of Education and Regional School Office (Besozzi E., Tiana M. T., 2005). A survey of the inquiries concerning this subject can be found in the report of an inquiry carried out by Fondazione Ismu on behalf of Miur on foreign minors condition in Italy (Giovannini G., 2004).

136 136 Graziella Giovannini housing market changes. In Lombardy, for example, more than 30% students result behind their actual age; 8% of them are behind by two or more years, with a very high increase in the high school, where their percentage exceeds 65% of overall foreign attending students (Tiana M. T., 2005). On a national scale, Miur (2005b) inquiry on students results in the different school grades during the school year 2003/2004 reports a slight overall improvement among foreign students, and confirms the existence of similar trends also among Italian and non- Italian students passing from the primary school to the different grades of the secondary school (Table 4). Table 4 Successful students percentage after the assignment of term s marks by school grade and citizenship. School year 2003/2004 Educational level and grade Total Non- Italians by citizenship Italian subjects Difference Primary school Junior-high school High school (total) Liceo Technological schools Vocational schools Arts schools Source: Miur, 2005b, data processed by Ismu In the primary school, in which manifest selection processes are very limited, the percentage of successful pupils among non-italian by citizenship children reaches 96%, showing less marked gaps between the two groups of subjects in central and northern regions, where foreigners presence is higher and, certainly, more consolidated. Most likely, the actual foreign presence structure, along with minor discontinuities as regards children, ends by turning into an improvement of reception and inclusion practices both in individual schools and, in general, in territories. The highest rate of failures, as well as greater differences in comparison with Italians, are reported in the high school, and involve over one fourth students after the assignment of term s marks, with peaks exceeding 30% in vocational schools and a smaller number of failures in the Liceo, thus following closely the Italian students consolidated trends. In these school grades, territorial

137 School 137 trends are hardly interpretable, considering, for example, that the gap between Italian and foreign students is actually higher in the Emilia Romagna region, although this region reports at the same time the smallest differences as regards the primary and secondary schools. It is worth underlining that successful students rates exclusively refer to students to whom term s marks have been assigned, while the phenomenon of school attendance interruption/termination, identified by an in-depth examination of the Ministry inquiry, involves 15.54% students attending the first grade and 11.46% students attending the second grade. Very few of them (1.26%) use a gangway leading to vocational training centres, while we do not have at our disposal reliable data referred to the whole national territory on actual escapes from both compulsory school education and the training-education right/duty provided for by the latest reforms. Furthermore, the territories in which the development of school registries is being experimented, evidence that school obligation escapes particularly involve foreign adolescents. From the point of view of educational strategy planning, it is worth mentioning the crux represented by the junior-high school. Available data referred to the school year 2003/2004 report an 11% rate of unsuccessful foreign students against 4% among Italian students, which is surely lower than the selection occurring in high schools, but however relevant, if we consider the role this school grade plays in preparing the young to make their future choices. If we join these data with those we previously analyzed concerning gender differences in the passage to high school education, we can assume that different resources and different personal and family expectations are actually in the position to mark the future destiny of boys and girls starting from this school grade. More than Italian students, who are socially inclined nowadays to over-extend their schooling period despite uncertain results, foreign boys and girls show attitudes that bring them closer to an inclusion in the job market. In fact, if we consider now school attendance in the different high-school types, the data referred to the school year 2004/2005 confirm, along with an overall increase, also a clear differentiation between Italian students and students of immigrant origin in terms of educational processes. The Liceo, which gathers the highest ad-

138 138 Graziella Giovannini hesion rates among Italian students 9, sees a minimum foreigners attendance rate (by 1.10%), which is confirmed also in the first school year (1.62%). In technological schools, foreigners total 2.41%, but they have already reached 4.04% in the first school year, while vocational schools collect the highest quantity of those who continue their studies. In these institutes, foreign students total a 4.47% average rate, reaching however 7.35% in the first school year, and 14.76% in north-eastern regions. These trends question the school ability to perform vocational guidance best practices, even though in general equity and right to study certainly do not prevailingly depend on individual schools. 5.2 Distribution in the National Territory between Diffusivity and Concentrations The general trend of migration processes in the different territories (Fondazione Ismu, 2005; Caritas/Migrantes, 2005) considerably affects also the presence of minors in schools, according to processes that in their overall outline have become stable over the years, because mostly depending on Italy s socio-economical and labour market structure. In general, the attraction power characteristics of northern and central regions have become stronger, while the South and the Islands of Italy continue to remain areas displaying a migration balance deficit, which outlines a structural differentiation that will surely weigh upon the new decentralization structure introduced by the recent constitutional reforms. The highest migrants presence rates are reported in North-East geographical areas, which have gained over the years the fist place in all school grades (Table 5), reaching 7.02% in Veneto and 8.40% in Emilia Romagna. The latter has become in the school year 2004/2005 the Italian region with the highest immigrants presence rate. Lombardy remains the region with the highest number of foreign students in absolute values (88,170 individuals, equal to one 9 In the school year 2004/2005 students in all were distributed in the first grade of the different high school types as follows: by 38.35% in the Liceo, 34.24% in technological schools, 23.29% in vocational schools, and 4.03 in artistic institutes.

139 School 139 fourth of the overall foreign population), and is followed by the North-West by 6.82% and the Centre, with an average 5.67% presence rate (both Umbria and Marche exceed 7% and have a strong attraction power). The South and the Island are very distant, as in the school year 2004/2005 they total about 1% overall students only and report almost insignificant rates concerning foreigners presence in the high school. Table 5 Non-Italian students incidence in the different areas of the country by school grade. Comparison between 1998/1999 and 2004/2005 school years. Percent values Territorial area Nursery school 1998/ /2005 Primary school 1998/ /2005 Juniorhigh school 1998/ /2005 High school 1998/ / /1999 Total North- West North- East Centre South n.d n.d n.d n.d Islands Total Italy Source: Miur, 2005a, data processed by Ismu The great metropolitan cities Milan, Rome and Turin include the highest number of foreign students, but immediately after them medium-size provinces, such as Brescia, Treviso and Vicenza, follow in the list. In general, also in the school year 2004/2005 the attraction power of medium and small towns and immigrants spreading in small centres is confirmed, and most probably, this depends on the job opportunities and house availability they offer. As to immigrant students presence, there are in any case 737 large and small municipalities placed in 10%-15% segment, 378 in the 15%-30% segment, and 34 over the 30% threshold. The provinces reporting the highest percentages of foreign students are, once 2004/2005

140 140 Graziella Giovannini again, the medium-small ones, such as Mantua, Reggio Emilia, Piacenza, Modena and Prato. These data open the way to a reflection not only on the diffusivity, but also the presence of concentration phenomena in some areas and schools. Not only is Italy divided into two major areas, but also in the Centre and the North immigrants destination places seem distributed according to different concentration spots, thus outlining an overall picture, which demands the utmost attention from schools and from those who are assigned to decide educational policies. If most municipalities exceeding 30% foreigners presence are small towns (with an overall foreign students population below 100 units), 17% of them do not report any kind of foreign presence and 41.8% of them remain below 5%, without any clear connection with the overall school population spreading. We can also notice that among the municipalities with a school population exceeding 1000 students, the highest concentration rates are reached in realities such as Calcinato (Brescia), Martinsicuro (Teramo), Porto Recanati (Macerata), Novellara (Reggio Emilia) or Novi di Modena (all of them over 18%), which are small and medium-size towns/villages, while among capitals of province, Milan and Reggio Emilia hold the first place (closely, and almost equally, followed by Alessandria, Bologna, Cremona, Turin, Modena, Brescia, Rimini, Prato). By analyzing individual schools, it is worth mentioning that about 40% state and independent schools do not include any non- Italian student, and that among those including them, 45% count less than 5 units, 25% units, and 4% more than 40 units. Spots are also the result of a different students distribution by citizenship of origin in the various territories. In terms of large continental aggregations, all regions individually evidence some unbalancing, such as in the case of Americans, who represent 44.55% foreign students in Liguria (against an 11.89%national average), or Africans, who reach a 40% rate in Sicily and a 36.96% rate in Emilia Romagna (against a 25.43% national average). Also in this regard a few trends remain stable over time, such as the diffusivity of Albanians (in 46 provinces) and Moroccans (in 31 provinces) presence, the concentration of Chinese in few provinces, of Ecua-

141 School 141 dorians, Peruvians and Philippine in very few provinces, of Indians and Bengalis in very few municipalities (in the provinces of Mantua, Cremona and Reggio Emilia). Once again, however, this stability is in motion, since the current political and economical situation is producing continuous changes. This happens, for example, in the case of the Chinese community, which is involved in the crisis of the textile and catering industries and begins to move to new territorial areas, such as Treviso or Cuneo. We do not have at our disposal inquiries that may help us observing in detail concentration phenomena in particular territories, neighbourhoods or schools, both in the places in which high foreigners presence percentages are connected with a variety of origins, and in those in which concentration refers to the number of nationalities. On the contrary, these processes point out several critical points, which in different ways affect (Italian and non- Italian) students educational processes, their school results, and the overall integration processes in school and territories. As we previously remarked, some factors are of a structural nature (jobs and accommodations), and are increased by the presence of family migration networks, or connected with particular areas of origin (La Rosa M., Zanfrini L., 2003). By observing particular territorial realities, we can however observe that these extra-school variables should be added to, and mixed with, school and family choices. The self-government system, if referred to individual schools, differentiates the educational offer according to procedures that become more or less attractive for both the Italian and the foreign population, sometimes with paradoxical results. In the management of reception procedures some schools become particularly competent and inviting, with a consequent gradual increase of foreigners percentages, while other schools, on the contrary, discourage (surely not explicitly) non-italian students access. In parallel, the free choice principle for parents, which is formally in force in Italy since 1985, when the Minister Falcucci abolished the compulsory assignment of schools to students based on the streetmap system, has determined in many Italian families the decision to move their children away from schools in which the share of foreign students exceeded a limit perceived as dangerous, not so much, and

142 142 Graziella Giovannini not always, in terms of racism or social prejudice, but mostly in terms of possible learning and teaching quality worsening. Although this situation is certainly unsettled and too recent, there are some signals of possible segregation tendencies, as well as clear marks of inadequacy regarding totally liberalistic models from the point of view of both school independence and family choices. There where these phenomena appear with greater intensity, it becomes absolutely necessary not to face problems at an individual school level, but rather through agreements and cooperation among school networks with the support of the competent local authorities and the involvement of families, whether Italian or not, in planning and developing the educational training offer of the local communities 10. Waiting for wider-ranging empirical observations, it is however worth referring to an experience made recently by the primary and secondary schools of the 1st Centre-East district of Genoa, where some institutes have reached extremely high percentages of foreign students, as well as widespread social and educational uneasiness levels. This situation led, in 2004, to the signature of an Agreement for district schools preceded by protocol of agreement signed by the school heads in cooperation with District, Municipality, Csa and Centro risorse alunni stranieri (Foreign students resource centre) of Genoa, which is oriented to promote coordinated actions as to entry standards, educational offer quality, information, advice and guidance to families. The first year of enforcement points out some interesting de-concentration processes, which obviously are not 10 We should not forget that the Italian regulations on school independence clearly introduce the prospect of network connections both among school institutions, and between schools and territory. On the problems related to immigration, an orientation aimed at enhancing cooperation among different schools and developing local educational agreements involving different subjects (State, local communities, teachers, families, associations, etc.) appears also in the documents issued by the French Ministry of Education, which has been struggling for a long time with the issue of foreign students concentrations/segregations in some particular schools and territories. The mixité theme has been for many years the heart of the debates in that country, and has been the object of different evaluations, which have not yet undermined, from the point of view of directives, the goal of heterogeneity in school and class composition. The Report on La mixité sociale à l école et au collège submitted in March 2002 by J. Hébrard to the French Minister of national education provides several interesting suggestions for understanding also the Italian situation.

143 School 143 completely decisive in themselves, but prove however important for exploring a few best practices aimed at solving these problems. 5.3 The Italian School Choices and Reform Prospects As everybody knows, the school began responding to the issue of immigration as soon as this phenomenon first appeared, in the 1990s, in the Italian classrooms. This process has gone through different adjustment and change stages over time. In order to better focalize the current situation, we need understanding whether some basic choices, which had been already outlined in the past decade, are still in the position to properly respond to the quantitative increase of this phenomenon, to the situation of the Italian school system crossed by several reform processes, and in general to migration issues with particular reference to the European context. As a matter of fact, it is actually the European agenda that identifies in migration one of the major knots we have to cope with also through coordinated and common actions. In almost all countries, despite the consolidation and the normality of foreigners presence, migrations produce tensions and difficulties, first of all in relation to the conflicts of the adults world, business exchanges, economic and market issues, terrorism, as well as some ideologies that have not disappeared at all and on the contrary - are reemerging in explicit contraposition forms. Along with these matters, we should also add the second generation theme, which is currently troubling many European countries. The events that characterized 2005 both in England, through the terrorist attacks carried out by young immigrants years integrated since many in that context, and in France, through the riots burst out in November in the banlieues - have extended the impact of this issue also to Italy, where however we are not yet in presence of actual second generations. The Italian education policies still follow a universalistic vision developed in the 1990s, basing on two major strong points: enforcement in the Italian reality of the norms provided for by the International Convention on Children s Rights issued by the United Nations in 1989, ratified by Italy in 1991, and confirmed

144 144 Graziella Giovannini by the regulations issued in those years for the safeguard of children and adolescents; the Italian school traditional approach, already developed in the 1970s, to the different forms of diversity. All this meant introducing the principle that education is a right for any child and consequently, also for any non-italian child as the child is considered not only as a right carrier being a minor, but also as a single individual, independently of its parents status and also independently of its parents presence in our territory. This approach further strengthened in the latest reforms both the (repealed) Berlinguer reform and the Moratti reform, which is currently being developed through the acceptance of the principle referring to the centrality of the person. A child who attends the school is considered relevant first because it is a developing person, a student rather than one who holds a particular nationality, a subject to be safeguarded, especially during the first educational grades. The operational model the Italian school has applied from the very beginning to non-italian students refers to universalism as well, because it chooses to include them in common schools and classes, following in this some consolidated experiences made on other forms of diversity, and therefore departs from the educational models implemented by several other European countries. This approach is also confirmed by the only law issued in that period on the theme of equality (law n 62/2000): independent schools wishing to be included in the national education system may achieve the status of officially recognized schools only if they accept to receive all the students who agree upon their educational project, it being understood that students are not obliged to attend activities demanding their adhesion to a particular ideology or religious creed. These choices are surely based also on a will to consider the school as an important agency not only for cognitive learning or immediate social relation purposes, but also for inclusion and social integration purposes, through the construction of common coexistence principles and rules. In this case, too, the reference to the person s centrality provided for by the latest reforms (in cross-agreement, actually, with many

145 School 145 contemporary pedagogic perspectives), leads to interpret this universalistic principle not as an ideological and homologating egalitarianism, but rather as an expression of students full dignity, a similarity that by making reference to their rights provides within those rights also the safeguard of diversity 11. In practice, these universalistic orientations have however clashed with social and economic problems inside/outside the school, which have started real selectivity processes. We refer particularly to some soft forms of foreign students separation from their schoolfellows, which in most cases depend on intensive Italian language learning requirements or new entries after the beginning of the school year, such as the establishment of temporary bridge classes. As to the enforcement of the common school principle, the most dangerous challenge is in any case represented by the concentration/segregation processes examined in the previous paragraph, which are destined to become more frequent if appropriate actions are not carried out. Similarly, from another point of view, we cannot neglect the challenge to this principle represented by the latest constitutional reforms, both those belonging to Chapter V passed in 2001, and those passed in November 2005 waiting for referendum confirmation. To what extent the heavy diversities among the several Italies highlighted by quantitative analyses will not turn into questioning the choices made up to now, and more easily, into a different implementation strategy? Along with non-homologating universalism, the other major choice made by the Italian school has been focused on an intercultural pedagogy started during the 1990s in a climate of great attention to globalization, cultural diversities, and fight to prejudice, disregarding the presence of the first immigrants. It was a widespread pedagogic attitude in all European schools, sometimes with quite different meanings, which found in Italy a normative support in the different ministerial memoranda of the 1990s; in the law 40/1998, which assigns to school institutions the task to develop for all students a number of intercultural pro- 11 It should however be noticed that in the reform law n 53/2003 and in the application law decrees issued in 2004 and 2005, the safeguard of diversity referred to non-italian students is not explicitly mentioned, and remains an implicit element of the general principle of person s centrality and respect of its characteristics.

146 146 Graziella Giovannini jects aimed at increasing the value of language and cultural differences, and promoting reception and exchange actions ; in the guidelines of the National Commission for Intercultural Education, which worked until 2001 (Besozzi E., 2005a). But, above all, we can uphold that this approach lives and develops especially inside the school, through the experiments carried out by teachers and school heads, by identifying on a provincial and regional scale the referents for intercultural education, through training activities, the establishment of territorial documentation and research centres, with the support provided especially by some local authorities. An analysis of all projects carried out in these years sheds light on the actually very scarce value attributed to dialogue, exchange, mutual attention and awareness that change involves anybody and not only foreigners. Ultimately, the term interculture still remains a common-sense definition in the world of the school, and points out the awareness of the interdependence characterizing contemporary society and the need that the new generations may achieve a better ability to communicate with persons belonging to different cultures and communities 12. We must however consider that in actual facts the intercultural perspective has quite often been obliged to live together with assimilationist, or on the contrary, marginalizing approaches; or that it has run aground on the banks of an either radical cultural relativism or a neutralism indifferent to values. Along with a theoretical re-examination, there is an evident need to effectively assess the past experiences and circulate the necessary criteria for the development of best practices (Besozzi E., 2005b), and define the actions to be carried out in all school grades and age segments, focusing particularly on identity and belonging development processes. Most probably, due to the rapid increase of non-italian students in many areas, in recent years the focus seems to have moved par- 12 A clear reference to the intercultural education choice is included in the Guidelines for foreign students reception and integration prepared by Miur Head Office for the Student, and presented in Brescia on November 23 rd, 2005, during the national conference Foreign students in Italy: guidelines and best practices. This reference is not as evident in the application decrees of the current school reform, where an explicit reference to intercultural orientation is present only in the study plans of the classical and linguistic high schools.

147 School 147 ticularly to foreigners inclusion problems, as regards both educational projects and resources the school has available. The national contract of the school includes the allocation of special funds for high immigration density areas exposed to educational risks. In 2004, the Ministry of Education established at the Head office for the Student a special office and a national work team assigned to foreign students reception and integration. In this direction, together with the procedures concerning students reception and first inclusion in classes, other widespread actions mostly refer to language support measures for non-italian students. The first and mostly shared goal concerns Italian language learning meant not only as an interpersonal communication tool, but also as a fundamental basis for the study of all disciplines. In these years, we have witnessed a gradual organization in teaching/learning strategies, which has passed through experience comparisons, training courses start-up and the grant of technical and scientific support by several universities. In addition, several organizational forms have been put into practice in relation to school capacities and available resources, and to the social capital characterizing the territory. The debate on whether a mother tongue should be kept, not only as an identitarian feature, but also as a general language resource that may support the transition to other languages, is still open. This debate is focused on resources and agencies in the position to shoulder the responsibility for this kind of learning, and also in this case, much depends, besides family competences, on the social resources of the territory. In very few cases the school itself organizes courses 13, while more often this task is assigned to intercultural organizations and immigrants associations during extra-school hours. As regards this problem too, appropriate solutions should be organized within the Italian school reform perspective, and also within the European general directives on linguistic customs. Choices are oriented to encouraging multilingualism by teaching, along with Italian, two further European languages. In fact, this approach is considered useful also by several immigrant families, 13 In December 2005, Csa-Milan started 20 courses of Arab language addressed to the pupils of 17 primary schools and 3 junior-high schools.

148 148 Graziella Giovannini which in many cases already use a European language (English, French, Spanish, etc.) they have learned in their country of origin, and surely consider important using the Italian language as an everyday and integration language, but not enough to support the future perspectives of their children. Finally, the choice of universalism implies in principle equal opportunities of successful access to training/educational processes, and to job market inclusion. We had already noticed, by analyzing the foreign minors situation in Italy, that this approach, not differently from what happens to Italian young people, must be compared with different factors that only partly have to be brought back to cultural dimensions. The first immigrants generation, namely the families of today s students, in our country are placed in low socioeconomic segments and run the risk of exclusion. Social inequality, although in a non-determinant way, affects the immigrant children s careers and becomes particularly visible during the passage to adolescence and as soon as educational-professional choices are made after the junior-high school. Today, as we know, this choice turns above all into a foreigners presence in vocational schools and into high rates of unsuccessful results or abandonment, even though many national groups show great expectations in the school as a mobility channel. The presence of students of immigrant origin ends by taking the characteristic of a great challenge to the reform processes that are being developed. Not differently from what happens in other European countries, the question is deciding whether equal opportunities should be interpreted as an important step forward in educational process differentiation (such as it happened in France), or instead as an adolescent educational differentiation between high school processes directly oriented to a long-term permanence in the school and other shorter vocational school processes. We are in front of hoary problems in the Italian debate as regards educational and training systems involving evaluations and decisions on learning and school hierarchies, the training meaning of jobs, and the acknowledgement of different kinds of intelligence (Gadner H., 1983). The issue of social mobility cannot be certainly faced exclusively through the school. With the same certitude we can maintain that the adoption of a double educational channel does not turn into

149 School 149 segregation in advance only if a good cultural training is ensured also in shorter vocational courses and if it is possible to intervene at the same time on labour cultures and school institute hierarchies. If a realistic perspective drives us thinking that the choice of vocational schools represents a more feasible strategy, at least by the current new immigrant generations, the commitment to reform the school should all the more reason be directed to choices in the position to guarantee a substantial equity to all the different groups of students. An additional reason in order that political forces may really consider the school as a common good, whose quality demands reasonably sharing both aims and efforts.

150

151 Health by Maurizio Marceca As regards the relation between immigration and health, the previous Report by Fondazione Ismu made a synthesis of the current situation in this area, drawing a final balance of the previous decade. This new contribution aims at achieving two major goals. The first one is to provide an update by reporting some of the most interesting activities concerning research, experiences and developments in this area. The second goal is to lay down a few comments on the potentialities and limits currently existing both in the field of research, and regarding the necessary tools for establishing and enforcing national and local public health policies addressed to the immigrant population. We should not neglect the peculiar nature of this historical moment, in which we witness, on the one hand, a set of actions aimed at trying to harmonize policies on a European scale (where, by the way, the effects of the recent enlargement to 25 member countries on the public health sector are not yet visible), and, on the other hand, the beginning of a regional decentralization process on a national scale, which considers the public health one of the major areas of interest but also an area of potential criticality. As a result of art. 117 of the Law n 3 of 2001 (amendments to Title V of Part II of the Constitution), in fact, the theme health and immigration seems ambiguously hanging between an exclusive legislation (immigration being actually one of the matters on which the State holds full legislative power), and a concurrent legislation (the safeguard of health is included in the matters about which legislative power is assigned to Regions).

152 152 Maurizio Marceca This makes even more urgent a clear definition of a system of guarantees related to the contents of health safeguard the essential levels of the services concerning the civil and social rights to be guaranteed over the whole national territory and to the supplying methods of health service and health cares the requirements for achieving Accreditation which also involve the immigrants living on the national territory. 6.1 Confirmations and Novelties in Foreigners Health Conditions The attempt to scientifically read the health conditions of immigrant foreigners still encounters some technical and methodological difficulties that will be detailed in paragraph All the same, we must acknowledge that in recent years there has been an increasing availability of information which, even though not allowing an unambiguous interpretation of the health dynamics of this population, is however in the position to provide some interesting cues for reflection. As regards public health care, we have at our disposal since a few years the data concerning hospitalizations, in terms of both ordinary and day hospital admissions, referred to non-italian patients. Though representing a single isolated care episode (and not the whole welfare process through its network of services and structures, which would allow better determining the real nature of healthcare needs), the available information on hospitalizations, particularly if analyzed in diachronic terms, proves extremely interesting. Table 1 reports extent and distribution by large supra-regional areas, of the total number of hospitalizations referred to non-italian patients in the years 2000 and 2003 (we wish to remind that data consolidation takes usually place with a delay of about two years). The total number of hospitalizations concerning non-italian patients in 2003, exceeded 400,000 units, with the following geographical distribution: 36% in the north-west regions (Piedmont, Aosta Valley, Lombardy, Liguria, with a clear prevalence of Lombardy, which reported almost 95,000 hospitalizations); 22% in the centre-north regions (Emilia Romagna, Tuscany, Umbria, Marche); 18% in the centre-south regions (Lazio, Abruzzo, Molise, Cam-

153 Health 153 pania, with a clear prevalence of Lazio, which reported over 48,000 hospitalizations); 16% in the north-east regions (Trento, Bolzano, Friuli Venezia Giulia, Veneto, with a clear prevalence of the Veneto, which reported over 42,000 hospitalizations), and 9% in the southern regions and the islands (Basilicata, Puglia, Calabria, Sicily, Sardinia). In comparison with the year 2000, there is a growth by over 41%, but we have to consider that, in the same period, foreigners regularly present had increased by about 60%. Hospitalization records do not foresee any specification concerning the juridical status of the foreign beneficiaries, but it has to be noted that, differently from other survey years, the data concerning 2003 reasonably refer to a population including to a great extent regular immigrants, considering the close temporal vicinity with the last regularization granted in our country. The national hospitalization average rate referred to immigrants (number of reported foreigners hospitalizations per 1,000 total hospitalizations) in 2003 was equal to 31.3 (while in 2000 it was 22.4), with fluctuations ranging from 11.8 in the centre-south regions to 46.1 in the north-east regions.

154 154 Table 1 Total reported hospitalisations in Italy (both ordinary hospitalizations and day-hospital ones) referred to non-italian patients and comparison with the total number of reported hospitalizations on a national scale. Years 2000 and 2003 and percent variation Macro-regional areas Hospitalizations of non-italian patients Total hospitalizations on a national scale Hospitalizations of non-italian persons per 1,000 hospitalizations Var. % Var. % Var. % North-West 107, , ,394,597 3,312, North-East 44,056 63, ,418,491 1,368, Centre-North 63,612 88, ,205,215 2,083, Centre-South 50,559 70, ,767,034 3,009, South and Islands 18,772 35, ,886,227 3,045, Total 284, , ,671,564 12,818, Legend: North West = Piedmont, Aosta Valley, Lombardy, Liguria; North-East = Trento, Bolzano, Friuli Venezia Giulia, Veneto; Centre- North = Emilia Romagna, Tuscany, Umbria; Marche; Centre-South = Lazio, Abruzzo, Molise, Campania; South and Islands = Basilicata, Puglia, Calabria, Sicily, Sardinia Source: Caritas/Migrantes 2005 Statistical Dossier on Immigration. Data processing based on 2000 and 2003 Ministry of Health data - modified

155 Health 155 On table 2 it is possible to examine the continental areas to which hospitalized persons in the year 2003 belong: these persons are by 34% immigrants from non-eu European countries; by over 26% Africans; by 13% Asians; by almost 13% originating from the American continent (mostly from Central-South America); by 11% Europeans from EU member countries, and by the remaining 2.5%, stateless persons or from Oceania. The same table allows assessing that the day-hospital system represents, on a national scale, about one fourth of all hospitalizations, with a variability percentage, depending on the area of origin, ranging from 25-30% for EU Europeans, Africans, Asians and immigrants from Oceania, to over 46% in the case of Latin-Americans. Table 2 Reported hospitalizations in Italy of foreign by citizenship patients divided into continental areas of origin, ordinary or dayhospital hospitalizations. Year 2003: absolute and percent values Continental areas Ordinary % value Hospitaliza- total tions number Day Hospital % value total number Total hospitalizations % values Day Hosp. Total hospitalizations EU Europe 34, , , non-eu Europe 101, , , Africa 82, , , America 34, , , Asia 40, , , Oceania Stateless 7, , , Total 302, , , Source: Caritas/Migrantes 2005 Statistical Dossier on Immigration. Data processing based on data provided by the Ministry of Health Years 2003 and modified In any case, all foreign citizens tend to increasingly resort to this healthcare form, and this allows assuming an increasing appropriateness in public health service use, and consequently, the adequacy of medical care processes. The major communities of hospitalization foreign beneficiaries are, in order of importance, Romanians (about 40,000 hospitalizations), followed at close range by Albanians, Moroccans, Ecuadori-

156 156 Maurizio Marceca ans, Ukrainians (the latter one clearly in rise compared to the previous years). As we had already remarked in the previous years, most hospitalizations refer to women (over 60% ordinary hospitalizations, and over 70% day-hospital system hospitalizations). The major hospitalization causes in 2003 (which, such as other kinds of information, are not reported in this paper due to lack of space), concerned, as regards women, births and pregnancy (covering over 55% hospitalization causes). From further analyses it emerges that in dayhospital admissions, abortion is by about ten times more frequent among foreign women than among Italian women (in this case, a major role is clearly played by the demographic factor concerning population structure). In any case, even the latest data (2002) confirm much higher values (by 3-4 times higher) as regards resort to voluntary termination of pregnancy among foreign women in comparison with Italian ones. In 2002, estimates on abortion rates among foreign women (number of abortions per 1, yearold foreign women) reached the value of As regards men, in the same reference year, the major hospitalization causes were traumatisms and digestive system diseases. With reference to accidents at work deducible from Inail (the national institute for industrial injury insurance) data, we must underline that this phenomenon is hardly readable, since it is basically linked both to higher exposure to accidents among foreign workers (as they are assigned to more risky tasks), and, as we shall see in the following pages, to an uncertain measurement of the reference denominator, that is, the total number of foreign workers present in Italy. The latest estimates evidence accident risk rates among foreign workers by over 6.5%, that is, more than the double of those referred to Italian subjects, with considerable differences in the various territorial areas (in North-East Italy, for example, they almost double the national average, and in South Italy, they are less than one half of it). These differences among regional areas are likely depending on irregular employment conditions and on employers different propensity to report accidents. The sector concerning industrial injuries meant in a broad sense and including also road and domestic accidents, besides those occurring at work, begins being investigated also through an analysis

157 Health 157 of the medical cares provided by first-aid and outpatient departments. For example the Agenzia di Sanità Pubblica (Public Health Agency) of the region Lazio has lately determined that 7.7% of first-aid services to immigrants are provided in consequence of traumas, which are usually more serious and urgent than those detected among Italian citizens, and that among immigrants there are higher hospitalization risks due to road and domestic accidents. Table 3, which refers to another inquiry carried out in the Lazio region (and which is also the first available inquiry on this subject), focuses instead on foreign immigrants fruition of ambulatory care services (visits, diagnostic and laboratory tests in different medical branches). Foreigners are divided into regular immigrants originating from heavy migration pressure countries, and irregular immigrants, and the medical services referred to them are compared with those provided to Italian citizens. From this study it clearly emerges that the foreign population maximum impact estimate out of the total amount of ambulatory care outpatient activities is less than 5% (and therefore lower than the percentage referred to the total resident population). If we consider medical services provided to the three concerned groups (Stp- Temporarily Present Foreigners, foreigners from Pfpm s-heavy Migration Pressure Countries, and Italian citizens), we are able to notice that there are some differences, particularly between beneficiaries registered as irregulars, and Italian ones. In particular, laboratory test services (more than 67% vs. 63%) dermatological (more than 9% vs. less than 1%) and obstetrical-gynaecological (6.5% vs. less than 1%) cares have greater weigh among temporarily present foreigners, while a lower weigh is reported as to physicalrehabilitative medicine services (suggesting that irregular immigrants have more difficulties in using them), as well as diagnostic radiology, cardiology and ophthalmology cares. Regularly present foreigners show an intermediate care profile, as they are placed between Italians and irregulars (but quite often closer to the former ones).

158 158 Maurizio Marceca Table 3 Abulatory care outpatient services provided in 2004 to temporarily present foreigners (Stp), regular foreigners from heavy migration pressure countries (Pfpm s) and Italian citizens, divided by specialization branch in the Lazio region Specialization Branch Test laboratories Physicalrehabilitative medicine Diagnostic radiology Stp Foreigners (Pfpm) Italians V. A. V. % V. A. V. % V. A. V. % 74, , ,521, , , ,632, , , ,911, Cardiology 1, , ,417, Others 5, , ,071, Ophthalmology , , Dermatol.- venereal dis. Obstetrics & Gynaecology 10, , , , , , Dentistry and Stomatology 1, , , Other branches 5, , ,965, Total 110, ,093, ,683, Legend: Stp = Temporarily present foreigners; Pfpm = Heavy migration pressure countries Source: Agenzia di Sanità Pubblica del Lazio Sistema Informativo Assistenza Specialistica - Year 2004 The record of cases of some community medicine outpatient departments/surgeries in different areas of the country (Palermo, Rome, Brescia), confirm a substantial presence of the phenomenon known as healthy migrant effect (already extensively explained in our previous Reports), as well as the major role social determinants play in conditioning immigrants health. However, this should not justify policies careless of the safeguard of the health conditions of this population also because we

159 Health 159 begin to see among immigrants an increase in some particular chronic-degenerative diseases typical of western health profiles, but should instead suggest policies aimed at greater social protection and integration. Moreover, it is quite surprising to note that health operators perception of foreign population s health conditions is very distant from the actual epidemiological reality, since it betrays a great deal of prejudice that, if not identified and submitted to critical revision in due time, might hamper the provision of appropriate cares and responsibility shouldering (see Table 4). 6.2 Which Tools in Foreigners Health Safeguard? In recent years, the experts of this matter and the professionals operating in this field have become increasingly aware that the quality of health services addressed to foreigners (in terms of prevention, care, and rehabilitation medical services) is strictly related to the availability of a set of operational tools, as well as to the definition of clear health policies and to the provision of appropriate resources (considered as a whole). These operational tools concern the possibility to have constantly available reliable information on both immigrants health and on the sanitary services (facilities and professional services) provided to them, as well as concern some operational procedures that may allow maximizing the application of the adopted guidelines and the necessary interventions connected with them. Information availability brings back to the theme of the sources to be used for carrying out research activities and evaluating the extent and effects of undertaken actions. To be properly identified, the guarantees for the implementation of health policies addressed to foreigners require instead a preliminary analysis of the existing critical points within institutional processes, from which appropriate strategies may derive.

160 160 Table 4 Perception of the most frequent pathologies among immigrants by a sample of 1,127 health workers (medical doctors, nurses, etc) submitted to a preliminary test on the occasion of 39 training events focused on migration medicine held in different parts of Italy between 1995 and 2002 by Caritas, Rome First answer Sum of the first 3 answers* First answer Sum of the first 3 answers* Possible answers Frequency % value Frequency % value Possible answers Frequency % value Frequency % value Tuberculosis Aids Bronchitis Tonsillitis Depression Malaria Gastritis Psychosis Venereal 78 diseases Others Total 1, * The first three answers have been summed up with the related percentages Source: Caritas/Migrantes Statistical Dossier on Immigration. Inquiry Area sanitaria Caritas Diocesana di Roma 2005

161 Health Which Research Tools in the Field of Foreigners Health? Italian research on immigrants health continues to show light and shade, insofar as in a few regions and research teams some encouraging signs of vitality begin to appear, while in some other regions, and also in many universities and research centres, there are no actually visible signs of interest and associated scientific activities in this area, so far. Quantitative research seems to clearly prevail in the field of health. At different institutional and non-institutional (national, regional and local) levels, there is an open debate on the real nature of health dynamics among foreign immigrants. The scarce number of currently available studies, as well as a cultural delay as regards the interest in social changes induced by migrations, is partly justified by some technical problems regarding the definition of the extent of health-related phenomena and their methodologically wellgrounded interpretation. A part of researchers in the area of public health, especially those interested in the so-called epidemiology of health services that is, the characterization of the use made by immigrants of the public health offer system are turning with great interest to the socalled administrative sources. This term refers to the health data archives used mostly for administrative purposes (particularly for financing provided services). This routine information collected by the supplying structures themselves, is then transferred to the local health boards (Asl), thus structuring actual information flows. The local health units, in turn, after having validated the data received, send them, at pre-established intervals, to the central regional archives. The complete process ranging from data collection to their final filing outlines a real regional health information system. The usefulness of these information systems lies in the fact that the data they provide are periodically (and not occasionally) surveyed over the entire reference territory (with high coverage of all the structures operating in it), and are immediately available at low cost on IT supports.

162 162 Maurizio Marceca The basic health information systems, which are currently available in almost all regions for carrying out evaluations on healthcare services provided to foreign immigrants, are the following two. The Hospital Information System, which basing on the hospital patient discharge cards (Sdo) synthetically collects and codifies the demographic and clinical information that may be useful to describe and classify hospitalization episodes (including those referred to pregnancy, birth, spontaneous abortion and voluntary termination of pregnancy). This information system has produced, on a national scale, the data reported on Tables 1 and 2. The second, major system is the Information System of Outpatient Specialized Medical Care (visits, radiological and laboratory diagnostic tests). This information system has generated, on a regional scale, the data reported on Table 3. Further information systems have been implemented in a few regions, such as the one concerning sanitary emergency (namely, medical services provided in emergency rooms), mammography screening, or vaccination against flu, that is, healthcare interventions addressed to well-established categories of subjects. The possibility to extrapolate information concerning particular healthcare forms provided to foreign immigrants depends on the presence (which in turn is linked to their compulsory registration, the so-called information debt ), of specific variables in the position to distinguish them from the rest of the population benefiting from those services. However, the content of such information depends on whether the definition of foreigner instead of immigrant is adopted. Without going too deeply into the technical details of the matter, we underline that the identification standard which has proved more useful to epidemiological research purposes is that concerning the patient s citizenship, sometimes combined with its place of birth. In other words, all health information systems not reporting, along with further information, those standards do not allow disaggregating the data referred to foreign immigrants. Once it is possible to measure the level of a medical service provided to foreigners, and characterize it analytically as much as possible (for example, an endocrinology medical service enjoyed by female immigrants belonging to the year age segment), there remains the technical problem of not exactly knowing to which

163 Health 163 overall population this datum should be referred. This happens, because the current survey sources concerning foreigners presence, or in the case of irregulars, the very nature of the illegal status of a part of the reference population show a range of limits that, from a methodological point of view, prove particularly critical. To exemplify how this so-called denominator problem may be relevant, we need only to say that it has been calculated that in the year 2000, the residence permits issued to minors (who are more frequently reported on the permits of their parents) represented less than one fifth out of the overall foreign underage population reported in the General Registry Office records. The consequent underestimate of the overall foreign population usually involves an overestimate of epidemiological measures. In other words, an incorrect knowledge of the population to which survey data should be referred, for example a prevalence of cases concerning a particular pathology, leads to consider its extent more relevant than it would actually be in relative terms. Another not less important technical difficulty consists in comparing what is observed among foreigners with what happens among the Italian population. This happens because normally used sources, and particularly municipal register office archives, do not allow distinguishing Italian residents from foreign ones. Therefore, the two populations cannot be considered separately, but only in proportional terms. Despite the interpretative limits we briefly mentioned, the administrative data concerning the health area represent however an indispensable guideline in planning and evaluating healthcare services. In addition, the combined use of different sources through special record linkage procedures, allows reconstructing with greater precision the different stages of the overall process of healthcare services provided to patients, not limiting to an isolated and shared out vision. Along with those quantitative studies, also a few qualitative inquiries on foreigners health conditions begin to appear in the health sector. These inquiries have the advantage of being in the position to illustrate some particularly interesting aspects, such as immigrants perception and points of view on their use (or non-use)

164 164 Maurizio Marceca of healthcare services. These inquiry methods, among which techniques based on open interviews and focus groups are frequently used, allow, for example by analyzing particular foreign communities, to recover the enormous heritage of diversities they represent, thus avoiding a frequently underlying standardization effect produced by quantitative approaches Which Tools for Implementing Health Policies Addressed to Foreigners? The articulation among the different institutional levels acting in the health system suggests the presence of some critical passages in the position to affect the actual implementation of the health provisions, sometimes evading the institutional mandate itself (as, on the other hand, this may happen even towards Italian citizens). Being aware that a mere, though essential, juridical expression of health policies addressed to foreigners (within regional health plans or other regional resolutions) cannot be in itself a guarantee for their actual implementation, Fondazione Ismu has promoted, in partnership with Società Italiana di Medicina delle Migrazioni (Simm the Italian Society of Migration Medicine), a national inquiry based on structured interviews to local privileged witnesses. In practice, this inquiry aims at identifying, in each Region and in each Autonomous Province, an institutional referent and a representative of the Voluntary service, chosen among the most relevant associations or other non-governmental realities acting on the territory. This inquiry, which is currently being carried out, does not have properly the purpose of achieving an objective characterization of local realities, but prevalently the aim of reporting two different and relevant points of view (particularly focused on pointing out possible critical points), by comparing their overlapping or their distance, if any. While postponing the illustration of all achieved results to a further specific paper, we are already able to disclose that this inquiry is confirming the absolute importance of the construction of a reference and coordination network including the different operational levels. The Regions, which in recent years have chosen to promote

165 Health 165 and support actions aimed at setting up working groups that may involve the different institutional and non-institutional realities acting on the territory 1, have in fact developed a general picture, which has allowed them starting a set of actions based on shared priorities implemented from the base through an enlarged participation. In other Regions (and not by chance, those in which the inquiry development process has met with difficulties in identifying a real institutional referent), this inquiry is revealing a great deal of disjointedness or even lack of both a systemic reading ability as regards this phenomenon, and specific actions undertaken on a local scale. All this confirms that the critical points emerging from articulated, complex, and moreover recent phenomena such as immigration, demand ability to set up and start team work, and act in network. As our previous Reports had already pointed out, a strategic key to enhance the service ability to properly respond to the health needs of foreigners present by any title in our country, is represented by an appropriate adjustment, training/updating of all concerned, whether sanitary or administrative, operators. In this regard, we deem it interesting to point out the Training Recommendations issued by the VIII Consensus Conference on immigration, organized by Simm and concerning thematic contents, as well as formulation and implementation procedures in training actions. Extremely important proves also the possible role of foreign immigrants not as receivers but rather as actors of health actions. A concrete policy of foreigners inclusion in the sanitary staff, for example, might achieve the double result of beginning to fill up serious gaps in personnel as regards some specific professional 1 In this regard, reference should be made to what we had already written in the previous Report of our Foundation about the experience made by the Gruppo regionale immigrazione e salute (Gris, the regional group for immigration and health)) of Lazio. Similar experiences have been started, during the past year, also in the Province of Trento and in Sardinia, and are going to be planned in the forthcoming months also in Lombardy, Sicily and Veneto.

166 166 Maurizio Marceca competences 2, and integrating within the sanitary offer system persons in the position to play the role, after an appropriate training period, of cultural mediators. As much important, in the same direction, seem the initiatives started in some Regions, such as Emilia Romagna and Friuli Venezia Giulia), concerning basic assistance training to foreign caregivers for Italian non self-sufficient old persons. 6.3 Accreditation Perspectives for Social-Health Services Addressed to Foreign Immigrants Ultimately, a definite support to the qualification of health services addressed also (and consequently, not necessarily dedicated ) to foreigners, whether those services are publicly or privately managed, should be given, in each Region or Autonomous Province, by the issuing of institutional accreditation requirements. This relevant process concerning all assistance functions for which public financing is foreseen is currently being determined. In this process, the possibility to supply services in the name and on behalf of the Regional Health Service is subordinated to the possession of specific and pre-established structural, technological and organizational requirements. This perspective shows considerable potentialities, since it is aimed at establishing the necessary assistance guarantees for the beneficiaries of those different interventions. However, it presents also uncertainties and risks, because it might objectively create serious difficulties to some important no-profit health organizations managed by private subjects, and paradoxically even to those which have often developed more appropriate relational approaches to the cultural diversity of immigrant patients, but frequently do not benefit from 2 For example, the newly established Federazione europea professioni infermieristiche (Fepi, European Federation of Nursing Professions) recently denounced the lack in Italy of 40,000 nurses out of the already present 340,000 ones, with great delay in comparison with other great European countries, and proposed to call professional nurses from other countries granting them a set of guarantees (by raising training standards and making them homogeneous on a European scale, and by re-defining professionals free circulation procedures among member countries).

167 Health 167 the necessary funds for carrying out, in particular, important restructuring actions in their services. In this regard, it would be very useful to evaluate the possible contribution all locally existing health realities may give in determining the most appropriate standards and requirements for the safeguard of their interventions and foreign patients satisfaction. 6.4 Conclusions: Which Strategies? What we have reported so far, underlines that the theme of immigrants health in our country currently does neither present particular risks (and hence, does not justify any alarmism), nor insurmountable difficulties. The safeguard of foreigners health continues to depend more on appropriate social integration policies than efficient and effective sanitary systems. However, in the event that among foreigners particular needs for health services emerged, they should be able to find, in compliance with the provisions of the laws in force, an appropriate and timely response in public health services, which however in several regional realities is still far from being guaranteed. In our opinion, in order to recover or improve the quality and appropriateness of their interventions, health systems should strategically aim at personnel training and updating, at a greater involvement of the foreign communities living in our country, and at their ability to create networks with the most active and competent social and voluntary organizations, as regards both the definition of health policies and the management of clinical pathways. Likewise, as to the Italian population, it has become increasingly necessary to guarantee appropriate clinical pathways in the position to consider diseases as a continuum, more than separately cure their acute manifestations, through an organizational ability that may ensure careful and articulated action planning, as well as integrated management of its strong points. It is also necessary to systematically evaluate needs, actions and outcomes. These actions demand continuous research on data sources and progressive improvement of available information quality. Similarly, we deem it important to create the bases for being in the position to catch in time, through rigorous methods, any

168 168 Maurizio Marceca manifestation of phenomena and situations imputable to healthcare inequalities towards immigrants, with particular reference to those related with access to services. Regarding local health policies, it is proved that the establishment at different levels of working groups focused on debate, action proposal and coordination, is in the position to maximize the implementation of health plans and programmes. Besides responding to the present, it is however necessary to think about the future. Along with the consolidation of the second immigrants generation and, as particularly regards the early-settled foreign communities, the imminence of the third generation, the foreigners epidemiologic profile will predictably tend to converge towards the Italian one, with an increasingly major role of chronicdegenerative diseases and an increasing emergence of elderly and non self-sufficient persons. This perspective involves, since now, being prepared to implement targeted actions of health promotion and primary and secondary prevention, and to characterize health services as much as possible, basing on a trans-cultural approach. We aim at examining more in depth these perspectives and providing further updating and details in the next Reports.

169 Living in a House, Settling in a Country by Alfredo Agustoni Introduction Recent events, such as those occurred in the French banlieues, shed light on the strict ties existing among immigrants settlement, marginalization and social conflicts, in which marginalization forms and spatial segregation models influence each other since they are conditionings deriving from a homogeneous class of conditions (Bourdieu P., 2005). The history the mass-media vulgate tells us or, at least, the reading key it presents us is a promise of integration, relished by the parents of today s casseurs, and then belied. Today, the young immigrants of Clichy, in the outskirts of Paris, tell the journalists flocked there to listen to them, that to find a job they prefer concealing their residence place and quite often even their Arab name. They tell and report in few words a circumstance that is already written in the history of other migrations and other urban ghettoes. However, if we want to talk about the Italian reality, we should perhaps refer to different situations and events. In Milan, few days This essay has been written basing on statistical data and opinion exchanges we had with witnesses working in public administrations, in social private area, and in tenant unions. We wish to thank Alfredo Alietti from the University of Ferrara, Carmela Rozza from Sunia Milan, Piero Basso, Sergio D Agostini and Sara Travaglino from Coop. DarCasa Milan, Dr. Salazzari from Coop. La Casa for non-eu migrants of Verona, Avv. De Lucca e Dr. Luccarini from Sicet-Bologna, the Association Arc-en-ciel of Gallo Bolognese, Luca Davico and Roberta Navascone from the Polytechnic of Turin, Adriana Bramante and Francesca Accardi from the Social Services of Urbino, Caritas d Urbania, Dr. Mauro from Aler- Milan, Dr. Lelleri from the Provincial Observatory on migration phenomena of Bologna, Dr. Ornella Boggi from the statistic service of the Municipality of Milan, Dr. Maria Teresa Brunello from the statistic service of the Municipality of Rome, and Dr. Patrizia Pasetti from the statistic service of the Municipality of Turin.

170 170 Alfredo Agustoni before the riots of the banlieues began to burst out, also under the pressure of a local committee, the authorities ordered the evacuation of a decaying and tumbledown building located in a side street of Corso Genova, in the heart of one of the by now almost completely gentrified ancient quarters inhabited by the old Milanese criminality (the so-called ligera ) 1. More than one hundred immigrants, mostly of North-African nationality and officially resident in other quarters of the city, had illegally settled in that building. Furthermore, and perhaps not by chance, the Municipality of Milan had scheduled, in the same street, the alienation of several dozen flats owned by it (whose proceeds should be used, according to the Municipality declared intentions, for further public housing programmes). By the end of the 1980 s, in the municipal territory of Urbino, about ten kilometres away from the Montefeltro s town, was built a building complex, called Urbino2, which at the beginning had been thought for housing a spa (and later on intended for accommodating students, however without great success). Such as it happens in many cases, an unused tourist facility ends by accommodating marginal population segments and in this case, immigrants working in the small concerns based in the surroundings 2. For the time being, about five-hundred persons are living there, mostly North-Africans, Albanians and Macedonians. Urbino2 has easily become for immigrants a community life centre the social services for foreigners of Urbino are based there, as well as the mosque and the Islamic Federation of the Province of Pesaro which is also, understandably, loaded with stigma. Those who live in Urbino2 can easily catch these signals, for example, in the scarce care reserved to public areas in comparison with the neighbouring area of Gallo, and in the frequent presence of the police. Householders often complain about the disorderly living style of the foreigners based in Urbino2, while the latter learn with a great deal of dismay that in some cases the 1 Ligera or leggera (light) was the traditional dialect nickname of the underworld of Milan. 2 Another similar and however different case is that concerning the Lido Adriano of Ravenna. Built up a few decades ago with the aim of making it become a sort of Rimini on the seaside of Ravenna, it is currently inhabited by relatively needy population segments, 25% of which immigrants.

171 Living in a House, Settling in a Country 171 house to which they devote a considerable part of their income is unfit for achieving the right to family reunification, and consequently for reconstructing a normal life situation in Italy. In the neighbouring town of Urbania, instead, the numerous immigrants employed by jeans manufacturing companies, are frequently settled in the historical town centre, in decayed buildings that quite often have great historical and artistic value the owners find it more profitable renting to immigrants than restoring. The immigrants of Urbania do not experience the same ghettoization as those of Urbino2, but their presence in the public areas of the town centre, particularly during night hours, takes in the opinion of several local inhabitants the features of an invasion. In the three cases mentioned above, we find ourselves in front of a typically residual settlement, aimed at occupying (either regularly or improperly) the spaces set free by the natives, in the opinion of whom immigrants presence takes prevailingly disorder and spatial deviance features, thus encouraging and giving rise to hidden or manifest forms of conflict. On the background, we find the impact produced by foreigners presence on the real estate market, and in general, the problems associated to housing discomfort, which do not only involve the immigrants population, but also a growing number of local population segments (reference is made, in one of the above mentioned cases, to the alienation of public properties and to an unsatisfied request for social housing). Disorder and spatial deviance become, in common-sense terms, the object of a sort of everyday ethnology. We can easily understand the astonishment of an old gardener of Urbania, in the province of Pesaro, who sees the persons living opposite, a North- African family, who bring home a young goat alive to be slaughtered. In front of the foreigners dwelling disorder, native dwellers culturalize the problem, and do not hesitate expressing their disappointment towards those who being accustomed to live in a tent, claim to live in a house (using the telling words of an old dweller of the Calvairate neighbourhood of Milan) (Agustoni A., 2003). The implicit categories in this everyday-life ethnology seem, however, to conceal an additional uneasiness, typical of the immigrants housing condition, which produces a plurality of practical adaptation forms. Dwelling disorder and spatial deviance can be therefore

172 172 Alfredo Agustoni considered as the products of everyday needs, which may either coincide or clash, among other things, with the cultural background of the country of origin. The housing dimension is often considered as the major source of problems in foreigners everyday life. Surely, this partly depends on the difficulties encountered in finding an accommodation and on the particularly high costs associated to it 3. But most likely, it depends also on the fact that all around settlement dynamics, the greatest part of the forms of conflict involving immigrant condition develop as well. Quite frequently, dwelling disorder turns, even in the eyes of a foreigner, into a symbol of marginalization. Paradoxically, what the natives consider as the most typical manifestation of a refusal of coexistence rules, represents for immigrants one of the most tangible signs of their exclusion. 7.1 Housing Problems in Italy and Immigrants Additional Uneasiness Foreigners housing uneasiness, such as Antonio Tosi (Tosi A., 2002) argues, takes the double aspect of a housing exclusion, on the one hand, and a critical relation with the private rental market. If, from the former point of view, for immigrants, outcasting processes do often start from housing exclusion situations, as regards the latter point of view, the difficulties in which immigrants find themselves are only one aspect of a more generalized situation of uneasiness, which is also related to a few recent social change dynamics 4. This situation began to particularly worsen as from the late 1990s, when the contraction cycle of the real estate market came to an end after the bribes scandal of Tangentopoli 5. As from 1998, supported 3 This is what emerges, for example, from an inquiry carried out in the province of Milan, where 38.4% immigrants identify in houses their major problem, followed by family reunifications and language difficulties (Airoldi A., Bianchi E., Longhi F., 2001). 4 From the gradual transformation of permanent jobs into temporary jobs to family transformations, which turn into a growing presence of single-parent families, divorced and separated persons, and other individuals equally subject to housing risks. 5 Further to the 25% decrease reported between 1992 and 1997 also in connection with the events of Tangentopoli, from the end of 1997 to the first semester of

173 Living in a House, Settling in a Country 173 by interest rates that hit an all-time low since the 1960s, and by the difficulties of the stock exchange market, the real estate and property market prices, followed by rentals, has been continuously on the rise. To the price increase reported in the last few years contributed the substantial market liberalization provided for by the Zagatti law (n 431/1998) 6. Among other things, this law provides for a rental support fund for the needy, which besides having being criticized by many 7, has undergone progressive cuts as from the installation of the second Berlusconi cabinet 8. To the effects of the Zagatti law, we can add, again as from the second half of the 1990s, a set of provisions, which further weaken any potential price control produced by public housing, and add to the historical weakness of general social housing policies (Tosi A., 2002). We could first mention the abolition of the Gescal tax (the public housing tax), further to a decision of the Constitutional Court. This provision, though not devoid of grounds, drastically cuts the available resources to public housing. Finally, the law n 560 of 1993 starts the sale (or better, the clearance sale) of a conspicuous share of the properties owned by Iacp (the public housing institutes) 9 and, as from the late 1990s, the transfer of the huge real estate owned by social security and insurance organizations. According to an inquiry commissioned by Ancab-Legacoop to Cresme (La Repubblica, 2005), if in the 1980s, the five-year average 1995, real estate values increased by 50.5% (by 7.6%, in real terms, over 2004, and by 6.6% during the first semester of 2005). See Ance, Il mercato immobiliare italiano (The Italian Real Estate Market), August 2005 (data processing based on data provided by Nomisma, concerning the 13 major metropolitan areas). 6 According to a report edited by Ares2000 (2001), three years after the enforcement of the law 431, free rental contracts would have increased, in the ten examined metropolitan areas, by 39% with 60% peaks in Turin, 55% in Palermo, and 53% in Rome (the situation in Milan, in 2001, seems somewhat less serious, reporting a 36% rise). 7 Particularly with reference to the fact that, in virtue of its palliative function for the needy, it would create a further incentive to rental increase. 8 From 2000 to 2005, according to Cresme data, we passed from 440 to 230 million euro. 9 Only in the Province of Bologna the enforcement of those provisions would have interested 3-4,000 flats out of a total of about 15,000. According to the estimate made by one of our counterparts, these flats would have often been sold at less than one third of the current prices on the private market.

174 174 Alfredo Agustoni income of a couple was enough for buying a house, today a nine-year one would be necessary. A survey carried out by Ares2000 at the beginning of 2005 on free-market rentals in 12 Italian big cities, highlights that rentals in Rome, Venice and Milan exceed 18,000 euro/year for a 90 sq. mt. flat, while the income of 60% tenant families/groups does not reach such an amount 10. The expiry of a number of rental contracts within the next two years is, on the other hand, destined to absorb at least partly the price increase already reported in transactions. Today, tenancy termination, which in the 1980s was the major cause for eviction orders, is surpassed by nonpayment of rents, thus giving reason for the termination of tenancy relations in 70% cases. Picture evolution of the public housing property, by geographic distribution North Centre South-Islands Italy Source: Istat data processed by Federcasa Picture 2 Real estate promoters in 1984 and % 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% Source: Cresm Private persons Companies Cooperatives State Certainly not the yearly average income of a non-eu immigrant, which, basing on the data collected through the last census, would approximately total 11,800 euro/year.

175 Living in a House, Settling in a Country 175 There is, in any case, an additional uneasiness element among immigrants, whose size is appropriately evidenced by Pict.s 1 and 2 (Censis Confcooperative, 2004). This element is often described by a consolidated current of analysis as a vicious circle ( a snake biting its tail ). The passage to growing forms of housing integration in relation to the different stages of the migration process should not be considered a necessary step for reasons that are not univocally linked with housing choices and strategies adopted by migrants themselves (Tosi A., 2004). Both the existing literature and the subjects we interviewed connect the additional uneasiness component to an explicit discrimination situation. At least partly, it derives from the resistances householders put up to the prospect to let their houses to foreigners 11, whereas frequently a price increase represents a sort of risk indemnity. Greater difficulties and higher charges actually oblige a lowincome population, prepared however to sacrifice a high share of its revenues, to practical adaptability forms of a deviant nature (which, in turn, contribute to justify considerable resistances towards them). In this way, the ambivalent attitude of a part of lessors, in the eyes of whom foreigners end by creating a target to which they can let under-standard houses which are no longer attractive for the natives, can be explained. Foreigners arrival in short has allowed reintroducing houses that had gone out of the market. Furthermore, if a house is let to a foreigner, it guarantees a higher rent (Italia A., 2003). In short, immigrants risk representing an easy, functional alternative to re-qualification of a part of the overall real estate. One of the persons with whom we talked, a union leader of Bologna, notices the presence in his city of three basically parallel markets characterized by similar prices for houses of decreasing quality, respectively reserved to Italian families, students and immigrants. 11 An extremely effective idea is provided, despite the non-representative nature of the sample, by an inquiry on the universe of its members carried out in 2003 by Appc (the Association of small house-owners. 57% interviewees exclude any hypothesis to accept foreign tenants, However, this percentage does not seem homogeneously distributed over the national territory, as it involves a relatively low share of inhabitants of Genoa, Rome and Bari (by about 50%), but up to 60% inhabitants of Milan and 95% inhabitants of Bologna.

176 176 Alfredo Agustoni Picture 3 Housing conditions of immigrants living in Italy in 2004 Source: Censis-Confcooperative (data processing based on different sources), June 2004 Picture 4 Immigrants housing uneasiness size Source: Censis-Confcooperative (data processing based on different sources), June 2004 Such as a parallel qualitative inquiry carried out in an excellent way in Italy, Spain, France and Germany (Lunaria et al., 2001) 12, lessors mistrust is in most cases justified by past experiences or by hearsay, up to the point of jeopardizing the effectiveness of the guarantees provided by possible intermediaries, Caritas included. Now, say the real estate agents involved in this inquiry, non only householders want to be informed about their tenants identity, but also buyers want to be informed on their future neighbours identity (once upon a time this happened only in ill-famed neighbourhoods). Among other things, it quite often happens that a householder is put 12 This research was carried out in these four countries through semi-structured interviews to a certain number of real estate agents, bank operators and private social actors.

177 Living in a House, Settling in a Country 177 under pressure by other owners-occupiers/tenants in order to prevent him from leasing a flat to immigrants. 13. The risk to be remunerated through the application of special rents obviously refers in particular to non-payment of rents, which is actually widespread among immigrant tenants. It refers, in the second place, to aspects concerning leased house maintenance and, finally, the possible householders involvement in situations of conflict depending on tenants environmental incompatibility. Table 1 Average house rent in a semi-central area, in euro/sq. mt. City Free rent for Italians Special rent for immigrants Rome 9,40 11,33 Venice 8,78 9,81 Florence 8,93 9,45 Genoa 8,78 9,81 Turin 8,52 9,55 Naples 7,75 8,78 Milan 9,50 11,60 Source: Ares2000 (data processing based on Sunia estimates), March 2003 Non-payment of rents is not associated, in fact and in commonsense terms, to low-income population sectors, but it can have a wide range of meanings. It may express, for example, a relatively flexible concept of business negotiation ( North-African habits are much more dialectic, particularly as regards long-term contracts ), or difficulties in understanding particular rules we take for granted ( making North-African citizens understand that in the established rent expenses are not included, is a tough job ). Or again, the existential incertitude of a considerable part of the immigrant population. Those who do not have clear and definite prospects to settle, in the future, in a given country (and, all the more reason, in a given place, and in a given house), are more subject to the temptation, particularly in the event of economic difficulties, of not paying their house rents. Finally, non-payment of rents may easily express a sort of tacit resistance among those who 13 Quite similar to the Italian situation seems the situation in Spain, where 80-90% house owners would show reserves towards potential immigrant tenants particularly those of Maghrebian origin. On the contrary, German house owners who turn to a real estate agency in order to place a house on the market, seem more sensitive to economic conditions rather than to prospect tenants nationality.

178 178 Alfredo Agustoni (being not fully aware of their rights and privileges) find themselves to cope with the non-exemplary strategies of many householders who lease a house to immigrants. Similarly, all the circumstances we previously jointly classified under a common label as spatial deviance are at least partly linked to the cultural background immigrants bring with themselves from their country of origin. We can easily understand, for example, the curiosity expressed by the manager of a social housing cooperative of Verona as to the strange behaviour of some African tenants who refuse to open the windows of their flats with easily understandable consequences for the flat conditions justifying their behaviour by fear that evil spirits may come into their home. On the other hand, deviant dwelling adaptations imposed to immigrants by the general situation, are usually far from conforming to their cultural characteristics (with which, on the contrary, they often clash). One of our interviewees, a woman working in a social housing association, finds it hard to believe, for example, that the recurrent cohabitation forms of groups of several persons comply with the peculiar North-African Arab familism. In a situation such as the one we have described, quite often purchasing a house is not considered an investment or only an investment type, it means saving. One buys in order to save (Agci, 2004). Buying a house seems a consolidating practice, which even justifies the appearance of specialized real estate agencies, which are often run by foreigners who mostly turn to their fellowcountrymen. Over the past five years, thanks to a growing bank availability to grant housing loans also to immigrants 14, the number of houses bought by immigrants has increased by more than four times, reaching a 14.4% share of the domestic market in 2005 (whereas it totalled 12.6% in the previous year) (Scenari immobiliari, 2004) 15. In Rome, foreigners represent 20% house buyers, while in Brescia they touch 23%. This percentage lowers a little in Milan and Florence, mostly because demand shifts also towards more ex- 14 It was another critical aspect pointed out, at the end of 2001, by the inquiry Un mondo a casa mia (A World in My House). 15 This inquiry is based on interviews made to a sample including 620 real estate agents, in some provinces considered particularly interesting, in terms of immigrants presence.

179 Living in a House, Settling in a Country 179 ternal areas. If in almost all cases, the market share covered by immigrants between 2004 and 2005 has increased, the quality of purchased houses has instead worsened, and immigrants still residual demand tends increasingly to shift to the peripheral areas of the city, and if they do not find a house, even to smaller towns ( ), with many immigrants who move and settle in areas abandoned by the Italians in recent years ( ), thus producing territorial revitalization but also growing commuting conditions 16. Picture 5 Houses bought by non-eu immigrants out of all real estate market sales in the past two years in some of the examined provinces 25% 20% 15% 10% 5% 0% Bari Bologna Brescia Firenze Milan Rome Turin TOTAL Source: Scenari Immobiliari (2005) Picture 6 Houses bought by immigrants by housing type quality 100% 80% 60% 40% 20% 0% -20% -40% -60% -80% Medium-low Medium High Source: Scenari Immobiliari (2005) Variation % 16 The major needs pointed out by immigrants to the interviewed real estate agents concerns proximity to transport means (passing from 35% in 2004 to 60% in 2005).

180 180 Alfredo Agustoni 7.2 Immigrants and Public Housing The growing immigrants access to public housing flats is an aspect deserving to be considered, although within an overall context of weakness, such as previously discussed one. This is a condition that includes in itself all the potentialities of a fight between the poor, even though in several cases (we will particularly refer to the Milanese context) the two populations do not seem to collide, but rather benefit from two parallel access channels 17. The substantially equal treatment for Italians and foreigners, which had already been acknowledged by the law, was resumed in 1998 by the Turco-Napolitano law, according to which foreigners regularly present in Italy have the right to have access, under the same conditions as Italian citizens, to public housing flats and houses, as well as to the brokerage services provided by social agencies set up for this purpose. The subsequent Bossi-Fini law (n 189 of 2002), marks in some cases an undisputable step backwards as to foreigners possibilities to have access to public housing 18. In the opinion of some of our interviewees, however, these measures do not seem to have produced any drastic consequences on the overall council house allocations. In any case, as from the early 1980s up to now, the share of immigrants applying for and obtaining a council house has considerably grown, with a sudden rise as from the second half of the 1990s. From 1984 to the first semester of 2002, out of 24,498 house allocations made by Aler-Milan (the council house institute), 2,866 (equal to 17 This depends, to a good extent, on the fact that foreigners more easily accept houses in bad conditions than a normal Italian family would do. 18 The law requests immigrants to be in possession of a permanent residence paper or at least a two-year residence permit and have a regular job. Previously, it was enough that an immigrant was residing and registered in the employment lists. In any case, the foreign target of council houses has always consisted of relatively well-rooted population segments. For additional information on this issue, see Sei mesi dopo: primo bilancio della legge Bossi-Fini (Six months after: a first balance of the Bossi-Fini law), Rome, March In addition, there are some elements of ambiguity characterizing the immigrant s juridical condition, and we refer in particular to the necessary requirements for being included in the list. For example, it is not clear whether owning a house in the country of origin may be considered as an exclusion cause, or whether having a depending family in the country of origin is a valid element in classifications.

181 Living in a House, Settling in a Country %) were given to foreigners. From 2002 to 2004, the houses allocated to immigrants were 1,431 out of a total number of 4,937 (consequently totalling 29%). The current body of Aler foreign users in the Municipality of Milan totals at least officially about 5,000 subjects, that is, 7.5% total users in the city 19. Therefore, the share of immigrants out of the whole body of public housing users, results much lower than the foreigners percentage out of the overall resident population of Milan, though having grown definitely faster. Picture 7 Houses allocated by Aler to non-eu immigrants out of the total number of allocated houses in the Municipality of Milan Source: Municipality of Milan, IX Update on immigration ( ); Aler data ( ) Obviously, immigrants distribution in the different Aler quarters is far from being homogeneous. Such as the picture n. 8 points out (and we will better see it in the next paragraph), foreigners presence privileges the historical working-class neighbourhoods, that is the oldest ones, where flats result less conforming to the requirements of Italian families 20. Immigrants official presence is surely under-estimated, considering the high incidence of squatting 21, which in the Milanese neighbourhoods Spaventa and Stadera involves 25% of flats. Quite different is the situations in the working-class neighbourhoods of 19 The rate is 5.6%, equal to 7,800 grantee foreigners, if we consider this issue on a provincial scale. 20 The exceptional case of the council hoses in the Ponte Lambro quarter, which were built in the 1970s and are heavily interested by immigrants presence, depends on the peculiarities of the history of this neighbourhood, which became since the beginning a victim of squatting and decay. 21 According to Aler estimates, a little less than one half squatters are immigrants.

182 182 Alfredo Agustoni the new peripheries, where a more modern flat arrangement results more complying with the Italian families demand, and the permanence of the original grantees (those who had obtained a flat in the 1960s-1970s when they got married) is evidenced by an overrepresentation of the age segment. On the contrary, in the historical neighbourhoods, the over-85 age segment is highly overrepresented, and the coexistence of those elderly persons with foreigners and squatters presents quite a few particularly critical aspects (Alietti A., 1997; Agustoni A., 2003; Zajczyk F. et al., 2005). Differently from the case of Milan, in Turin, and especially, in Bologna, the share of foreigners living in council houses largely exceeds the share of foreigners dwelling in town. Particularly quick and sudden was the inclusion of foreigners in the houses owned by Acer (the public housing institute of Bologna), where in the two-year period, on a provincial scale, the body of foreign users grew from 5% to 12.5% (vs. about 6% resident population). All things considered, foreigners access to public housing in Bologna was paltry prior to the announcement of 1998, when 25% of all accepted applications were submitted by immigrants. In correspondence with the following announcement made in 2002, this share rose to 40%, to which we should add a considerable part of the 30% flats provisionally granted for emergency situations. Picture 8 Immigrants percentage in some of the major public housing quarters of Milan (Aler data, 2005)

183 Living in a House, Settling in a Country 183 A possible explanation of this sudden increase lies perhaps in a higher level of information about opportunities and rights 22. This explanation is also confirmed by a growing number of immigrants who resort to the services provided by tenants unions, even though as users rather than members or activists, such as some of our interviewees who are at the head of those organizations reported us. One of our interviewees, a manager at Sicet-Bologna, estimates about 30% foreign users applying for their services. Another interviewee, a woman-manager at Sunia-Milan, reports however some signs of immigrants activism in the district committees promoted by her union. To the actions promoted by tenants unions, which provide advice and assistance to immigrants who want to have access to council houses, we should add the actions of associations and cooperatives, which in recent years, according to a widespread practice, have o- btained the allocation of council hoses, usually starting from special agreements providing for their renovation, in order to include foreign tenants or persons in housing uneasiness conditions To Settle : Immigrants in Local Contexts A model that sees immigrants settle first in landing areas, mostly in central or semi-central districts, and then their subsequent redistribution over the fabric of the city (with new settlement areas, which experience a higher pace of growth) is rather evident in some of the major Italian chief towns. In Rome, for example, the relatively high incidence of the foreign population in the central quarters (basically, in the First City Council, where immigrants total 17% inhabitants), is not enough to conceal the higher growth 22 In the case of Bologna, this assumption is also supported by the fact that more than 25% applications were made by foreigners for receiving the aid provided for by the Social Rental Fund. 23 This is, among others, the case of the Milanese cooperative Dar=Casa, to which, on the basis of agreements made with Aler-Milan and dating back to 1997, was awarded the allocation of a number of flats, first mostly based in the Quarto Oggiaro quarter, and more recently in the Stadera quarter, where an innovative experience has been lately started. In Bologna, along with the ordinary allocation system, also the Isi system is implemented. Isi is connected to a peripheral municipal office, which rents Acer council houses and sublets them to families in difficulty.

184 184 Alfredo Agustoni rates of more external areas (the areas of the Agro, and in the second place, the suburbs) particularly in the 7 th, 8 th and 15 th city councils Inside the Metamorphoses of the Fordist Metropolis We wish now to continue our report by considering the two regional capitals (Milan and Turin) whose urban fabrics more typically keep a memory of their Fordist past. In virtue of their economic role, during the post-war decades these two capitals were interested by important migration flows, to which corresponded extensive private and public building/housing interventions, which shaped the new suburbs (Agustoni A., Rozza C., 2005). Picture 9 Municipality of Rome by toponymical areas: immigrants percentage out of the total number of residents as to December 31 st, 2003 Source: Registry Office data processing Picture 10 Municipality of Rome by toponymical areas: immigrants presence trend (year 2000=1) Source: Registry Office data processing

185 Living in a House, Settling in a Country 185 Picture 11 Municipality of Rome by city councils: immigrants percentage out of residents as to Dec. 31 st and variations 100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% Source: Registry Office data processing Variat. 98/03 Strangely enough, these new suburbs are relatively scarcely affected by the new foreign immigrants settlement process. Their arrival, instead, has interested the decaying quarters of the historical town centres, often their first landing areas, or the semi-central or semi-peripheral working-class quarters, which correspond to an urbanization and industrialization stage preceding the Second World War. An aerial view of Milan may help us supporting our arguments. The areas mostly involved by immigrants settlement 24 are former industrial neighbourhoods invested by abandonment phenomena, such as Bovisa and Ripamonti, ancient working-class settlement areas pre-existing to the industrialization of Milan, often former suburban villages or hamlets subsequently incorporated by the city, such as Isola or the Termopili-Turro-Martesana area along viale Padova, or some historical public housing quarters (S. Siro Baracca-Milite Ignoto first of all, but also Calvairate, Mazzini, Spaventa, Stadera). Foreigners presence seems, instead, relatively negligible in the quarters built thanks to the big public interventions 24 These are obviously data provided by the Registry Office, with all the difficulties and perplexities that may derive from them, particularly if referred to an extremely changeable population, such as the immigrants one.

186 186 Alfredo Agustoni which took place in the 1950s and 1960s (Gratosoglio, Comasina, Gallaratese), such as we were underlining in the previous paragraph and as picture below evidences. The coming of immigrants, often overbearingly visible in the different spatial contexts of everyday life, is considered by the local population one of the major indicators of the dynamics and changes affecting urban tissues (Agustoni A., 2003; Villa F., Agustoni A., 2002). However, the perception of their presence quite often depends more on their spatial deviance level than on their actual number, such as pointed out by a research on the Termopili and Turro quarters that is currently being carried out 25. Picture 12 Foreigners presence in Milan and in some neighbourhoods as to December 31 st. Source: Registry Office data processed by the Municipality of Milan In the Municipality of Turin, immigrants incidence is particularly high (by over 20% residents) in some typical landing neighbourhoods, such as Borgo Dora and San Salvario. Especially in San 25 A. Alietti, A. Agustoni, Convivenza e conflitto in un quartiere multietnico di Milano (Coexistence and conflict in a multiethnic quarter of Milan), first work progress stage.

187 Living in a House, Settling in a Country 187 Salvario, foreigners territorial spreading has developed starting from some streets surrounding the Porta Nuova railway station, an urban area displaying social and symbolic decay even before the coming of international migration flows. Nevertheless, foreigners territorial distribution begins to become progressively differentiated, starting from the symbol-areas of immigration ( ) and makes its way particularly towards the northern, southern, western neighbourhoods of the city and in the direction of the hills (Davico L., Gonnella A. M., 2004). Due to the saturation of the first settlement areas, foreigners presence begins nowadays to spread along some particular road lines in the direction of a few semi-suburban areas, though its does not yet touch, in general, the urban areas that in the past had accommodated the large migration waves of the 1950s and 1960s (Mirafiori, Le Vallette), involving to a slightly greater extent only another typical working-class settlement place dating back to the fascist period, the Lingotto 26. Foreigners settlement process has growingly interested some old working-class quarters, such as San Paolo, usually located in semi-central or semi-peripheral urbanization areas, which in the past had accommodated the traditional working class of Turin, or the first internal migration flows from the rest of Piedmont or from Veneto. The San Paolo quarter is mostly interested by the presence of migrants from Latin-America, who there have also established several cultural and religious associations. From San Paolo, Latin- Americans presence has expanded northwards to Parella, where in the past migrants from Piedmont and Sardinia had settled, and southwards to Mirafiori (where, however, their presence is still rather limited, involving relatively integrated and well-to-do population segments). Again, from Borgo Dora, foreigners presence has begun spreading northwards to the areas of Aurora and Monterosa, in the direction of Barriera di Milano, and north-westwards along the axis of via Regina Margherita towards Le Vallette. The territorial distribution of the different national communities is obviously not homogeneous. Limiting ourselves to consider only 26 Which, however, begins being interested by an expansion process south of San Salvario.

188 188 Alfredo Agustoni the two most numerous groups, if Moroccans tend to prevailingly occupy the traditional foreign settlement areas, Romanians are instead characterized by a more undifferentiated distribution all over the municipal territory In the Shade of the Two Towers At the end of 2002, almost two thirds of the foreigners present in the province were living in the municipal territory of Milan, whereas other municipalities were however experiencing higher rates of growth (Conforti D., Blangiardo M., 2003) 27. Much more unbalanced ratios in favour of the province can be noticed in the territory of Bologna, where already in 2000, the number of foreigners living in the province exceeded the number of those living in the city (also because of the very high costs characterizing the semi-peripheral areas of Bologna). Picture 13 Municipality of Turin: total immigrants out of residents and public housing users by districts Source: ATC and Registry Office data processing as to December 31 st, As regards immigrants transfers from the capital city to hinterland municipalities, see an interesting qualitative analysis available at the Municipality of Cologno Monzese, Assessorato alle Politiche Sociali, G. Mari, (2004).

189 Living in a House, Settling in a Country 189 Picture 14 Municipality of Turin: total immigrants out of residents in some urban areas as to December 31 st Source: Registry Office data processed by the Municipality of Turin The Apennine areas, rather than the plain, in particular, seem to have become the immigrants favourite settlement places (Landuzzi C., 2002), and especially the municipalities of Monghidoro, Loiano and Val di Sambro, where a great offer of low-cost houses corresponds however to a limited labour demand, thus making the local immigrated population a typical commuter population (for example, in the direction of Imola or Bologna). For this reason using the words of an interviewed woman-manager from a local social housing association the typical immigrants dream still remains a house in the shade of the two towers. The common feeling is that the plain and the territory of Imola are the areas reporting higher growth rates, as though the immigrants, who had arrived at the beginning unaccompanied to Bologna, had later moved with their families to the mountain areas, which are characterized by greater availability of low-cost houses, in order to get near, at a later stage of their migration process, to their work places. (Lelleri L., Gentile E., 2005). In the shade of the two towers, the neighbourhood reporting foreigners higher concentration levels is Navile, and inside it, in particular, the Bolognina area. Bolognina is a public housing quarter,

190 190 Alfredo Agustoni mostly including late 19 th century council houses, with a traditionally high concentration of Chinese, who began establishing there their trade activities some time later than in Milan. In any case, even at Bolognina, the percentage of foreigners registered at the Registry Offices does not exceed 11%, thus evidencing the absence of particularly high concentration levels in the capital town of Emilia. Picture 15 Immigrants in the Municipality of Bologna and in other municipalities of the Province Source: Provincial Observatory on Migrations 2004 Municipality of Bologna Others (province) Picture 16 Immigrants percentage out of the overall population of the province of Bologna as to December 31 st, 2004, by geographical distribution Source: Provincial Observatory on migrations

191 Living in a House, Settling in a Country Final Comments When we began writing the introduction of this essay, mass media were paying most of their attention to the French events. While we are drawing up our final comments, a relevant space in political information is reserved to a perhaps less striking event, which is however surely destined to affect our everyday life. We refer to the decision made by the Central European Bank to intervene on the cost of money. We move again in a context which is inside our competences, since this choice seems destined have repercussions on the extent of loans, and consequently, on the housing problems of both Italians and foreigners. Moreover, if we consider that from the latter a growing demand for owned houses is coming. If we examine immigrants settlement typologies, we can actually notice that along with a continuous predominance of private rented houses involving all the previously outlined critical consequences, there is also the sudden rise of two alternative solutions. The first one consists in access to property (the typical choice of Italian families in the last decades). However, in this case, due to the ups and downs of the real estate market, if immigrants seem increasingly inclined to buy a house, they also seem more inclined to be content with houses in poor conditions and in marginal locations. The second solution consists in acceding to public housing, where a heavy increase in the number of council houses granted to foreign citizens should not let us forget the relatively scarce incidence of social housing in Italy. A public housing relaunch action, along with its price-control impact on the rent market, is often mentioned as a partial solution to housing uneasiness in general. A complete revision of the rent legislation should also be aired, particularly in relation to its most critical aspects. As regards, instead, the special features of immigrants housing problems, many of our interviewees tend to read them in terms of need of a guidance: a guidance through the labyrinth of the alternative ways for having access to a house, in the first place, but also a guidance meant as mediation mediation in relation to householders, first of all, but also, and particularly, in relation to the general context of territorial inclusion.

192

193 Criminality and Deviance by Andrea Di Nicola After a brief survey on immigrants criminality 1 in 2003, this chapter aims at examining more closely where immigrants criminality took place in the two-year period in Northern Italy. We decided to use statistical data on criminality because they do not only include some information about the authors of crimes, but also about the places in which those crimes were committed, detailing provinces and municipalities. The data referred to 2004 which had not been yet published when this chapter was being written were kindly provided by Istat (the Central Statistics Institute) to Transcrime, University of Trento/ Università Cattolica, and concern Northern Italy 2. Consequently, our analysis, too, refers to that geographical area. The novelty of these pages consists in a geo-referentiation of criminal events. As regards Northern Italy and the crimes committed by ascertained authors in , it is possible to answer a few particular questions, such as: 1. Which are the crimes totalling the highest number of foreign authors? 2. Crime by crime, how many are the foreign authors in comparison with the Italian ones? The Author wishes to thank Flavia Bianchi, statistic consultant at Transcrime, Università di Trento/Università Cattolica di Milano, for her cooperation and help in data processing. 1 Denounced persons of foreign nationality against whom the Judiciary Authority started a penal action. 2 We wish to thank Mario Greco, head of the Justice Department at Istat, Rome, and Armando Caputo and Claudio Caterino, from the same department, for their cooperation.

194 194 Andrea Di Nicola 3. And what is more important for our purposes how does foreigners criminality spread, and where does it concentrate? 4. Finally, how does the criminality of the most denounced foreign nationalities spread, and where does it particularly concentrate? An analysis of this kind may provide some starting points for integration or prevention policies on a local scale. This is the reason why the final comments included in this chapter point out a few feasible ways for involving local administrations in projects focused on immigrants uneasiness and deviance prevention, particularly referred to the second generations, since we shall soon have to cope with this issue in our country. 8.1 Foreigners Criminality in 2003 In 2003, denounced foreigners against whom a penal action was started totalled 16,392 individuals, almost 12.5% of which women. Considered that in the same year the total number of denounced persons was 536,237, 21.7% denounced persons in Italy were foreigners. This is the highest rate reported since, in the early 1990s, the phenomenon of immigrants deviance began to appear in statistics on criminality, and exceeds by over three per cent points the datum referred to 2002 (19%). We will be soon in the position to understand whether we are only in face of a peak and the beginning of a turnabout due to the joint effect of the last regularization measures and more rigorous control actions on illegal migration flows, or not. In fact, we can reasonably believe that these two factors may jointly bring to a reduction in irregular migrants present in our country, and to the result of diminishing foreigners criminality. In the forthcoming years it will become fundamental to constantly monitor foreign criminality in order to understand whether the assumption less irregularity = less deviance is valid. In 2003, the ten more denounced nationalities involved persons originating from Morocco (17.1% denounced foreigners), Romania (12.7%), Albania (10.5%), Senegal (6.7%), Tunisia (5.9%), Algeria (4.4%), Serbia-Montenegro (4.2%), Germany (2.4%), Nigeria (2.3%) and China (2%).

195 Criminality and Deviance 195 In 2003, foreigners were denounced particularly for theft (18.4% out of all denounced foreigners), drug production and trade (13%), forgery (10.1%), wilful personal injuries (3.9%) and robbery (3.5%). How are the crimes committed by foreign authors spread by province on the territory? We will try to examine this matter more in depth in the next paragraph referring to the northern part of our peninsula. 8.2 A Special Study for Mapping Foreigners Criminality in Northern Italy in the Two-Year Period Foreign Crime Authors In Northern Italy, in the two-year period a little more than 30 individuals out of 100 denounced persons were foreigners. This situation reveals a worsening in comparison with the previously reported datum (21.7%) referred to 2003 and to the whole national territory, and a further worsening if we consider some particular crime categories. We shall separately examine violent crimes, on the one hand, and crimes against property or in connection with drugs, on the other hand (Picts. 1 and 2). Pict. 1 Persons denounced for violent crimes against whom a penal action was started: distribution by citizenship. Northern Italy two-year period. Per cent values. Source: Istat data processed by Transcrime

196 196 Andrea Di Nicola Pict. 2 Persons denounced for crimes against property or in connection with drugs against whom a penal action was started: distribution by citizenship. Northern Italy two-year period. Per cent values. Source: Istat data processed by Transcrime Violent crimes refer to the safety of natural persons. They include murders, sexual assaults and rapes, personal injuries, blows, mistreatment of family members, criminal coercion, threats, insults and defamation. Foreigners living in Northern Italy in the two-year period were scarcely denounced for insults and defamation (8.8% denounced for those crimes). The reason is very simple. To commit those crimes, one must necessarily have full control of the Italian language, and/or the victim should be able to understand what the author says. Therefore, quite seldom immigrants, particularly illegal ones, are likely to be involved in such crimes. Violent crimes for which foreigners are mostly denounced, and are even over-represented in comparison with Italian subjects, are attempted wilful murders (44.7% denounced persons), committed wilful murders (43.5%) and sexual assaults and rapes (37.5%). One out of two ascertained authors of committed or attempted murders is almost always a foreigner. Four out of ten ascertained authors of sexual assaults and rapes are foreigners. In violent crimes, the negative record is almost always held by Moroccans, with percentages out of the total number of denounced persons ranging from a 32% maximum as to committed wilful murders to a 19.8% minimum as to insults and defamation. Together

197 Criminality and Deviance 197 with Moroccans, we also find Romanians, Albanese and Algerians. Their frequent resort to violence may be read at least in two different ways: it may be either violence instrumental to drug market control (and this would particularly refer to Moroccans and Algerians), or violence aimed at controlling the prostitution market and the victims exploited in it (and this would particularly refer to Albanians and Romanians). Usually, violence is not perpetrated against Italians but mostly against other foreigners belonging to the same or another national group. (see Pict. 3). The overall picture concerning crimes against property and those in connection with drugs is painted black. 50.3% denounced persons for drug production, sale and illicit trading are in fact foreigners, and also the foreigners denounced for theft remain at very high levels (43.6% denounced persons in both years). As regards stolen good receiving and robbery, percentages settle respectively at 39.7% and 37.4%. The only datum showing a reverse trend refers to frauds (only 7.4% denounced persons are foreigners). This datum may be explained by similar reasons to those put forward as regards insults and defamation. In fact, fraud usually hits the target only if the author is able to stir up a victim s trust, and this is unlikely to happen when the author is a foreigner. Pict. 3 Denounced foreigners for violent crimes: distribution by nationality. Northern Italy two-year period. Per cent values. Source: Istat data processed by Transcrime

198 198 Andrea Di Nicola The most frequently denounced nationalities for crimes against property and crimes in connection with drugs are Moroccans, Romanians, Tunisians and Albanians (see Pict. 4). Moroccans are frequently denounced for robbery (31.4% denounced foreigners) and for damages to goods, animals and land, etc. (27%). Romanians are the most denounced foreign authors of thefts (28.3%). Senegalese are at the first place in stolen good receiving (22.8%). Swiss subjects are instead those mostly denounced for frauds (8.1%). For drug production and illicit trading stand out Moroccans (39.5% denounced foreigners), followed by Tunisians (13.7%) and Albanians (11.6%). Pict. 4 Denounced foreigners for crimes against property and in connection with drugs: distribution by nationality. Northern Italy two-year period. Per cent values. Source: Istat data processing by Transcrime Where Foreigners Criminality Takes Place Understanding where foreigners criminality is geographically spread may be of some help for identifying the most exposed

199 Criminality and Deviance 199 territorial areas, and may lead to implement on the territory policies in the position to prevent or minimize this problem. This means that a good knowledge of criminality conditions on a local scale allows developing and planning good local policies. The following maps report three levels of criminality rates (low, medium, and high), calculated on the basis of the legally resident foreign population 3. Our readers should bear in mind that: a) these rates could be lower if they were determined on the actually resident foreign population, including not only regular, but also irregular immigrants; and b) these values might behave differently if the irregular population was spread on the territory in a different way in relation to the regular population. In the Author s opinion, however, it is possible to reasonably assume that irregulars distribution on the territory follows regulars distribution. Since immigration follows consolidated migration channels, we can in fact logically assume that both regulars and irregulars move to the same places in a homogeneous way, according to their ethnic group Total Number of Crimes and Distribution by Province With reference to the total number of denounced foreigners, in the upper segment of criminality are included, from east to west, provinces such as Trieste, Gorizia, Udine, Rimini, Ravenna, Ferrara and Rovigo, Bolzano, Verona, La Spezia, Genoa, Savona, Imperia, Verbano Cusio Ossola, Turin (Pict. 5). Which are the possible explanations? The highest levels of criminality can be found in: 3 To allow spatial comparisons, the data referred to denounced foreigners in Northern Italy over the two-year period against whom the Judiciary Authority started a penal action have been purged from the distortion effect produced by the number of subjects belonging to the reference population. In detail, a set of yearly average criminality rates on a provincial scale have been calculated by relating half of the sum referring to foreign by citizenship crime authors denounced in the years 2003 and 2004 in each province of Northern Italy multiplied by a constant (100,000), to the corresponding legally resident foreign population as to December 31 st, Those rates, divided into three classes of approximately equal numerousness, have been then reported and represented on maps referring to the North-Italian provinces.

200 200 Andrea Di Nicola sea or land border provinces, which represent the first landing places for foreigners. These provinces are areas where there may be a greater clash of cultures and more opportunities to commit crimes in connection with illicit transit trading; provinces, such as Turin or Verona, in which specific illegal activities are particularly flourishing. We should consider, for example, drug and prostitution markets linked to human beings trafficking for sexual exploitation, which are characterized by high levels of violence; provinces of the Adriatic and Ligurian Rivieras, in which may arrive greater (usually seasonal) flows of foreigners attracted by tourism and by associated crime opportunities (depending on high concentration levels of young people and wealth). From a territorial representation, it clearly emerges that the central areas of Northern Italy (and this is partly true also in the case of the province of Milan) do not display a particularly problematic nature, though criminality percentages, considered in absolute values, are however quite high. It is likely that in those territories there are greater possibilities to absorb foreign workforce, and even irregular labour, and that job opportunities, even though concealed, may act as a cushion against deviance, at least as to violent behaviours. It is therefore possible that labour opportunities, even if underpaid or concealed, along with the most widespread predatory crime opportunities linked to higher welfare levels, are able to reduce conflicts among ethnic groups, and merely raise the rates of appropriative criminality.

201 Criminality and Deviance 201 Pict. 5 Total number of denounced foreigners against whom the Judiciary Authority started a penal action: distribution by province. Northern Italy, two-year period. (Rates referred to 100,000 legally resident foreigners) Source: Istat data processing by Transcrime Pictures 6 and 7 go into further details and consider denounced foreigners for violent crimes and wilful personal injuries Violent Crimes and Distribution by Province As regards violent crimes, the North-West of Italy reports the most serious situation. All the provinces of Liguria report high criminality rates and in the same situation are those of Aosta, Novara, Verbano Cusio Ossola. In addition, several north-western provinces also report medium violent crime rates. Besides Sondrio, there is a hard core of violent crimes in some North-East alpine provinces, namely Belluno, Pordenone, Udine and Gorizia. Ravenna and Rimini are included in the upper segment as well.

202 202 Andrea Di Nicola Pict. 6 Denounced foreigners for violent crimes against whom the Judiciary Authority started a penal action: distribution by province. Northern Italy, two-year period. (Rates referred to 100,000 legally resident foreigners) Source: Istat data processing by Transcrime The trend of denounced foreigners for wilful personal injuries follows the general trend of all violent crimes, with the difference that some provinces, such as Turin, Bolzano, Rovigo and Trieste, join the list of those included in the upper segment of criminality. Starting from this consideration, we can try to outline an interpretation. In the case of immigration, the concentration of violent crimes may take place: a) in areas in which the immigrants workforce is less absorbed in labour activities, even concealed ones (any kind of job may become a counterthrust to violence), or in less wealthy areas in which overall conditions are less favourable to predatory criminality; b) border areas, the first landing place for immigrants, which due to their geographic position and business activities across the borders, become also a fertile soil for illicit activities and a possible area of conflicts among different ethnic groups; c) hot spots for exploitation of trafficked women prosti-

203 Criminality and Deviance 203 tution or for drug traffic and illicit trading (and therefore, violent areas because of those illicit activities). Pict. 7 Denounced foreigners for wilful personal injuries against whom the Judiciary Authority started a penal action: distribution by province. Northern Italy, two-year period. (Rates referred to 100,000 legally resident foreigners) Source: Istat data processing by Transcrime Crimes against Property or in Connection with Drugs. Distribution by Province In comparison with violent crimes, the novelties regarding the crimes against property or those in connection with drugs refer to the high criminality rates reported in Milan, Verona, Padua, Ferrara and Bologna. These provinces do not stand out because of the violent nature of immigrants deviance, but because of crimes of a predatory nature or connected with the drug market. The provinces reporting high levels of thefts are, from west to east, Savona, Genoa, La Spezia, Verbano Cusio Ossola, Pavia, Milan, Lodi, Verona, Rovigo, Ferrara, Ravenna, Rimini, Venice, Udine. For the first time, also Venice is included.

204 204 Andrea Di Nicola To conclude, there are three different kinds of provinces reporting high criminality rates among foreigners: 1. problematic provinces in absolute terms (in alphabetical order: Genoa, Gorizia, Imperia, La Spezia, Ravenna, Rimini, Rovigo, Savona, Turin, Udine, Verbano Cusio Ossola); 2. provinces having only problems concerning violent crimes (in alphabetical order: Aosta, Belluno, Bolzano, Novara, Pordenone, Sondrio); 3. provinces having only problems of predatory crimes or crimes connected with drugs (in alphabetical order: Bologna, Ferrara, Lodi, Milan, Padua, Pavia, Venice). Pict. 8 Foreigners denouced for crimes against property or in connection with drugs againt whom the Judiciary Authority started a penal action: distribution by province. Northern Italy, twoyear period. (Rates referred to 100,000 legally resident foreigners) Source: Istat data processing by Transcrime

205 Criminality and Deviance The Three Most Denounced Nationalities. Distribution by Province. Apart from Italians, the three most denounced national groups in Northern Italy are Moroccans, Romanians and Albanians. Reference maps are reported in Picts. 10, 11, and 12. Moroccan criminality is uniformly spread in Northern Italy, though the provinces of Friuli-Venezia Giulia and Liguria are those most affected by it. Romanian criminality, instead, is less homogeneously spread and is particularly felt in a central zone of the North. From north to south, for example, the following provinces, which are all neighbouring one another, belong to this zone: Bolzano, Sondrio, Brescia, Verona, Rovigo, Ferrara, Bologna, Ravenna, Rimini. Albanian criminality, such as the Moroccan one, is spread in all northern regions, with the highest peaks particularly reported in the north-west territories. Pict. 9 Denounced foreigners for theft against whom the Judiciary Authority started a penal action: distribution by province. Northern Italy, two-year period (Rates referred to 100,000 legally resident foreigners) Source: Istat data processing by Transcrime

206 206 Andrea Di Nicola Pict. 10 Denounced foreigners of Moroccan nationality against whom the Judiciary Authority started a penal action: distribution by province. Northern Italy, two-year period. (Rates referred to 100,000 legally resident fellow-countrymen) Source: Istat data processing by Transcrime Pict. 11 Denounced foreigners of Romanian nationality against whom the Judiciary Authority started a penal action: distribution by province. Northern Italy, two-year period. (Rates referred to 100,000 legally resident fellow-countrymen) Source: Istat data processing by Transcrime

207 Criminality and Deviance 207 Pict. 12 Denounced foreigners of Albanian origin against whom the Judiciary Authority started a penal action: distribution by province. Northern Italy, two-year period. (Rates referred to 100,000 legally resident fellow-countrymen) Source: Istat data processing by Transcrime Finally, the question is whether it is reasonable to examine the situation of foreign criminality on a provincial scale without wondering if local authorities may play a role in preventing immigrants uneasiness and deviance, particularly as regards the second generations. If so, what role? In the following section, in search for possible solutions, we will explore this concept more in depth. 8.3 Final Comments: Second Generations, Integration and Local Authorities On what does immigrants criminality depend? How can local authorities contribute to prevent it? The simplest interpretation, and perhaps the most shareable one, is that immigrants criminality is generated by lack of resources, the term resources to be understood in its widest meaning, and not only in economic terms. This is particularly true if referred to the

208 208 Andrea Di Nicola most visible forms of criminality, which easily emerge from official statistics. We shall attempt to better explain this concept with the aid of an emblematic and topical case that, by the end of 2005, has been under the very eyes of all of us: the case of the banlieues of Paris. In November 2005, in the suburbs of Paris broke out a revolt, a urban guerilla. Who were the authors? And why there? The authors are French, second- and third-generation immigrants, together with other young persons born from non-immigrant French citizens, who live in the same conditions of uneasiness as the former ones. The banlieues are the depressed suburbs of Paris, uncomfortable and poor slums with a high concentration of urban disorder, social and physical decay. In those areas spread like a wildfire an unconditioned, unorganized wave of violence without any particular request or claim, the only communication form those young persons could have with the State. Let us go back a little. A theory on teen-agers uneasiness developed by an outstanding Canadian researcher, Prof. Richard Tramblay maintains that aggressive persons during the first years of their life are likely to become violent during their adolescence and adult age. Each child is potentially a violent adult, but it learns over time to control its inborn aggressiveness, and the more it learns it, the most it will be integrated in society. Children do not learn to use physical aggressiveness, they learn instead not to use it, that is, to adopt alternatives to it. To avoid maladjusted behaviours, the educational process must definitely work well, and the environment in which a child grows up must be sound. However, the most relevant discovery is that the factors predicting children s aggressiveness are (we are not talking about determinism, but about variables that make uneasiness and adolescent deviant behaviours more likely) prior to birth the presence of brothers and sisters, a mother s anti-social behaviour, an adolescent mother, separated parents, low family income and a mother who smokes and, - in the first months after the birth a mother using coercive educational methods, and a dysfunctional family. Many of these conditions can actually be found in a culturally, socially and economically needy context.

209 Criminality and Deviance 209 It is difficult not to correlate the results of these studies with the events occurred in the Parisian suburbs. The environment in which the authors of the fires in the banlieues are living is close to those described by the above mentioned inquiries, and unfortunately, it is actually that particular environment that makes individual s integration in society complicated. In such a context the response to uneasiness may be violence. Second- and third-generation immigrants started a revolt because it was the only way they had at their disposal to communicate, to show they were feeling second-choice French subjects, in spite of the assimilation and equality promises made by their nation. In general, leaving today immigrants in conditions of uneasiness and social disorder, not allowing them having access to vote, to good education, to houses, to quality jobs, or segregating them, would have the only effect that in turn they give birth to children subject to high risks of deviance. And this reasoning, as a matter of fact, does not depend on the colour of skin, because the same might happen to Italians living in the same conditions. The banlieues case is therefore an opportunity to meditate on the integration policies to be adopted in the future in the local areas of our country (or perhaps it would be more correct to call them inclusion policies ). Soon we shall have a second immigrants generation. We should therefore start from the provinces reporting the highest criminality rates among immigrants or the most heavy migration flows and within a national normative framework, we should involve local authorities in projects aimed at improving foreigners life conditions, their education levels, their income, exactly as we should do with Italian needy families. We must act in a medium/long-term perspective so that the children of those persons may be in possession of appropriate resources for keeping away from deviant behaviours. Many solutions to integration are not bound to a foreigner s really or allegedly different cultural identity that cannot combine with ours. Where resources were made available, integration always took place. Therefore, it is useless to talk about integration if resources are not available. Integrating means, first of all, making these persons live better. Integrating means including. How much do we want to invest? On what conditions do we want to include? These are the questions we must answer. This

210 210 Andrea Di Nicola is the lesson of the banlieues case, which also teaches us that, within this process, local authorities have an opportunity to cut out a primary role. In this way, the geographic exploration of immigrants criminality achieves a sense, along with an exploration of the involved risks and the protection factors that may be activated on a local scale. This is an opportunity we should carefully consider.

211 Immigration and Society in Italy by Giovanni Giulio Valtolina In Italy, as well as all over Europe, the theme of immigration continues to have great relevance in the public debate, also because some domestic and international events, which have contributed, over 2005, to attribute further polyvalent meanings quite often negative to this issue. In particular, it is worth mentioning first Islamic terrorism after the attacks in Madrid, and more recently those in London which represents a not even so veiled threat for Italy. Then, the European Union enlargement which, by allowing new persons flows from country to country, evidences the fear of being obliged to cope with the presence, and mostly the competitiveness, of new workers. Finally, during the last months of the year, the riots that took place in the banlieues of Paris, started by immigrants sons and grandsons, chiefly of Maghrebian origins. The concern aroused in several important segments of the Italian population may be mostly ascribed to those events. 9.1 Immigration and Italian People: a Survey on Italians Attitudes First of all, it is necessary to note that the national scene, such as has it been highlighted in many circumstances, seems in general less characterized by research and surveys concerning Italians attitudes towards the immigration, and increasingly focused on the perception and the reaction of Italy to the different forms of Islamic presence in the country, such as highlighted by some news, which catalyzed and stirred the public opinion 1. 1 Reference should be made, for example, to the case concerning the closure of the

212 212 Giovanni Giulio Valtolina However, a rather accurate study on Italians attitudes towards immigration, which allows comparing the data collected from 1997 to 2005, was carried out by the research institute SWG 2. From this study, we can infer that our country is proceeding in a trend that seems to increasingly lead integration, though this tendency had a stalemate in Table 1 Job and criminality percent rates Immigrants will likely steal jobs and opportunities to Italian workers I agree I disagree Undecided persons Up to now immigrants have only brought criminality I agree I disagree Undecided persons Source: SWG, 2005 As we can infer from Table 1, there are some signals of concern as regards the possibility immigrants may steal job opportunities to Italians, even though this share still remains similar to the one pointed out by the different surveys carried out on this matter in the past years (Valtolina G. G., 2003; 2004). As to the critical theme of criminality, this highlights the presence of some anxiety among interviewees, which likely depends on a few episodes of violence involving immigrant foreigners occurred over the year. This concern has brought a significant interviewees share by 58% - to believe that these events evidence a rising trend (Table 2). The direct consequence of this situation is a general increasing concern for an alleged rise in violence and for lesser citizens security. Even though it seems clear that, for at least 7 interviewees out of ten, the fact of being an immigrant is not necessarily connected to having a violent nature. Via Quaranta Islamic school in Milan. 2 This inquiry was carried out in the month of June 2005, on a national stratified sample including shares of 700 subjects representing the universe of the over-18 year-old Italian population.

213 Immigration and Society in Italy 213 Table 2 Episodes of violence and immigrants (percent values) Some serious episodes of violence took place in the last weeks. Immigrants played a major role in these events. In your opinion, these episodes: Point our a growing tendency to violence 58 Are isolated episodes, which casually took place in sequence 35 Undecided persons 7 Immigrants have a violent nature I agree 26 I do not completely disagree 25 I disagree 46 Undecided persons 3 Source: SWG, 2005 Having been asked to draw up a list by country of origin, 36% interviewees deem that immigrants inclined to violence mostly come from Albania. Pict. 1 From which countries originate the most violent immigrants? 40% 36% Albania 35% 30% 25% 20% 15% 10% 5% 0% Source: SWG, % 6% 5% 1% 1% 14% 9% 18% former-yugoslavia Nort h Af rica Romania China former-ussr None All No answer We should however bear in mind that 18% interviewees are not in the position to specify any country, whereas 14% of them do not specify any country included in the list. 9.2 An European Perspective On an international scale, we wish to mention three survey concerning EU countries, which aimed at comparing attitudes and orientations among the citizens of some important countries of the Old Continent.

214 214 Giovanni Giulio Valtolina A first study carried out by Fondazione Nord Est in partnership with LaPolis University of Urbino, involved six European countries (France, Germany, Italy, Poland, Czech Republic and Hungary) 3. This inquiry points out that immigration continues to stir up conflicting feelings among European citizens. In fact, along with a widespread availability to receive immigrants and grant them citizenship rights, there are at the same time reactions of fear and distrust against foreigners. These attitudes involve different population shares in the six national contexts, on the basis of the particular perspective chosen for examining this phenomenon, which depends on whether we consider its effects from a cultural and identitarian point of view, or its impact on security and social order. About these themes a sharp rift emerges between European Union founders (France, Germany, Italy) and post-communist democracies (Hungary, Czech Republic, Poland), the new members of the continental alliance. With a single guiding thread: the rather strict link between reactions face to face with migration phenomena and judgments on the transformations that in these years are changing the aspect of the European Union. Looking through the inquiry results, a first element to be noted refers to the clear distinction existing between old Europe citizens and new Europe ones, as to their positions on immigration. Postcommunist countries are in fact characterized by marked closure attitudes towards foreigners, which are much more spread than those observed in the three West-European countries. Most likely, these attitudes cannot be explained in a single way, as they involve a variety of factors. Among these factors, we should first of all consider the peculiar historical process of those countries, which is marked by a long period of foreign interference in their interior affairs. But we should not neglect, either, the considerable difficulties, which have characterized their entry in market economy. In fact, more than an identitarian dimension, foreigners presence 3 The sample representing the reference population as regards the major sociodemographic variables, includes 5,927 over-15 year old subjects, who were interviewed between July and September 2005, using the Cati (France, Germany, Italy) and the Face-to-Face (Poland, Czech Republic, Hungary) methods.

215 Immigration and Society in Italy 215 seems to generate in those realities of all fears, first regarding their competition in jobs, and in the second place, security. Table 3 Fear of immigrants index* France 24.0 Italy 33.6 Germany 34.4 Poland 44.3 Czech Republic 57.6 Hungary 60.1 * This index has been drawn by researchers from the mean number of interviewees who agree with the three submitted statements: 1) immigrants represent a danger for our culture, our identity and our religion; 2) immigrants are a menace to employment; 3) immigrants are a menace to public order and persons security. Source: Fondazione Nord Est, 2005 In the three West-European countries considered by the survey, such as reported on Table 3, the social alarm level in connection with immigrations seems decidedly more limited. However, it involves considerable minorities: population segments which, depending on the examined context and size, range from 20% to 40% interviewed persons. France is absolutely the country in which immigration seems to produce the lowest social concern levels in comparison with all the other dimensions considered by the inquiry. The French public opinion component worried about migration dynamics totals about 24%. In Italy and Germany, the concerns generated by foreigners presence are greater and involve a population share that almost reaches 33-34%, however with partly diverging motivations. In Italy, citizens fears may be brought back, in the first place, to the themes of security and criminality, whose index, after a partial re-absorption reported in the last years, has now begun to rise again, and in the second place, to the theme of competition for obtaining or keeping jobs. But particularly Germans, with the highest peaks in the eastern Laender, are those who prove to be highly reactive from this point of view. 29% interviewees in Germany underline the challenges issued by immigration in terms of cultural and religious identity: this is the highest percentage reported in the three western countries. Despite the outburst in recent years of terrorist threat, which has come into the very heart of Europe through the attacks of Madrid

216 216 Giovanni Giulio Valtolina and London, from the answers given by European citizens do not emerge, however, attitudes that might be attributed to clash of civilizations sceneries. The contraposition of different cultures and different religions seems relevant in generating distrust in foreigners, but remains in any case overshadowed in comparison with other dimensions. Attack spreading may have contributed, if anything, to strengthen in persons perception the connection between a peculiar immigrants typology and the risks for one s personal safety. This kind of reading is supported by the data on trust in foreigners on the basis on their origin, which sees immigrants from Arab countries at the last place, with the only exception of France. According to the researchers of Fondazione Nord Est, it is possible to identify a few factors, which directly link up with the alarm feelings expressed by citizens in connection with migration flows, particularly in the three West-European countries, whereas in the new European countries they seem to propose models that at least partly, are distinct and specific. There is, first of all, a rather strict relation between the two aspects examined in depth by the inquiry: attitudes aroused by migration, and citizens positions on European matters. This relation emerged in all the six countries, evidencing how both dimensions unavoidably tend to intertwine, thus underlining the need to cope with the challenges of migrations in a European perspective. The feelings of fear of foreigners are visibly growing among those who declare to be more distant from EU. In particular, in Germany and Italy, these feelings join both with evaluations on the effects of the new European currency (euro), and with the position taken as regards the Constitution crux. This factor appears less relevant in France, where a general judgement on Europe seems to more directly influence reactions to migration phenomena. However, we have to underline that the effect of those determinants results visible also when possible disturbance factors, both of a socio-demographic nature and concerning attitudes, are kept under control. Political belonging becomes relevant, too, as predictable. In all the three West- European countries, interviewees show different grades of fear of foreigners depending on the political orientation declared by each one of them. This is particularly evident

217 Immigration and Society in Italy 217 in Italy, in comparison with the attitudes expressed by French and German interviewees. Another detected element underlines the existence of a connection between opening/closure positions towards the foreign population and some social capital indicators. Particularly in France and Italy, fears tend to decrease among persons included in a thicker relation network provided by associative participation (whether political or social) and, in general, among those who express feelings of trust in the others. However, in both countries, also the institutional integration level and the trust in policy seem to play a major role in diluting tensions deriving from contacts with the immigrant population. Shifting the focus of attention on socio-demographic variables, it is possible to see that high educational levels go along, in all countries, with lower apprehension positions. Finally, particularly relevant indications are suggested by the relation with the demographic size of the municipality of residence, particularly if we consider events like those occurred in Paris, which brusquely called the attention of the European public opinion on the theme of immigrant population integration in big cities, and particularly in their suburbs. However, these data seem to provide indications scarcely consistent with the debate characterizing the second half of There where it is possible to see a relation between negative perception of the foreign presence and urban dimension, this relation seems to go just in the opposite direction. In Italy, and mostly, in France, the persons who live in smaller towns are actually those who seem more worried. Meanwhile, we cannot avoid highlighting that in all the three examined countries the share of persons who see immigration in a positive light and consider it as an opening opportunity remains high. The absolute majority of the population of the three western countries (with 71% peaks in Germany) and in any case, one person out of two also in Poland and Hungary believes that foreigners presence contributes to widen people s cultural perspective thus encouraging social progress. At the same time, the group of those who consider immigration necessary to European economy, and consequently foreigners as a resource, remains numerous and is further expanding. Likewise, the availability to grant the rights of citizenship to regular immigrant remains high. In the first place, people are widely well-disposed to extend basic facilities to im-

218 218 Giovanni Giulio Valtolina migrants. More than 75% interviewees from the three old European countries but almost all the Italian and French interviewees think that regular foreigners should have access to the national health system: a possibility on which agrees also the majority of the persons interviewed in the three countries of Central- East Europe. In addition, Italian, French and German citizens favourably consider the possibility that regular foreigners may take part, through their vote, not only in local and administrative elections, but also in the elections for the national parliament. From this point of view, the greatest opening attitudes can be noticed in France and Italy, while in Germany citizens availability seems at slightly lower levels. The survey carried out in France provides a few very interesting indications, considering in particular the most outstanding events that characterized 2005: the riots in the banlieues and the unfavourable vote to the entry in Europe. Some observers and commentators have read those events as a signal of the difficulties stirred up by immigration even in countries with a long integration experience and tradition. As a matter of fact, according to the data collected by the inquiry carried out by Fondazione Nord Est, France shows one of the lowest indexes of fear and closure to immigrants, whereas it confirms a growing distrust in the monetary and political union of Europe. In particular, Paris is the area in which there are less concerns about foreigners. This should lead us to carefully reconsider the temptation to interpret in a simplistic way the events of Paris as a mere consequence of the outbreak of a migration question. According to the French researchers, more relevant are the issues in connection with the proposed national integration model. In France, foreigners and immigrants perception is more helpful and positive than elsewhere, because the idea of citizenship is more broadminded: each foreigner may become a French subject if he/she accepts the principles and rules on which the Republic is founded. This is even more evident in the area of Paris for both historical and sociological reasons. Therefore, the social reactions of those who become French, as well as those of immigrants second or third generations, seem more violent when the distance between expectations and reality becomes too striking, when the promises of integration, inclusion in the labour market, and quality of life are not

219 Immigration and Society in Italy 219 kept. On the other hand, the researchers point out the political roots of the fear of foreigners, which have become visible even in France: far-right political orientation, but above all, people s distrust in EU institutions and in the European single currency, along with fear of globalization. In other words, even in France and perhaps more than elsewhere immigration is perceived as a facet more visible than others of a general fear of the world and mistrust in the processes that seem to steal independence, sovereignty and identity to national States. About Italy, reactions of fear referred to migration phenomena are first of all connected with security issues: about one third interviewees see in foreigners presence the risk of a possible increase in criminality rates. Though the intensity of such a concern has strikingly lowered in comparison with the very high values reported by the end of the past century (by about 49% in 1999), it still appears as a peculiar Italian feature in relation to the other West- European countries. Fears in connection with security, which reach the highest levels in the northern (and particularly in the northeastern) regions, surpass those in connection with employment, which however have grown in the last two years consistently with the protraction of a period of economic difficulty. Such as in the rest of Western Europe, cultural and religious issues play instead a minor role. On the other hand, in this inquiry, Italy shares with France a clear inverse relation between fear of immigration and urban dimension. From a geographical point of view, the areas which seem more in a state of alarm are particularly small and very small municipalities. For Italy, instead, a peculiar feature is the relevance of the political factor. If in Germany and France, the persons politically oriented to the Right are those who particularly express feelings of distrust in foreigners, in Italy, the connection between geographical and political factors seems very close, and even enhanced by the immigration policies enforced by the government during the current legislature. Table 4 summarizes the factors, which mostly condition the fear of foreign immigrants in the different countries (Table 4).

220 220 Giovanni Giulio Valtolina Table 4 Major factors producing fear of immigrant foreigners (in order of importance*) Italy France Germany Political orientation (Right) Elderly persons Low educational level Low satisfaction for the Poor satisfaction for the way in which democracy Poor political participation national economic trend works Negative judgement on Political orientation Elderly persons Euro Negative judgement on EU Constitution Low trust in persons Poor associative participation Low trust in central institutions Low social class Poor political participation (Right wing) Negative judgement on Euro Low trust in local institutions Small urban centres Low educational level Negative attitude towards globalization Negative attitude towards Europe Negative attitude towards politics Political orientation (Right) Negative judgement on EU Constitution Residence in Saxony-Thuringia Negative attitude towards Europe Negative judgement on Euro Residence in North Rhine-Westphalia Negative attitude towards globalization Negative attitude towards Low trust in persons politics Residence in the North-East * The order of importance of the factors has been determined by using a set of regression models. Source: Fondazione Nord Est, 2005 A second study carried out by the EU Agency European Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia based in Vienna, confirms that Italians are one of the most tolerant European populations as to the phenomenon of immigration. This inquiry collected and analyzed the majority attitudes towards ethnic minorities in all the 25 member countries of the Union. As to Italy, 24% Italians think that legal immigrants should enjoy all civil rights, thus placing themselves at the second place of the list immediately after Latvia, which reports a 32% share. The same availability is shown regarding the peculiar attitude researchers have called resistance to immigrants, which can be found only in 36% interviewed Italians, against, for example, 87% Greeks. The same occurs as to multicultural society, which is positively

221 Immigration and Society in Italy 221 supported by 47% Italians and only by 11% Greeks. Furthermore, 55% Italians trust in the multicultural society future, against 20% Greeks. As regards, instead, ethnic distance, meant as will to live far away from minorities, 27% Italians prefer to live in a house located in a totally Italian neighbourhood, against 30% Czechs and 39% Greeks, whereas only 9% Swedish prefer to live without being in close contacts with such minorities. As to repatriation policies, only 19% interviewed Italians think that under particular circumstances even legal migrants should be expelled, while 79% of them consider expulsions measures necessary for those who committed crimes. In addition, this inquiry analyzed some episodes of racism and ethnic minority exclusion occurred within the school system. As to Italy, the researchers remark that, due to the lack of an appropriate monitoring system, collected data on ethnic discrimination within the Italian school are scarce and mostly refer to episodes pointed out by the press. In United Kingdom, for example, several episodes of racism and xenophobia have been reported in the school, but only because according to the researchers the British enjoy a good monitoring system as regards racism actions compared to the other European countries, where those episodes remain basically concealed. A third survey, carried out by Doxa at the beginning of 2005, reported the attitude of Dutch, Spanish and Italian citizens towards the immigrant population, particularly of the part professing the Muslim religion 4. As the researchers pointed out, there are quite a few surprising data. In Italy, about two thirds interviewees (66.5%) said they never got in touch with a Moslem. Only 12.9% of them have a Muslim friend or acquaintance, while 16% work together with Moslems. The size of this mystery that ends up by generating fears such as the Corriere della Sera journalist Magdi Allam defined it can be found in the datum, according to which 85.6% Italians declare to know nothing, or almost nothing, about Islam. 4 In Italy, a sample of 1,001 over-15 year old subjects, representing the Italian adult population, was interviewed.

222 222 Giovanni Giulio Valtolina Table 5 Attitudes towards Muslim foreign immigrants (percent values) Rather/very favourable Neither favourable nor unfavourable Rather/very unfavourable Italy Spain Netherlands Source: Doxa, 2005 Basing on the opinions expressed on Muslims (Table 5), the prevailing attitude in Italy does not seem hostile at all. On the whole, 44.1% interviewees express neither negative nor positive judgements, while 39.6% of them declare a rather favourable or very favourable attitude. Non-hostility seems to prevail even when the inquiry goes into appraisal details (Table 6). Table 6 Contacts and attitudes towards Muslim foreign immigrants Netherlands Spain Italy Contacts with Moslems Yes, in the family Yes, among friends Yes, on the workplace Others No contacts Knowledge of Islam Good/rather good Scarce No knowledge Pleasant presence I agree I do not agree Indifferent persons Enriching presence I agree I do not agree Indifferent persons Threatening presence I agree I do not agree Indifferent persons Fear of a terrorist attack Yes No No opinion

223 Immigration and Society in Italy 223 (Cont d) Table 6 Netherlands Spain Italy It is a good thing that our children get in touch with different cultures I agree I do not agree Indifferent persons Would you move from neighbourhood if there were many foreigners living in it? I agree I do not agree Indifferent persons Italian women cannot behave the way they like because of Muslim immigrants presence I agree I do not agree Indifferent persons I would like to have more contacts with foreigners Yes No Indifferent persons Moslems have the right to bring their spouses with them Yes No No opinion Source: Doxa, % interviewees do not take sides on the question whether Moslems are a pleasant presence, 48.6% on whether they are an enriching presence, and 44.9% on whether they are a threatening presence, or not. Only 15% of them consider Moslems a threatening presence. Actually, this datum seems to contradict the datum concerning fear of a terrorist attack committed by Islamic fundamentalists (65.8% interviewees declare their concern). According to the researchers, this discrepancy sheds light on the predominance of fear of Islamic terrorism, despite an apparent awareness and will of not criminalizing the whole Muslim community. In addition, this survey points out that the Italians traditionally open-minded and tolerant attitude has substantially remained unchanged. 76.3% interviewees consider positive the fact that their children get in touch with persons belonging to different cultures, and 50.8% of them declare they would accept with pleasure to have more contacts with foreigners. 57.8% interviewees declare to be unwilling to move elsewhere if there were too many foreigners in the neighbourhood in which they live, though the persons in favour

224 224 Giovanni Giulio Valtolina total 25.7%. Likewise, 67.8% interviewees deny that Italian women cannot behave such as they would because of the presence of Moslems, against a meaningful 20.2% of them who say the contrary. Consequently, according to Doxa inquiry, Italians attitude towards Muslim immigrants would result more open than that reported among the Spanish, and particularly, the Dutch. And Netherlands, though being the European country that gives hospitality to the highest percentage of Moslems by 6.2% vs. 1.7% in Italy proves actually to be the most intolerant country, and also the less informed one about Islam. 9.3 The 2005 Ismu Survey This inquiry, carried out through the research institute Eurisko, has come now to its fifth edition. It was carried out in the month of October 2005, on a sample of 1,000 over-15 year old subjects. This sample is representative of the whole Italian population in terms of age, gender, educational level, profession (professional and nonprofessional positions), geographical area of residence (North-East, North-West, Centre, South and Islands), and residence centre size. Such as in the past years, interviews included a set of questions concerning the theme of immigration: 1. In your opinion, are immigrants helpful in the jobs Italians do not want to do any longer? 2. Do immigrants bring an increase in criminality? 3. Do immigrants culturally enrich us by introducing us to different cultures and traditions? 4. Do immigrants steal jobs to Italian workers? 5. Do you favourably consider the policy on immigrants adopted by our government? 6. Are you for extending the right of vote to immigrants in municipal elections? 7. Are you for extending the right of vote to immigrants in national political elections? Considering the kind of research tools employed, in order to guarantee the highest percentage of valid answers, only three answer options were chosen: yes, no, I do not know. Being it an

225 Immigration and Society in Italy 225 inquiry on attitudes, this solution allowed focusing the answers on precise, unambiguous options. Questions were submitted by alternating those which emphasized positive and favourable aspects of opening to immigrants, to questions which emphasized negative and dangerous aspects for our society. Table 7 reports the percent distribution of interviewees answers and the difference in comparison with the previous survey carried out in Compared to 2003, there is a higher percentage of those who are convinced of immigrants labour usefulness, and this opinion is currently shared by over three quarters of the sample (76.7%). The percentage of those who believe that foreigners may culturally enrich us grows, too, and represents in the survey of this year the majority share (54.6%). In line, instead, with the fluctuations identified in the past years, is the percent trend of those who believe in a causative relation between immigration and criminality increase. While in 2001 this percentage had decreased by 13 points, and in 2002 and 2003 it had risen again by about 6 points, in 2005 it began to decrease again by over 5 points (58.7%). Table 7 Perception of immigration consequences and migration policy appraisal (percent values); fluctuation in comparison with 2003 Immigrants are helpful in some jobs Immigrants increase criminality Immigrants culturally enrich us Immigrants steal jobs to Italians The policy on immigrants adopted by the government is positive In favour of extending the right to vote to immigrants in municipal elections In favour of extending the right to vote to immigrants in political elections Source: Ismu, 2005 Yes No I do not know/ no answer 76.7% (+5.2) 18.6% (-4.3) 4.7% (-0.9) 58.7% (-5.6) 31.2% (+5.4) 10.1% (+0.2) 54.6% (+8.1) 35.9% (-5.2) 9.5% (-2.9) 33.5% (-1.5) 61.1% (+1.8) 5.4% (-0.3) 26.1% (+0.5) 46.6% (-0.2) 27.3% (-0.3) 50.9% (+2.5) 38.6% (-1.1) 10.5% (-1.4) 48.4% (+2.7) 41.6% (- 1.0) 10.0% (-1.7)

226 226 Giovanni Giulio Valtolina Those who consider positively the policy on immigrants adopted by the government represent a minority share of the sample (26.1%), without any substantial consent fluctuation compared to Concerning the two last questions about the grant of the right of vote to immigrants, an upward stabilization of the share of those who are in favour seems to be confirmed, with an increase evidencing the ever-growing favour which had been reported in the past years. As to the next two questions regarding the election appointments, also this year the number of those who are in favour of extending the vote to immigrants is higher than that of those who declare their opposition, reaching one half of the sample in the case of those who are in favour of the right to vote in administrative elections (50.9%) and 48.4% in the case of those who are in favour of the right to vote in political elections. We wish to examine now the data emerging from the answers given by the different groups forming the sample. Table 8 Perception of immigrants functionality in the Italian labour market (percent values) Immigrants are helpful in some jobs Immigrants steal jobs to Italians Yes No I don t I don t Yes No know know Total North-West North-East Centre South and Islands Men Women Primary school Junior-high school High school University degree Entrepreneur. Professional person. Self-employed worker

227 Immigration and Society in Italy 227 (Cont d) Table 8 Immigrants are helpful in some jobs I don t Yes No know Immigrants steal jobs to Italians I don t Yes No know Manager Employee Teacher Worker Housewife Student Pensioner Jobless Source: Ismu, 2005 Two questions were aimed at determining the overall perception of the functionality of foreign immigrants presence in relation to the Italian labour market. Observing the data reported on Table 8 it is possible to understand how far the conviction of immigrants labour functionality in relation to the Italian economy needs has become by now as an unquestionable fact for most Italians, though there is still a difference between northern and southern Italy, such as evidenced by other inquiries carried out in recent years. The belief that immigrants may steal jobs to Italians seems now rooted only in about one third of the population; this share seems stable since few years. As to geographical distribution, such as in 2003, the North-West (by 28.6%) and the North-East (by 28.6%) of Italy prove to be the areas in which the opinion expressed in the question is less spread. Another question concerned the relation between immigrants presence in our country and criminality growth (Table 9). Table 9 Perception of the relation between immigration and criminality (percent values) Immigrants increase criminality Yes No I don t know Total North-West North-East Centre South and Islands

228 228 Giovanni Giulio Valtolina (Cont d) Table 9 Immigrants increase criminality Yes No I don t know Men Women up to 10,000 inhabitants ,000 inhabitants ,000 inhabitants Over 500,000 inhabitants Primary school Junior-high school High school University degree Entrepreneur, Professional person, Self-employed worker Manager, clerk, teacher Worker Housewife Student Pensioner Jobless Source: Ismu, 2005 The percentage of those who declare to share the belief that this relation exists is decreasing in comparison with 2003 in an almost homogeneous way, both as regards the different geographical areas of residence, and the other variables considered by the inquiry. In this regard, a relevant decrease was particularly reported among persons in possession of a primary school diploma and housewives. The following question regarded the cultural enrichment immigrants may bring to our society and our culture. As we can notice in Table 10, the stabilization process of this belief continues, and after the considerable increase reported during the two-year period, as from 2003 up to now, it seems to have won over most Italians. It is almost useless to highlight, once again, how the variable related to educational levels plays a major role in determining a favourable attitude, which is in fact ranging from 40.5% among those who are in possession of a primary school diploma to 73.5% among those in possession of a university degree.

229 Immigration and Society in Italy 229 Table 10 Cultural enrichment produced by immigration (percent values) Immigrants culturally enrich us Yes No I don t know Total North-West North-East Centre South and Islands Men Women Primary school Junior-high school High school University degree Entrepreneur, Professional person, Self-employed worker Manager, Employee, Teacher Worker Housewife Student Pensioner Jobless Source: Ismu, 2005 The issue concerning the right of vote to immigrants, tackled in the following two questions of the inquiry, confirms that in 2005, too, there does not exist among Italians a substantial preclusion to extending the right of vote to immigrants (Table 11). In comparison with the 2003 survey, the percentage of those who declare to be in favour of granting the right of vote to immigrants has become much higher, and has won, in the case of administrative election, over more than one half interviewees. The difference between the persons in favour of this right and those opposing it in 2005 results greater than in 2003, namely by 12.3 points as to administrative elections, and by 6.8 points as to political elections. Even though the current political debate does not seem particularly focused on this theme, the time in which this right will be granted to regular immigrants residing in our territory does not seem far away any more.

230 230 Giovanni Giulio Valtolina Table 11 Opinion on granting the right of vote to immigrants (percent values) Administrative elections Political elections Yes No I don t I don t Yes No know know Total Norh-West North-East Centre South and Islands Men Women Primary school Junior-high school High school University degree Entrepreneur, Professional person, Self-employed worker Manager, Clerk, Teacher Worker Housewife Student Pensioner Jobless Source: Ismu, 2005 Such as it happens in other important issues concerning immigration, educational level seems to be the major variable that discriminates assuming a favourable or unfavourable opinion. There are 26.7 points of difference as to administrative elections between favourable persons in possessions of a primary school diploma and graduates, and 20.6 points of difference between them as to political elections. Once again, gender and age segment prove definitely less significant. Finally, we wish to examine the opinion expressed by interviewees about the policy on immigrants adopted by the government (Table 12).

231 Immigration and Society in Italy 231 Table 12 Opinions about the policy on immigrants adopted by the government (percent values) Favourable opinion about the immigration policy adopted by the government Yes No No opinion Total North-West North-East Centre South and Islands Men Women Up to 10thousand inhabitants thousand inhabitants Favourable opinion about the immigration policy adopted by the government Yes No No opinion thousand inhabitants 22,9 49,9 27,2 Over 500thousand inhabitants 22,0 53,1 24,9 Primary school 22,3 38,3 39,4 Junior-high school 27,3 45,8 26,9 High school 28,8 52,9 18,3 University degree 25,6 62,0 12,4 Entrepreneur, Professional person, Self-employed worker 29,4 49,5 21,1 Manager, Clerk, Teacher 25,4 55,0 19,6 Worker 29,9 47,7 22,4 Housewife 23,8 35,3 40,9 Student 26,5 61,0 12,5 Pensioner 25,3 40,5 34,2 Jobless 22,4 49,3 28,3 Source: Ismu, 2005 In comparison with the previous 2003 survey, the share of those expressing a whether favourable or unfavourable opinion on the immigration policy adopted by the government seems steady, differently from the previous years, when a meaningful consent fluctuation was reported. It is in any case important to underline once again that the way in which this question was formulated does unfortunately not allow distinguishing among the relevant number of unsatisfied persons those who would welcome a policy with lesser grants from those who, on the contrary, would be inclined to greater open-mindedness. The issue whether the share of unsatisfied persons is asking the government for greater opening or greater

232 232 Giovanni Giulio Valtolina strictness, which had already emerged in the past years, proposes itself once again almost unchanged. 9.4 Final Remarks Facing the meaningful events which, such as we have highlighted in the introductory part of this paper, characterized the international scene over 2005, the overall emerging picture, as regards Italy, appears still characterized by fears and concerns. Undoubtedly, immigration represents for Italians a source of anxiety, so far, though it is equally true that Italians increasingly see in it also resources and potentialities. The progressive awareness of Italy s role within the global migration system, and Italy s change from an emigration country into an immigration one, have become elements that belong to the common feeling of most Italians. The data emerging from empirical surveys, though being sometimes apparently paradoxical, are however in the position to remind us, such as several researchers point out, that there is often dissociation, opposition between perception and reality. This happens particularly when entities such as the foreigner come into play, because they raise deep feelings that are not driven by reason or experience and are instead driven by an emotiveness generated in the social world but incited by political or mass-media factors external to the phenomenon of immigration itself. This happened in the case of the riots in the banlieues of Paris, which are not the fruit of immigration, of being foreigners, but instead of immigrants uneasiness deriving them from the frustration generated by feeling excluded and marginal, in spite of so many promises; from being segregated in decayed urban suburbs and slums, in spite of so many integration and assimilation projects. The fears focusing on immigration reflect therefore national issues, such as the data collected by the European inquiries evidence: labour, in countries such as Germany and the new EU-members; social insecurity, in countries such as Italy troubled by a too rapid opening to the world, by the change in social sceneries which were familiar so far. And, once again, it is clear that interethnic coexistence without a system of shared and respected values can only generate intolerance and increase fears.

233 A Five-Year Monitoring Action on Migration in Lombardy by Vincenzo Cesareo 10.1 The Activities of the Regional Observatory for Integration and Multiethnicity Holding fast to the etymological meaning of the verb from which it draws its name, to consider, to carefully observe, both with one s physical eyes and with the eyes of one s mind, the Observatory for Integration and Multiethnicity of the Lombardy Region has studied for five years now the actual situation of migration in the territorial context of Lombardy. The Observatory carries out studies and inquiries on immigrant population quantitative characteristics, and on particular themes such as immigrants inclusion in the production system, housing and settlement processes, health-related problems, participation in the educational system, reception structure mapping, identification of best practices aimed at immigrants integration. This studies and inquiries allow identifying appropriate answers to the critical points identified from time in the integration and change processes taking place today in the Lombard society, which is increasingly becoming multiethnic. To the development of the study and research activities carried out the Observatory contribute several universities and other organizations, as well as the Provincial Observatories on immigration, which act as precious information terminals about migration reality in the different provinces of Lombardy. Special studies and inquiries on immigration qualitative and quantitative extent, on matters such as labour, house, health and school, are available on line (websites: and and visitors have not only the possibility to examine all the surveys and inquiries

234 234 Vincenzo Cesareo carried out since 2001 onwards, but also to have access to thematic databanks for specific information purposes Migration Development Process: The end of a five-year period of activities is also an opportunity for drawing up a first balance. Going back over the history of immigration in Lombardy from 2001 to 2005, the Observatory confirms a gradual and continuous consolidation process of the phenomenon of migration, which takes now the shape of a structural element in the Lombard territorial context, such as it is evidenced not only by the quantitative data concerning the extent of this phenomenon, but also by a few qualitative elements (for example, the growing presence of the second generations). As to January 1 st, 2001, the overall estimated number of foreigners living in the Lombard territory and originating from heavy migration pressure countries, fluctuated from a minimum of 405,000 units to a maximum of 435,000 units, while current estimates point out an overall presence ranging from a minimum of 776,000 to a maximum of 813,000 units. In general, considered in the space of the five-year period, the total number of resident migrants has undergone an intense and generalized growth: between January 1 st, 2001 and July 1 st, 2005 it increased by almost 90%. The annual pictures provided by empirical surveys, based from 2001 up to now on a sample of 8,000 cases/year point out (Table 1) an average yearly increase by 15.2%. Table 1 Number of foreigners originating from heavy migration pressure countries present in Lombardy: matrix of the geometrical average yearly increase rates (per 1,000), years ,4 120,0 131,9 152, ,4 139,3 163, ,0 193, , Source: Regional Observatory for Integration and Multiethnicity We notice that over these five years of monitoring, migration flow origins have considerably changed (cf. Table 2). In 2001, the

235 A Five-Year Monitoring Action on Migration in Lombardy 235 highest number of immigrants present referred to Moroccans (58,000), followed by Albanians (41,000), Egyptians (32,000), Philippine (31,000), Chinese (22,000), Senegalese (20,000), and Peruvians (19,000). As to July 1 st, 2005, estimates point out the presence in Lombardy of 94,000 Moroccans and 87,000 Albanians (who still remain on the top, as to persons present); however, in the first places of the list enter also 66,000 Romanians, followed by 52,000 Egyptians, 41,000 Philippine, 40,000 Chinese, 37,000 Ecuadorians, 34,000 Peruvians, 30,000 Senegalese, 28,000 Ukrainians, 27,000 Indians. Seven further nationalities including 10-22,000 persons are also present (Sri Lanka, Pakistan, Tunisia, Ghana, Serbia-Montenegro, Bangladesh, and Brazil). Table 2 Number of foreigners present in Lombardy from January 1 st, 2001 to July 1 st, Major countries of origin Countries Absolute values (thousands) Index numbers (base 2001 = 100) Morocco 58,4 63,0 70,6 81,4 94, Albania 41,1 47,6 50,4 61,4 87, Romania 14,8 19,6 36,8 48,5 66, Egypt 31,9 34,8 40,5 42,1 52, Philippines 31,2 31,9 34,9 35,7 41, China 22,2 23,1 28,1 31,2 40, Ecuador 6,1 7,5 24,0 26,7 37, Peru 19,4 21,1 26,0 31,9 34, Senegal 19,8 20,9 24,0 29,6 30, Ukraine 1,3 1,8 15,5 19,3 28, India 11,8 13,6 16,2 21,0 27, Sri Lanka 13,4 14,9 17,9 17,7 22, Pakistan 9,1 11,9 14,5 18,4 21, Tunisia 14,2 15,6 15,8 18,2 20, Ghana 8,9 9,2 8,8 11,5 12, Serbia and Montenegro 3,2 14,7 12,3 13,2 11, Bangladesh 4,0 5,4 6,4 7,3 10, Brazil 7,1 8,4 8,9 10,3 10, Total first 18 countries 327,9 365,0 451,6 525,4 650, Total % All countries 419,8 467,4 557,3 647,6 794, Source: Regional Observatory for Integration and Multiethnicity

236 236 Vincenzo Cesareo To outline an exhaustive picture of the changes that have taken place, it is interesting to add to these quantitative variations referred to origin, also some qualitative changes: from a progressive gender balancing to the growth of families, up to the consolidation of the new generations. From 2001 to 2005, a tendential gender difference re-balancing process has begun to take place within all the foreign communities. Not only family reunifications, but also the growth of women s immigration depending on job and economical reasons, have contributed to support these dynamics. An analysis of demographic data referring to this first five-year period confirms that immigrations continues to be in Lombardy a phenomenon concerning particularly young generations. We are however in front of an overall increase in mean age among the resident foreign population, which rises from 31 years in 2001 to 34 years in With reference to the presence of irregulars (Table 3), 2005 data report a considerable increase by about 20,000 units in comparison with Subjects not in possession of a regular residence title particularly gather in the province of Milan (60-70,000) and in the territories of Bergamo and Brescia (almost 13,000 units in each province). From the point of view of presence density, that is, the share of foreign population in relation to the overall resident population, the incidence rate passed from 46.3 reported in January 1st, 2001 to 84.6 in mid-2005.

237 237 Table 3 Irregularity absolute frequency and rate among foreigners present in Lombardy, years Province as to Irregulars number (thousands) Irregulars per 100 persons present as to as to as to as to as to as to as to as to Varese ,9 6,6 2,5 3,7 3, Como 3,1 5,6 1,5 3,6 3, Sondrio 0,6 0,7 0,5 0,5 0, Milan 48,1 84,2 40,1 60,7 67, Milan city 31,4 55,8 27,5 41,3 33,3 18 Hinterland 16,7 28,5 12,6 19,4 34,3 19 Bergamo 8,6 9,7 3,8 5,1 12, Brescia 10,6 19,3 6,3 9,2 12, Pavia 3,9 4,4 2,0 2,9 6, Cremona 2,4 4,7 1,4 1,8 2, Mantua 2,5 3,4 1,7 2,4 2, Lecco 1,7 3,2 1,3 2,0 2, Lodi 1,6 1,9 0,8 1,3 1, as to Lombardy 87,1 143,6 61,9 93,2 115, Source: Regional Observatory for Integration and Multiethnicity

238 238 Vincenzo Cesareo Table 4 Density dynamics of foreigners originating from heavy migration pressure countries present in Lombardy, years Provinces Density (foreigners per 1,000 inhabitants) (1) (1) (2) (3) Varese 27,1 31,8 42,1 44,2 52,6 Como 29,8 35,1 36,6 45,9 56,7 Sondrio 14,1 16,2 19,3 25,3 35,2 Milan 58,1 65,9 79,1 82,6 93,6 City 110,0 133,7 154,0 144,9 140,5 Hinterland 30,6 33,0 40,8 50,9 69,5 Bergamo 40,2 42,5 51,7 63,0 84,7 Brescia 54,7 65,0 66,7 89,7 111,5 Pavia 29,6 30,4 35,2 46,2 68,9 Cremona 39,3 46,6 52,3 64,0 77,5 Mantua 44,5 48,3 60,3 73,0 92,5 Lecco 33,7 39,5 44,9 52,5 63,4 Lodi 34,7 39,4 54,0 63,4 72,1 Lombardy 46,3 52,4 61,7 70,1 84,6 Notes: (1) Ratio between number of foreigners present and total amount of resident population as to October 21 st, 2001 census. (2) Ratio between number of foreigners present and total amount of resident population as to January 1 st, (3) Ratio between number of foreigners present and total amount of resident population as to January 1 st, With reference to July 1 st, 2005, density ranges from a minimum of 32.5 foreigners out of one thousand inhabitants in the province of Sondrio to a maximum of out of one thousand in the city of Milan, with two territorial realities that hold reverse positions in terms of classification of the highest increases concerning this indicator compared to the beginning of After all, in virtue of all the empirical evidences we have reported, we can argue that we are in front of a phenomenon which, despite a mature if not even saturated context, such as the city of Milan, is taking increasingly roots all over the territory and is rapidly expanding even in areas that, only few years ago, seemed peripheral on a meso/inter-provincial (Sondrio) or a micro/intra-provincial (other municipalities in the province of Milan) scale, and has at the same time achieved a considerable extent in contexts, such as Brescia and Mantua, which are also characterized by the highest shares of foreigners out of the total students number.

239 A Five-Year Monitoring Action on Migration in Lombardy 239 Diagram 1 Number of foreigners originating from heavy migration pressure countries per 1,000 inhabitants, years : city of Milan and Lombardy Region mean value This high and quick growth finds a specific and even more relevant confirmation in the school context, which reports 187 different nationalities of origin. According to the data provided by the Regional School Office of Lombardy, during the school year 2004/2005 foreign students totalled 88,170 units, 40.0% of them concentrated in the territory of Milan, with much higher distribution rates in the provinces of Brescia (15,199 foreign students) and Bergamo (9,942). However, the province of Mantua is the one reporting the highest foreign students incidence in relation to the whole students population, with shares by more than 12-13% in nursery, primary and junior-high schools, which lower to 4.7% only in high schools. In general, the incidence of non-italian by citizenship students out of the overall number of students, is increasingly rising all over Lombardy: from 2.7% in the school year 2000/2001, to 3.6%, 4.5%, 5.8% and 7.0% in the following years, though reporting a relative slowdown only in the school year 2004/2005 and a constantly linear increase rate in all the years and in all provincial territorial contexts forming the demographic, social and economic fabric of the region. The widespread growth of the new foreign generations in terms of school attendance is proved by the fact that foreign students represent by now 8-9% of the overall number of students attending the nursery, primary and junior-high schools in Lombardy, with lower

240 240 Vincenzo Cesareo rates only in high schools (by 3.8%), which in any case are increasingly growing, either. The presence on the territory of an evergrowing number of foreign minors groups is a relevant phenomenon not only in itself, but is also an indirect signal and the consequence of the changes occurred over time in Lombardy in immigrants family profiles. In this regard, among foreign communities we can notice at the same time a tendential gender re-balancing, a decreasing number of relationships between unmarried and married persons over time, an increasing percentage of married persons living with their partners, and a growing number of house owners (from 8.5% in 2001, to 14.7% in 2005). As to employment, the data collected by the Regional Observatory for Integration and Multiethnicity evidence higher participation rates in the job market among foreigner residents in Lombardy. The trends reported over this five-year period point out, in fact, a meaningful consolidation in employment conditions. At the same time, irregular employment to which East-Europeans are mostly exposed is undergoing a downward phase. However, in this regard, we have to underline that, in relation to their origin East-Europeans report lower unemployment rates than the overall ones. Finally, we want to briefly mention the area of health. In this regard, it is worth mentioning that ordinary hospitalizations are usually connected to problems concerning the sexual reproduction sphere. The latest surveys point out that in 2004, the share of newborn babies with foreign parents discharged from either public or private hospitals of Lombardy totalled 9.9% out of the overall number of discharged babies Going into Some Specific Themes Immigrants Labour Demand and Entry Quota Determination Immigration flow policy, which is developing in our country, since a few years provides for that entry visas for labour purposes are issued to non-eu citizens basing on yearly quotas planned by the government. This process, which involves both institutional and non-institutional actors, establishes, such as provided for by the law

241 A Five-Year Monitoring Action on Migration in Lombardy 241 n 189/2002, that quota determination is carried out ex post, that is, on the basis of a quantification of needs expressed on a territorial scale. Regions, within the date of November 30 th of every year, have the power to transmit to the Presidency of the Cabinet a report on non-eu immigrants presence and conditions in the regional territory, including also forecasts concerning sustainable flows in the subsequent three-years period in relation to the absorption capacity of the social and production fabric (Art. 17, paragraph 4ter). The well-known lack of methodologies, along with the weakness of technical tools that may act in support of the labour needs estimate process on a local scale make it quite problematic establishing reliable forecasts. Therefore, considerable deviations may emerge among the anticipatory quantities determined by the Regions, the yearly determined quotas established by the migration flow decree, and the number of applications made by employers wishing to call from abroad the workers they search for on the labour market. What proves absolutely necessary is, above all, the development of a model in the position to establish the procedures for the use of statistical sources concerning the labour market. There are many kinds of available data in this area. Determining needs in advance is however a problem that sometimes cannot be easily solved. Having available updated indicators, which may be interpreted in terms of historical series (in order to identify emerging trends), represents the basis for developing the model itself. From this point of view, although being heterogeneous, there are two major sources that can be jointly used and combined. The first one is the data bank of the National Insurance Institute for Industrial Injuries (Inail) (notification of insured persons names), which records any start or termination of open-ended or temporary contracts, also referred to immigrant workers, and reports data that may be separated by territorial level and ethnic group. Through the information drawn from this database, it is possible to calculate increase (or decrease) in jobs in which foreigners have been employed in a given period of time. Information concerning new established companies, number of created jobs (or number of terminated jobs) may be compared with the information and forecasts provided by the Excelsior Information System, promoted by Union-

242 242 Vincenzo Cesareo camere (Association of the Italian Chambers of Commerce) and by the Italian Ministry of Labour, which in turn provide an overall picture of the labour demand expected by companies, also as regards foreign non-eu workers. The data collected every year by Excelsior surveys refer to the number of new jobs expected in the following year. Despite a meaningful difference in size between Excelsior and Inail data, the fact of discussing in terms of new created jobs and not about start-ups and terminations allows at least comparing both kinds of information and assessing whether they coincide or not. In any case, Excelsior data are, for the time being, the only available data in Italy referring to immigrant personnel recruitment forecasts, and as such, they are considered an irreplaceable reference point. However, these data do not allow determining whether requested foreign workers are those who are already present in Italy, or those that the companies would be prepared to call from abroad, or, again, if it is the case of foreign personnel already irregularly working in a company to be regularized by the company itself. In this regard, it is necessary to approximate a provided datum by searching, among the different variables this System allows combining and among the filters we can place in it, the one that better allows approaching the real situation entrepreneurs have to face as soon as they engage an immigrant worker, that is, a datum that might be considered as an application potentially addressed abroad. A comparison between a job-application filed by Excelsior and the number of employers requests received by the provincial employment bureaus with reference to the entry quota mechanisms, allows assessing the overall consistency of those data. Though a relevant gap still remains among needs estimates, established quotas and total number of applications made by employers, a consolidated cooperation procedure involving in particular Family and Social Solidarity Head Office, Regional Employment Agency, and Regional Observatory for Integration and Multiethnicity of the Lombardy Region, has allowed laying the preliminary bases for the development of a Lombard model aimed at monitoring needs. Incidentally, the definition of this approach, which has become stronger over time (basing also on the concrete methodological assumptions used for drawing up the Report on immigrants

243 A Five-Year Monitoring Action on Migration in Lombardy 243 presence and conditions in Lombardy: professional needs, in compliance with paragraph 4, Art, 21, Law 189/92) has been further developed by the Regional Observatory for Integration and Multiethnicity through a specific inquiry planned in On the basis of the remarks and analyses made by the Regional Observatory for Integration and Multiethnicity, the Lombardy Region has formulated, as to 2006, a forecast on immigrant labour needs of 32,000 new entries in total, 23,000 of which aimed at meeting company requirements, and 9,000 family requirements. The overall requirements for new entries in Lombardy have been calculated basing on the number of still outstanding 2005 applications, and their rejection and subsequent dismissal rates. Concerning company requirements, this comprehensive estimate has employed precautionary and restrictive criteria as regards the estimates provided by the Excelsior Information System, as well as job mobility coefficients especially calculated on purpose. As to family requirements, instead, also the data provided by the Regional Observatory have been considered. By distributing all established quotas by economic sectors, it emerges in particular that the industrial sector will predictably absorb an overall 26% contingent out of the total amount, and the company facility sector and the building industry 22% and 20%, respectively. In terms of distribution by provincial area, we underline in particular the absorption capacity of the province of Milan, totalling 38% (that is, more than 12,000 units) of the overall regional needs. This survey also allows obtaining a few suggestions for a synthesis, which can be brought back to the technical/methodological dimension the problem of needs calculation, even before entry quotas, continues to show. What, despite all efforts made, we could describe as a still weak, and for many aspects uncertain, methodological frame, which in turn is reflected in a rather empirical attitude in drawing up estimates, a risk that even the Lombard experience cannot escape, sends us back to the question of existing deficiencies in the available information basis. From this point of view, databanks and other available sources, with few exceptions, clearly delay focusing on the specific features and the numerous facets the phenomenon of a by now conspicuous immigrants presence displays

244 244 Vincenzo Cesareo in our country and in our job markets. The impossibility to harmonize the information (whether of an administrative origin or resulting from targeted inquiries) included in the different databanks is a source of additional difficulties for those who want to set about making reliable estimates on labour needs expressed by market and families. From this point of view, along with a necessary development and improvement of appropriate systemic convergence strategies referred to emerging information requirements, we underline the still existing problem of acceding new sources, and particularly those produced in consequence of the migration control processes implemented in our country. In this regard, the data concerning recruitment applications made by employers (companies and families), with reference to the established entry quotas, play a major role. If their value were properly enhanced, these data would provide a great deal of information of both a qualitative and quantitative nature, about actual labour requirements on a local scale, even in the sector of workers employed as home helps and caretakers, which still today escapes any kind of possible representation due to the lack of available information on this subject Foreign Students The surveys the Regional Observatory for Integration and Multiethnicity traditionally carries out on foreign students presence in the different school grades of the Lombard territory, have been enriched in 2005 by a new inquiry (to be published every two years, and which will be continued over 2006) aimed at monitoring foreign students transition from junior-high school to the two channels of high school and vocational training school, and focusing particularly on nationality and gender. During the first inquiry year, eleven provincial studies have been developed. These studies are aimed at providing an overall picture of the choices and the educational processes of year old foreign students within the school and in vocational training, paying particular attention to locally organized responses. Collected data confirm foreign students propensity to technological and vocational education: in the school year 2004/2005, out of 12,513 highschool students, more than 10,000 (by over 80%) were attending

245 A Five-Year Monitoring Action on Migration in Lombardy 245 technological or vocational schools. This tendency is rather homogeneous in all the different provinces, apart some minor deviations and depending on both the educational offer and the preferences expressed by the different national communities living in the territory. The reasons of this explicit tendency towards vocational training processes are of a different nature and will be reconstructed and further analyzed over the second inquiry year. However, we can right now point out that some elements that take part in the migration process are weighing, for the time being, upon foreign students educational and training choices. Most students attending high schools were born abroad, and have therefore been often included in the Italian school after having attended a school in their native country. This involves several difficulties during the school inclusion stage, in terms of language, adaptation to different learning/teaching styles and times, school programme contents, etc., which may lead to choose schools considered less demanding from the point of view of the study burden. In general, foreign students from European countries are more numerous in the Liceo than those coming from other continents. As to vocational training, during the school year 2003/2004, 7,067 non-italian by nationality students were reported in the age segment, representing 5.5% total students of the same age. We must however underline that the overall number of registered students does not coincide with the actual number of those attending vocational training courses in order to accomplish their school obligations. Only 32.2% foreigners are enrolled in this kind of activity, while a considerable share (63%) of them takes part in vocational guidance, advice and information projects of variable length, which may be repeated several times during a vocational training year. In general, young foreigners show fair propensity to the different opportunities provided by vocational training, particularly in the areas in which these activities are better organized, such as in the provinces of Milan, Brescia, Bergamo and Varese. The composition by country of origin and gender show some particularly meaningful aspects (Table 4). The most numerous group of users includes young persons from non-eu European

246 246 Vincenzo Cesareo countries (1,587 users), followed by those originating from non- Mediterranean Africa (1,597) and America (1,436). As to the different activity options provided by the regional offer, during the survey period it emerged that there are some gender differences: in proportion, foreign males accomplish more than females their educational obligations by choosing vocational training activities (by 23.3% vs. 16.9% among females). Table 4 Non-Italian by citizenship persons enrolled in vocational training activities by countries of origin and gender, Absolute and percent values, Lombardy, year 2003/2004 Foreigners A.V. % (column) % (line) M W Total M W Total M F Other EU countries Non-EU European countries , Non-EU Mediterranean countries , Other African countries , Other Asian countries , America , Oceania Total 4,028 3,039 7, Source: Monitor Web Lombardy Region data processed by ISMU Foreign girls, instead, are proportionally more present in highqualification (10.4% girls vs. 7.7% boys) and vocational guidance (68.4% girls vs. 65.2% boys) training activities. Considering exclusively the courses aimed at accomplishing educational rights/duties (addressed to boys and girls under-18 years of age), in the school year 2003/2004 foreign students totalled 2,277 units, with an 8.9% incidence; in the following 2004/2005 year, there was a considerable increase and foreign students rose to 3,039 units, with an annual +33% variation (Table 5). These data underline that the regional training offer has a positive attraction power for foreign users, since in this kind of courses, foreigners incidence on a regional scale in relation to the overall number of registered students totals 11.8%. The gender composition of these users does not noticeably change: in 2003/2004 the students attending compulsory training

247 A Five-Year Monitoring Action on Migration in Lombardy 247 courses were by 62.8% males, while in the following year their incidence lowered to 62.1%, thanks to the arrival of about 300 foreign girls. However, the feminization rate among foreign students is lower than that referred to the Italian ones. The first results of this inquiry aimed at identifying educational and training choices made by foreign minors, which is currently being carried out, allows pointing out that vocational training represents an important outlet for foreign boys and girls, and that this trend tends to increase up to become an alternative to traditional school education, where on the other hand, we can observe a definite tendency to make more professionally-oriented choices to be spent in the labour market. Table 5 Non-Italian by citizenship students attending compulsory vocational training courses by province, Absolute and percent values and percent incidence, Lombardy, school year Province A.V. % v. % incidence Bergamo Brescia Como Cremona Lecco Lodi Milan 1, Mantua Pavia Sondrio Varese Total 3, Source: Monitor Web Lombardy Region data processed by ISMU During the next inquiry stages, in particular, the motivations and expectations in relation to education, vocational training and job market will be closely examined. This inquiry is quite innovative, as on the one hand, it aims at comparing the two channels of education and vocational training, and on the other hand, considers an age segment (14-18 year-old young people) that proves particularly critical not only for foreign students in the development of one s personal and independent

248 248 Vincenzo Cesareo life project, on which conditions, constraints and resources achieve a particular weight How Do Immigrants Enjoy Health Structure Services All over 2004, Lombard hospital structures have dealt with 1,516,723 (1,517,072 in 2003, -0.02%) ordinary hospitalizations (NDO), 77,541 (by 5.1% out of the total number) of which involving foreign subjects. If we divide the total amount of foreigners stays in hospital by large areas of origin, we notice that the East-European component has now overtaken the North-African one. In fact, while the former sets itself at a 23.3 percentage, increasing increase by 0.5% compared to 2003, and by 3.2% compared to 2002, the latter reverses its downward trend, which had lowered to 21.7% over 2004, and returns to 2002 levels. In addition, the data referred to 2004 point out the substantial stability of the South-American component, after the considerable increase reported in 2003, while the other Asians component, including mostly Chinese, Indians, Pakistanis and Bengalis, proceeds in its upward trend. On the contrary, the South-East Asian component is slowly but continuously shrinking, while the share of ordinary hospitalizations referred to patients of West-African origin remains substantially stable. Rather similar are the trends referring to dayhospital stays, though the shares concerning individual large areas of origin are quite different from those referred to ordinary hospitalizations. These differences are particularly visible in the rates concerning South-American patients, who are instead more represented among day-hospital users rather than hospitalization ones. It is also worth mentioning the relevant growth of the East- European component (+3.2% compared to 2003, +4.4% compared to 2002), while the share of North-Africans is continuously increasing (+0.9% compared 2003) after a drop reported in As regards foreign women s reproductive health compared to Italian women s, we can notice in particular that Italian women s pregnancies passed from 105,780 in 2002 to 106,522 in 2004, while foreign women s ones passed respectively from 22,064 to 28,172. Foreign women s pregnancies currently represent 21% total preg-

249 A Five-Year Monitoring Action on Migration in Lombardy 249 nancies, though the percentage of foreign women old enough for having children (15-44) is only 9.6%. Again, in 2004, Italian women s pregnancies ended with 21,399 surgical births, 55,652 vaginal births, and 28,400 abortions. Foreign women s pregnancies ended on the whole with 3,767 surgical births, 11,379 vaginal births, and 12,721 abortions. In particular, in the two past years, among foreign women, pregnancies increased by 12.1% (15.0% surgical births, 13.3% vaginal births, 18.2% ectopic pregnancies, 6.3% miscarriage risks, and 10% abortions). The rates referred to surgical births out of overall births show a substantial regularity over the last four years in all the represented geographical areas. As regards birth events over the past five-year period, it is worth mentioning that Romanians have multiplied by four, and Ecuadorians have doubled. Albanians, too, have almost doubled, as well as Moroccans, Peruvians and Egyptians. With reference to abortions, they represent (with 28,400 cases) 26.6% overall pregnancies among the Italian populations, whereas they instead represent (with 12,721 cases) 45.15% pregnancies among the foreign population. Surgical birth percentages out of total births show a substantial uniformity, over the last four years, in all represented geographical areas. Abortion percentage among Italian women is constantly settled at about 26-27%, and is substantially similar to North-African women s percentage, being also one of the lowest rates. Much higher rates can instead be observed in the other populations. In particular, women originating from former-ussr countries report an extremely high abortion rate (by 65.3%) out of overall births, though this percentage has gradually decreased in recent years. Women originating from sub-saharan Africa present, too, very high abortion percentages by 50-60%, which did not substantially decrease over the period. Women originating from Latin America show constantly high rates over the considered fouryear period, by about 60%. Women from South-East Asia, too, report high though decreasing, from 44.2% to 40% rates, while Chinese (and other Asian ) women s rates range between 37% and 33.3%. Middle-East women report rather constant values, similar to the European percentages, by about 27-28%.

250 250 Vincenzo Cesareo The data that have been monitored over the last five years show light and shade. Light, as regards birth rate growth, which places the Lombardy Region among the Italian regions reporting a balanced, or slightly positive, natural growth. Shade, as regards the data on immigrant women s abortions, which still report too high percentages, although somewhat decreasing Immigrants Reception Structures in Lombardy Within the studies carried out by the Regional Observatory for Integration and Multiethnicity, a relevant place has been reserved to close analyses on the overall available offer of first and second reception structures over the whole regional territory, and the housing needs of the immigrant population. In 2005, the Observatory outlined a map of the different types of structures to which in Lombardy a foreigner can resort in order to face up to his accommodation needs. This survey, through a questionnaire submitted to the structures that had been identified by previous inquiries, or had been indicated as operating by the Provincial Observatories, reports an overall offer of 186 non-homogeneously spread structures in the different Lombard provinces, and diversified by kind of reception they provide and by the population target to which they refer. First of all, it should be noted that the territorial location of these structure reflects immigrants distribution on the regional territory. A high share of them is based in the provinces of Milan and Brescia, where foreigners incidence is one of the highest all over Italy. In terms of offer, these provinces are followed by those of Bergamo, Mantua, Varese, and with a slightly lower number of structures, Cremona, while Como, Pavia, Lodi and Sondrio, are instead the provinces including the lowest number of structures. The presence of appropriate reception structures on the territory is further confirmed by the offer of beds, which evidences an even higher concentration in the province of Milan, which alone offers 60% of the beds of the whole region. Such as we had already remarked in the past, it is absolutely necessary to enhance the reception offer in some provinces, particularly Pavia and Varese, which

251 A Five-Year Monitoring Action on Migration in Lombardy 251 provide a scarce number of structures in relation to the foreign population that gravitates to their territories. Referring to target-users the reception structure outline looks well-defined. On a regional scale, offer is centred on two different typologies: structures accepting male adults only and structures totalling more than one half of the overall number addressed to both adults and minors together. Quite often, the latter give shelter to single women (65.8% total cases vs. 33.4% cases referring to men), though the number of specific structures is still scarce. We can also notice and emerging preference to second reception structure implementation, that is, structures in the position to offer long-term or permanent stable accommodations. This is a policy trend aimed at overcoming emergency stages and facing up complex and integrated needs, such as those expressed by immigrant foreigners. Foreigners may have access to the overwhelming majority of reception structures, since 0.8% beds only are reserved to Italians. However, four provinces (Brescia, Como, Lecco, Varese) privilege the option of structures exclusively reserved to foreigners: the number of beds they offer is twice as much as those made available by the structures addressed to both Italians and foreigners. Underlining this datum means assuming that there is a higher share in absolute value terms of foreigners subject to housing uneasiness, but also means acknowledging, once again, the foreigner s greater difficulty in having access to different, and in some way softer and normal, ways to contrast this uneasiness. In other words, we notice a lack of ordinary policies aimed at meeting foreigner s housing requirements, along with a stereotyped and limited vision of this need, which does not catch its different aspects and tends to identify a response to them in reception structures. Only 25.3% beds are accessible by foreigners not in possession of a residence permit, and only one half overall structures are inclined to give shelter to acknowledged refugees. There is instead greater offer for asylum petitioners (46.5% overall beds) and particularly for those who are not in possession of a regular job contract (78.8%). Focusing on users, we remark that each area, province, city or town has to cope with different migration pressures and problems, which depend on both territorial (namely, geographical, socio-

252 252 Vincenzo Cesareo economic, town planning) characteristics, and the peculiarity of migrant users who need differentiated accommodation offers. The structures that have to bear the heaviest burden of persons present in the region are First and Second Reception Centres, followed by hostels/guest-houses. On a provincial scale, this burden is instead rather heterogeneous, reporting higher guest concentrations in the First Reception structures based in the south-west areas of the region (provinces of Milan, Pavia, Cremona and Mantua), and higher guest predominance in Second Reception structures based in the northern areas, namely, the provinces of Varese, Lecco and Bergamo. Different is instead reception structure distribution in the province of Como, where distribution is more unbalanced in favour of dormitories/night shelters rather than hostels/guest-houses. Ultimately, each Lombard province is characterized by the presence of a major group of large-size structures mostly concentrated in the chief towns of the province, where immigrants are more numerous, and by a variety of medium/small-size structures based in suburban areas, which are assigned to cope with the lower migration pressure reported in those areas. There is a clear reception stress difference between the southern and the northern areas of the region. In the regional segment ranging from the province of Varese to the province of Brescia, these structures prove to have a good reception capacity as regards users loads, either because reception demand is less pressing, or because the accommodation offer system is better organized. Quite different becomes instead the situation when we move southwards. From the province of Milan to the province of Mantua, passing through Pavia, Lodi and Cremona, the differentials between average assisted guests in 2004 and average available beds per structure are much higher than those reported in the northern areas of Lombardy, and this difference is evident both on a urban scale, and particularly, on a suburban scale (this is perhaps the most significant datum). Therefore, while the province chief towns pay for a heavy difference between accommodation demand and offer on almost the whole regional territory, the situation becomes different on a suburban scale, since northern provinces are in the position to easily absorb immigrants needs, but southern provinces pay instead for a

253 A Five-Year Monitoring Action on Migration in Lombardy 253 too high demand pressure and for the lack of appropriate reception structures in the position to face the province immigrants load Operators Working in the Area of Servi-ces/Facilities to Immigrants An inquiry focused on a scarcely explored migration aspect was carried out in This inquiry was focused on professional profile, training, motivational and inclusion processes of operators working in the area of services/facilities addressed to the immigrant population. The operators role deserves being particularly considered, as they often find themselves obliged to mediate between institutional norms and regulations, and all the various and peculiar immigrants needs. The search for appropriate solutions, by even forcing sometimes the interpretation margins of norms, leads to the creation of inter-exchange and mutual cooperation networks among different public service operators, as well as between public operators and social-private suppliers. In actual fact, the answer to immigrants needs, for example the need of medical cares, passes through the activation of informal contact networks, which jump over the boundaries between public and social-private, and those existing among the different public administration sectors. To the development of cooperation networks among subjects belonging to different institutions, the fact that many operators come from rather similar training processes and social contexts is not unrelated. To work with immigrants is a choice, even within the public system. Many operators come to this choice by making their previous voluntary, associative, union or political engagements become a profession. Many of them continue to maintain their relationships with social commitment circuits, and quite frequently add their professional engagements to voluntary work forms. Another relevant element consists in the signals of abandonment of a pattern in which Italians act as aid (whether professional or voluntary, public or social-private) providers, and immigrants as receivers. Local service/facility organizations include an ever-growing number of operators coming from the ranks of migrant populations, who are usually in possession of high educational levels and are trained through special courses (even though of changeable dura-

254 254 Vincenzo Cesareo tion and level) in order to play the role of cultural mediators, or to help making entry procedures easier. These persons have in general rather long residence seniority and good language skills, and are often engaged in immigrants associations. Sometimes, the operator s job represents a formalization of leadership roles that in fact they already held to the benefit of their fellow-countrymen and other immigrants. In this way, services to immigrants represent an innovation in the overall public service system, since they attribute to persons of foreign nationality important roles in the relationships with local communities, though still limited, for the time being, to the foreign population segment. All things considered, this inquiry has contributed to give an accurate picture of a motivated operators population provided with an experience that is increasingly consolidating, accustomed to working in network with other services and institutions, in possession of good cultural levels, continuously keeping itself up to date, and available to further training investments. In general, this inquiry has provided a still lacking dowel allowing to better know the interlacings and exchanges through which we try to concretely develop (on a local scale, and often apart from declared policies and from their rhetoric), support actions and integration measures, which by benefiting chiefly immigrants, may also produce in practice higher social cohesion levels and more enjoyable towns for all of us Territorial Project Monitoring Within the activities carried out in 2005, we wish to underline in particular the Observatory engagement in monitoring territorial integration projects, thus contributing to spread an appraisal culture as to the actions promoted by public organizations. Project appraisal and monitoring activities provide, in fact, the necessary technical and scientific contributions, which allow determining a systematically documented picture - in terms of work progress - of all the projects launched in the region, pointing out their strengths and weaknesses, as well as development and implementation processes. The final balance provided by this monitoring action allows the regional administration identifying whether the experimental actions carried out may be repeated, considering also

255 A Five-Year Monitoring Action on Migration in Lombardy 255 their innovative level both in terms of contents and in terms of involvement of the concerned institutional subjects and social parties. Over 2005, in order to enhance survey procedures, or allow a more rigorous appraisal of all implemented actions, the necessary controls for improving the adopted monitoring tools have been carried out, and the experimental application of ex post tools has been started. All information collected through special forms made available for this purpose will converge in the databank of the Regional Observatory for Integration and Multiethnicity. In this way, it will be possible to examine each project profile basing on the following data: promoting subject and planning year; project peculiarities, or intervention areas, project planning typology, aims and expected results; implementation schedule (duration, date of beginning, stages); physical context (concerned municipalities, population, resident immigrants); receivers (number and type specifications); involved subjects (typology and agreements); financing plan (requested regional contributions, EU financial support, resources from other sources, self-financing, total costs, allocated funds). The indicators to be considered in experimentation assessment let emerge the undertaken action impact, and urge, within the framework of an organic policy, developing and promoting further actions aimed at foreign population integration A Few Remarks in Perspective In the light of the results achieved through the five-year long inquiry work carried out by the Regional Observatory for Integration and Multiethnicity, we can undoubtedly say that the migration phenomenon has undergone a considerable evolution. Over four years and a half, in fact, the immigrant population has almost redoubled. Face to face with this migration pressure, the Lombard society has always shown a high reception capacity, and in this regard, it is useful to underline that the foreign population integration level in Lombardy has continuously improved over time. If we consider, in fact, a few elements, such as permanence regularity, inclusion in the job market, residence stability (for example, house rent contracts, owned houses), presence of families and reference communities, as well as other related data, we infer

256 256 Vincenzo Cesareo that in average, integration processes are accomplished within 4-6 years. Consequently, the integration level grows in proportion to the time in which an immigrant has begun to settle in the country of destination and, as particularly regards the Lombard territory, is further encouraged by the presence of groups of the same nationality. Furthermore, integration processes are faster and less problematic among young people, and also the religious factor does not represent a particularly discriminating variable. In particular, if we compare immigrants communities by whether Catholic or Muslim religious belonging, we can observe in particular that on immigrants arrival in Italy and during the first migration stage, integration levels are higher among practising Catholics and nonpractising Moslems There are however several outstanding problems that cannot be always easily solved. This is the case, for example, of the experience made with the Islamic school of via Quaranta in Milan, and the difficulties encountered by some schools located in urban and suburban areas, where the number of foreign students is so high as to cause tensions and difficulties also among Italian students families. Table 5 Major settlement indicators, years Independent (a) /precarious (b) accommodation solutions % of married persons living with their spouses % of married or common-law husbands/wives of the same nationality n.a. n.a. % of owned houses Note: n.a. Non available datum. (a) Owned or rented houses by a single person or with relatives. (b) Reception structure, house squatting, huts or emergency shelters, no fixed abode/anywhere, paying hotel or boarding house, free grant, etc. These events, along with those occurred in the banlieues of Paris lead us to reconsider the connection between immigration and integration and look for new interpretations and new intervention strategies. For this purpose, it is not only necessary to carefully focus on the already existing service/facility system or on other services to be identified and developed ex novo in order to

257 A Five-Year Monitoring Action on Migration in Lombardy 257 encourage foreign population integration processes in the Lombard territory, but also to attentively consider some less thoroughly examined issues, such as migrants association forms. From this point of view, the Regional Observatory carried out in 2005 an inquiry focused on this issue: a theme that, despite the publication of some recent studies, has not been investigated enough, and turns into a grey zone in the overall picture of the information we have achieved on migrations in our country. We have deemed it useful to closely examine this issue, since it has become a widely shared opinion now that immigrants associations are in the position to play a major role in view of their integration in the fabric of the host society. In particular, migrants associations have achieved, at least potentially, an acknowledged role as mediators between immigrants and host country institutions. Our comments and conclusions, along with reported data, lead us to believe that it is increasingly necessary to carry out a systematic monitoring action on the phenomenon of migrations and go in search of appropriate reading keys aimed at maintaining social cohesion. In this sense, the Regional Observatory has also become a tool for establishing a dialogue among the different involved institutional and social subjects directly or indirectly operating in the field of migration. Called into question for immediately catching and acknowledging any transformation process in society, the Regional Observatory is therefore committed to provide timely and precise information about the extent and the size of all events related to the complex reality of migrations. In fact, the current social, economic, cultural change processes lead to reread migrations in a quite different way, as today s migrations have taken different features from those of the past. In the light of globalization, a process in which space/time barriers tend to lower, the idea that contemporary migrations tend to take the characteristics of a diaspora (a term that in its original meaning implies movement and exchanges among different cultures and countries) is increasingly making its way. Diaspora consists, in fact, in the dispersion of a population that departs from a non-necessarily territorial centre, without losing contacts with it. This new diaspora-like migration configuration is strictly connected to the creation of transnational areas in the position to overcome spatial constraints through the process of globalization. Person,

258 258 Vincenzo Cesareo good and idea circulation allows, in fact, combining values, behavioural models, and attitudes of the society of origin with those of the host society, and leads to a new social space that goes beyond national borders. This leads to us consider immigrants no longer as individuals who have left their country of origin choosing an adopted country, but rather as persons who live at the same time between and within two or more cultural worlds. Recent studies made on second generations living in Lombardy, have in fact pointed out some behavioural models that are not only rooted in the culture of origin but also in the adopted one, thus giving origin to continuous interdependences. The latter contribute producing new dimensions and new spaces, in which migrants social relations are shaped by their obligations to their culture of origin and by their links with it. These relations, however, tend to be redefined and readjusted in the light of the social, economic, political and cultural contents of the host society. These current change processes, which lead to shape in a different way migrations themselves, produce a further innovative field on which the Regional Observatory attention is particularly focused, since it does not only aim at monitoring today s reality, but also at identifying and interpreting the tendencies of the near future. For these purposes, the service provided by the databank (accessible from the websites and achieves an ever-increasing and important role. The project of making available to users the inquiries carried out by the Lombardy Region Observatory, through the inquiry data collected on the regional territory, proves particularly useful for those who, for different reasons, are interested in the theme of migrations. The effectiveness of this tool is in fact evidenced by the lively interest it has aroused: as to date, the Observatory website has been visited by more than five-thousand users, who have also the opportunity of having access to a wide range of continuously updated information. The computerized files included in the Regional Observatory website represent now an extremely important documentary corpus, a direct expression of the specialized studies carried out on immigrant population quantitative aspects (link: population), themes concerning its inclusion in the production system (link: labour),

259 A Five-Year Monitoring Action on Migration in Lombardy 259 health-related problems (link: health), participation in the school system (link: school), reception structure mapping (link: reception), identification of best practices aimed at encouraging immigrants integration (link: territorial projects). The database consists of completely new documentary units and materials drawn from the general files of different data sources, which are processed basing on specific indicators established by users requests addressed to the databank managers, who may be contacted by . For this purpose, the language used is at the same time extremely rigorous, in technical terms, and easily understandable. It is possible to consult n the website also some provincial monographs, which represent the fruit of the in-depth research studies made every year. In addition, a synoptic table is also available, which reports all discussed subjects and the historical data sequence concerning the different provincial areas and referred to the most relevant themes. Finally, active links are included in the pages dedicated to the eleven Lombard provinces, which take part in the interprovincial network project supporting the Observatory and in the structures of the Regional Observatory for Integration and Multiethnicity (Integrated Steering Committee, Scientific Committee and Inter-Provincial Table). The computerized files are divided into the following areas: texts, rough and processed statistical data. Several important new actions and projects aimed at implementing the contents of the databanks opened by the Regional Observatory for Integration and Multiethnicity have already been planned, and will be developed in the near future.

260

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271 271 Statistical Enclosure: Immigration in Figures by Giorgia Papavero

272

273 A European Comparison Table 1 - Foreign population s % incidence in some European countries. Years Countries Austria Belgium Denmark Finland France 5.6 Germany Greece Iceland Ireland Italy* Luxembourg Netherlands Norway Portugal Spain Sweden Switzerland Turkey United Kingdom Bulgaria Czech Republic Estonia Hungary Latvia

274 274 (Cont d) Table 1 Countries Lithuania Poland Romania Russia Slovakian Republic Slovenia * Residence permits out of resident population Source: Council of Europe, National Statistical Offices, Oecd Sopemi Correspondents

275 Diagram 1 - Foreign population s % incidence in some European countries. Years

276 276 Foreigners Presence in Italy Table 2 - Foreign citizens resident in Italy as to December 31st. Years Region Piedmont 36,021 39,250 43,878 47,684 60,952 70,320 Aosta Valley 1,011 1,151 1,258 1,354 1,617 1,777 Liguria 19,016 19,779 19,289 19,904 23,986 26,394 Lombardy 125, , , , , ,183 Trentino A.A. 10,372 12,079 13,945 15,662 17,613 19,847 Veneto 39,287 44,700 50,662 57,575 71,102 83,172 Friuli V.G. 12,146 14,233 16,305 18,136 19,826 21,441 Emilia R. 43,085 47,379 52,397 57,803 70,568 81,265 Marche 12,125 13,825 15,717 18,048 21,958 24,697 Tuscany 41,713 45,414 48,702 52,109 61,611 71,870 Umbria 11,819 13,386 15,066 15,138 17,614 19,415 Lazio 113, , , , , ,848 Campania 21,511 22,491 23,925 25,263 32,424 38,456 Abruzzo 9,580 11,261 12,486 13,776 15,959 17,236 Molise ,105 1,170 1,381 1,612 Puglia 14,265 15,899 17,803 18,929 24,400 26,779 Basilicata 1,705 1,705 1,829 1,870 2,472 2,678 Calabria 7,653 8,365 9,290 10,058 12,980 14,552 Sicily 42,446 44,708 47,314 49,668 55,734 58,739 Sardinia 9,146 9,591 10,053 10,194 12,396 12,397 Italy 573, , , , , ,678

277 Table 2 bis - Foreign citizens living in Italy as to December 1st. Years Region * Piedmont 79,858 92, , ,402 n.a. 174, ,538 Aosta Valley 1,962 2,177 2,404 2,630 n.a. 3,636 4,258 Liguria 28,827 33,227 38,306 35,950 n.a. 53,194 65,994 Lombardy 255, , , ,564 n.a. 476, ,279 Trentino A.A. 22,016 24,867 28,280 30,326 n.a. 42,674 49,608 Veneto 97, , , ,074 n.a. 240, ,732 Friuli V.G. 23,827 27,362 32,290 38,122 n.a. 51,889 58,915 Emilia R. 93, , , ,453 n.a. 210, ,161 Marche 29,371 34,565 41,562 45,668 n.a. 70,557 81,890 Tuscany 82,390 96, , ,702 n.a. 164, ,608 Umbria 21,594 24,755 29,492 27,266 n.a. 43,151 53,470 Lazio 195, , , ,567 n.a. 204, ,847 Campania 43,690 50,210 56,196 40,430 n.a. 65,396 85,773 Abruzzo 18,934 21,840 23,916 21,399 n.a. 32,466 38,582 Molise 1,840 2,059 2,317 2,588 n.a. 3,183 3,790 Puglia 28,703 33,455 37,061 30,161 n.a. 42,985 47,943 Basilicata 2,738 3,294 3,572 3,416 n.a. 5,154 5,923 Calabria 15,322 17,423 19,525 18,017 n.a. 27,413 31,195 Sicily 60,744 65,985 70,122 49,399 n.a. 62,900 69,679 Sardinia 12,406 12,989 12,918 10,755 n.a. 14,371 15,972 Italy 1,116,394 1,270,553 1,464,589 1,334,889 1,549,373 1,990,159 2,402,157 * Oct. 21st, 2001, XIV Population Census Survey Source: Istat 277

278 278 Diagram 2 - Italy. Resident foreigners incidence percent out of total population. Years Source: Istat Source: Istat

279 Diagram 3 - Residence permits as to January 1st. Years (thousands) * the datum as to January 1st 2005 is an estimate Source: Istat 279

280 280 Table 3 - Italy: present and resident foreigners as to January st, 2003, 2004 and 2005 Foreign citizens January 1st, 2003 January 1st, 2004 January 1st, 2005 % var. Units Units comp. to prev. Year Units % var. comp. to prev. Year Regular foreigners present (a) 1,800,000 2,570, ,740, Foreigners with residence permit (b) 1,503,286 2,227, ,320, Foreigners reported by the Registry Office 1,549,373 1,990, ,402, of which: minors'(c) 355, , , minors' % out of resident foreigners foreigners' % reported by the Registry Office out of those present foreigners reported by the Registry Office x 100 residents (a) Estimated datum achieved by adding major foreigners with residence permit to foreign minors reported by the Registry Office. (b) in the stick as to Jan. 1st, 2004 are included about 26,000 regularization permits issued in the first months of 2004 but referred to foreigners already living in Italy at the beginning of that year waiting for application validation. The datum on residence permits as to Jan. 1st, 2005 has been estimated at an aggregate level, since the necessary information has not been yet released by the Ministry of Interiors. (c) the datum on minors as to Jan. 1st, 2003 is an estimate. Source: Istat, 2005 ( - Statistiche in breve. Gli stranieri in Italia: gli effetti dell ultima regolarizzazione)

281 281 Table 4 - Foreign citizens regularizations in Italy Geographical areas and Law 39/90 Law Decree 489/95 Cabinet Decree 1998 Cabinet Decree countries of origin MF %F % MF %F % MF %F % MF %F % Total regularized 217, , , , Europe 27, , , Central-East Europe 22, , , , , of which: - Albania 2, , , , Moldavia , Poland 5, , , , Romania , , , Ukraine , , Africa 127, , , , of which: - Morocco 48, , , , Senegal 15, , , , Tunisia 26, , , , Asia 46, , , , of which: - Bangladesh 3, , , , China 8, , , , Philippines 13, , , , India 2, , , , Pakistan 4, , , , Sri Lanka 5, , , , America 15, , , , of which: - Ecuador , , , Peru 2, , , ,

282 282 (Cont d) Table 4 Geographical areas and countries of origin Law 39/90 Law Decree 489/95 Cabinet Decree Cabinet Decree MF %F % MF %F % MF %F % MF %F % Pfpm's 208, , , , per 100regulars from Pfpm's 120,9 45,9 24,9 47,8 Information concerning 2002 regularization are the result of data released by the Ministry of Interiors and processed by Istat; information referred to the previous years is drawn from : Carfagna M., I sommersi e i sanati. Le regolarizzazioni degli immigrati in Italia in Colombo A., Sciortino G. (eds) Stranieri in Italia. Assimilati ed esclusi, Bologna, Il Mulino, 2002, pp Source: Istat, 2005 ( - Statistiche in breve. Gli stranieri in Italia: gli effetti dell ultima regolarizzazione. 15 december 2005)

283 Table 5 - Italy: number of foreign home helps by gender and geographical area of origin Area of origin Women Men Total Women Men Total Western Europe 2, ,984 2, ,962 Eastern Europe 17,208 3,010 20,218 22,297 3,227 25,524 North-America Central America 4, ,940 4, ,214 South-America 17,132 2,651 19,783 19,430 2,743 22,173 Middle-East Asia Asia: Philippines 27,989 10,367 38,356 30,457 11,011 41,468 Eastern Asia 6,071 8,842 14,913 7,059 9,320 16,379 North-Africa 7,648 1,899 9,547 8,209 1,728 9,937 Central-South Africa 11,326 2,439 13,765 11,335 2,217 13,552 Oceania Total 94,921 29, , ,641 31, ,643 Women % Percent values Western Europe Eastern Europe North-America Central America South-America Asia Medio Orientale Asia: Philippines Eastern Asia North-Africa Central-South Africa Oceania Total

284 284 Table 5 bis - Italy: number of foreign home helps by gender and geographical area of origin Area of origin * Women Men Total Women Men Total Women Men Total Western Europe 2, ,022 2, ,114 2, ,933 Eastern Europe 26,619 3,389 30, ,827 14, , ,800 14, ,709 North-America Central America 4, ,298 6, ,111 6, ,058 South-America 20,107 2,588 22,695 45,848 6,819 52,667 49,367 7,033 56,400 Middle-East Asia , ,388 1, ,554 Asia: Philippines 31,137 10,840 41,977 35,497 12,654 48,151 35,124 12,362 47,486 Eastern Asia 7,675 9,155 16,830 11,452 13,172 24,624 11,632 12,890 24,522 North-Africa 8,218 1,819 10,037 11,708 5,043 16,751 11,792 4,936 16,728 Central-South Africa 10,914 2,051 12,965 12,580 3,155 15,735 11,968 3,093 15,061 Oceania Total 112,730 30, , ,688 56, , ,472 56, ,716 Women % Percent values Western Europe Eastern Europe North-America Central America South-America Asia Medio Orientale Asia: Philippines Eastern Asia North-Africa Central-South Africa Oceania * provisional datum; Source: Inps data processed by Ismu

285 Table 6 - Italy: total number of home help workers by gender and nationality Nationality Women Men Total Women Men Total Women Men Total Italian workers 117,693 4, , ,457 4, , ,411 4, ,935 Foreign workers 94,921 29, , ,641 31, , ,730 30, ,294 Total 212,614 34, , ,098 35, , ,141 35, ,229 % (column) Italian workers Foreign workers Total % (line) Italian workers Foreign workers Total

286 286 Table 6 bis - Italy: total number of home help workers by gender and nationality Nationality * Women Men Total Women Men Total Italian workers 116,309 4, , ,211 4, ,375 Foreign workers 292,688 56, , ,472 56, ,716 Total 408,997 60, , ,683 60, ,091 % (column) Italian workers Foreign workers Total % (line) Italian workers Foreign workers Total * provisional datum

287 Statistical Enclosure: Immigration in Figures 287 Diagram 4 - Number of home help workers by nationality. Years Italian w orkers Foreign w orkers * Diagram 5 - Home help workers. Years % values by nationality