SSEMBLY. 945th PLENABY MEETING. !i!ii!i. ited Nations,ENERAL AGENDA ITEM 87. fifteenth SESSION cial Records CONTENTS NEW YORK

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1 ted Natons,ENERAL SSEMBLY ffteenth SESSION cal Records 945th PLENABY MEETING Tuesday, 13 December 1960, at 3 p.m. NEW YORK CONTENTS tem 87: claraton on the grantng of ndependence to colonal countres and peoples (contnued) pr.pÿesdent: Mr. Frederck H. BOLAND (Ireland). AGENDA ITEM 87 page 1247 araton on the grantng of ndependence to colonal countres and peoples (contnued) The PRESIDENT: I call on the representatve of Unon of South Afrca n exercse of the rght of.mr. FOURIE (Unon of South Afrca): We have lstened carefully to a debate whch has lasted for days. We were dsapponted that most of those partcpated n ths debate concentrated only on type of colonalsm. It was our hope that more attenton would have been gven also to the subjugaof other peoples n other contnents by conquest. It s nterestng to fote that Some of those who r crtczed the old type of colonalsm who, I mght menton n passng, also referred to country, contrary to the rules of procedure, dd look under ther own carpets to fnd glarng at the new type of colonalsm. Furthermore, some who also showed such keen nterest n the of my country, have been usng complmentary n referrng to the atttude of a contempomperalst Power. I can only conclude that they no concern for those who lve n subjugaton the new type of colonalsm or mperalsm. Many parts of the forty-three-power draftresolu- [A/L.323 and Add.l-6] are acceptable to my In fact, some have been taken verbatm the Charter. There are, however, certan other whch we cannot support, and t s therefore for my delegaton to go along wth ths resoluton n.ts entrety. I may add that, n our ths draft resoluton must be regarded as a unt; t stands or falls as a whole. Ths also to the other two drafts before the Assembly 02, A/L.324/Rev.2]. My delegaton does not, propose to vote on the consttuent paraf these are put to the vote separately. We that you cannot take any of these parts out of the Context. I was here on the rostrum, I thought I mght VOte. OMAR (Somala): I should lke to open ths by sayng that my delegaton s happy to full support to draft resoluton A/L.323 and 1247 Add.l-6, of whch Somala s a sponsor, or, for that matter, to any other draft resoluton whch calls for the eradcaton of colonalsm from the face of the earth. 'In ths matter my delegaton speaks for a people whch, lke so many other peoples represented here, s qualfed by experence to make an expert report on the results of colonalsm. Unfortunately, we of Somala can testfy from our personal knowledge to the sufferng whch s the nvarable concomtant of colonal rule. The absence n our country untl very recently of vgourous measures to acheve progress n such vtal areas as educaton, health, transportaton, communcatons and agrcultural and commercal development s a typcal legacy of colonalsm whch has left ts mark n the poverty and desttuton whch s the lot of so many of our countrymen. We know too the heavy hand of colonalsm n the unfortunate dvson of the Somal people nto fve separate terrtores, whch artfcal dvson has nevtably compounded the socal and economc problems of our people. 7. My delegaton would, therefore, be not only the frst to call for, but also the frst to lend support to anyone who advocates the end of colonalsm n all ts manfestatons. In vew of ths, the Sovet Unon has earned both our congratulatons and our grattude for havng taken the ntatve to secure the ncluson of ths tem n the agenda of ths Assembly. 8. We are at a moment n hstory when all the condtons are rpe, as Toynbee has sad, "for an age of welfare for all"; but ths s genunely true only because t s also an age when there may be freedom for all. The technologcal, ntellectual and poltcal developments of the centures have combned to make possble the emancpaton of manknd from economc as well as poltcal bondage. In the economc sense, ths was a bondage dctated n the past not only by man's nhumanty to man but also by the absence of those techncal developments whch have now made possble the creaton of an economy of abundance, freeng maÿ from the unremttng tol whch for so long has been hs nescapable lot. 9. It s too well known to requre elaboraton here that n masterng the forces of nature n the atomc age, man also has acqured a power of mutual annhlaton. The ncalculable powers of destructon at our dsposal have deprved us of the ablty of makng whatever choce we would lke to make n pursuance of world power poltcs. Hstory and the atomc age dletate our answers to many questons, not excludng that of colonalsm. We cannot afford the development or contnuaton, of unrest and conflct n any part of the world today. The result of such stuatons s clearly to ntensfy the rvalres exstng between the great Powers today and the settng up of rval clams and postons on the part of other natons that may be tempted to see n these areas of nstablty the opportunty for advancng ther own vews, ff not A/PV.945, I! J ;!!!, :4 ',,:.,:,!!!!

2 1248 General Assembly- Ffteenth Sesson- Plenary Meetngs ther own nterests. The rapd and orderly settlement of the clams of colonal peoples s ndspensable f we are to avod a repetton of the tragc crcumstances whch preval today n the Congo and whch have thus far defed soluton by all the natons assembled at ths sesson. Yet what has happened n the Congo may be only a mnor catastrophe n comparson wth what may yet come n other areas of the world. 10. In South Afrca we stll hear the plea of domestc jursdcton nvoked to preclude dscusson of the deteroratng stuaton there, a stuaton whch nvolves the fate of mllons of oppressed people. It would be tragc enough f only the members of the self-styled amaster race" were the nsane vctms of ther own polces, or f the vctms ncluded only the nnocent mllons under ther mmedate control; but the obvous truth s that the exploson thattakes place n the Unon of South Afrca, f we are unable to prevent t, may rock not only that country but the entre world. The West as a whole bears the moral onus of the nhuman practces of that most sprtually hackward of all States, of those who have chosen to set themselves "apart" from the stream of humanty as a whole. 11. We do not beleve t necessary to repeat here the theme that the record of colonalsm has been and contnues to be a dark age n human hstory. In our vew, t s far more sgnfcant that the hstorc condtons whch made possble ths perod of explotaton have long snce passed and that the survval of colonalsm s an anachronsm we cannot afford to tolerate. 12. However, have referred to the case of South Afrca, and shall brefly menton condtons n Portuguese Afrca, so that we may all understand that we are not dealng wth an academc ssue. I shall here content myself wth the followng quotaton from an authortaldve and moderate observer, Anthony Sampson, n hs book Common Sense About Afrca: athe frst major nvestgaton was conducted by the Brtsh journalst H. W. Nevnson n 1905, who was sent out by Harper's Magazne to nvestgate allegatons of slavery. Hs book, A Modern Slavery, and the reports of later nvestgators, revealed the large-scale use of forced labour, n condtons hardly dstngushable from slavery. Ffty years later Harperts sent another Brtsh journalst, Basl Davdson, on the same enqury. Hs report n hs book, The Afrcan Awakenln% together wth reports from the Ant-Slavery Socety and the Internatonal Labour Offce, suggest that the abuses of 'contract labour' or 'contratados' are stll wdespread. Nearly half the labour force of Angola, accordng to Davdson, s stll made up by 'cont ratados' as opposed to 'vohntaros' (379,000 to 420,000). 'Contratados' are obtaned by the local 'Chefe de Posto', who provdes them ether from tax--defaulters or by pressure on the local Chef: tÿ s sad that n many cases the Portuguese offcals were heavly brbed to produce contract labourers. The workers on the cocoa felds of the sland of Sÿo Tom6 are stll--as they were n the tme of Nevnson--largely obtaned from the forced labour of deported Afreans.,U!/Anthony Sampson, Common Sense About Afrca (New York, The Macmllan Company, 1%0), pp These quotatons are enough to show that ^,ÿ.ÿ"'- n Portuguese Afrca stll lve under ÿ.ÿ ÿcea ÿs condtons. ÿuauraaÿ 13. My delegaton also cannot refran from a bre reference to one of the most tragc demonstra,ÿ f the scourge of eolonalsm.ÿe refeÿ... ÿ as 0f ble stuaton n ÿ Algera, where the war aganst ^ Algeran people ÿs now entered " tÿ \ÿ... :, : :ÿ:... Its SeF!EverW effort made to treat theÿ Alÿe;ÿenth Year ; ' ' b -L.I.ÿI.II C t l erent fro any o er man staton of 'ÿm, m regaro Algera and ts people a... ÿ.unlal. part of metropoltan France, to brl;ÿ ab..:a ÿeÿal ; memberment of Algera whch we regard as one and ;! ndvsble, and to deny to ts people the rght to self. determnaton under free condtons--all of these efforts are doomed, to falure and can result o Y ÿ perpetuaton of the tragedy whch has alreadynÿer ;ÿ,s!fÿd.ÿr tgo long,,_ ;...,......, The new cry that an Afrcan country, be t Algera or that often-forgotten part of Somalland known n colonal termnology as the French Somal Coast, can become part of France s unacceptable to us Afrcans. 15. The problem of Algera s n no fuudamental re. spect dfferent from the problem of any other colony, and t can be successfully solved n no other way than by the uncondtonal lqudaton of colonalsm. We venture to make these few remarks on ths subject because n our vew Algera eptomzes the entre colonal problem. We shall of course speak on ths problem at much greater length when t s our turn to do so before the approprate bodes of ths Organ. zaton. 16. We have heard the vew of some representatves that colonalsm today s n effect self-lqudatng. The evdence offered n support of ths ncludes the admsson to the Unted Natons of seventeen new natons ths year. Those who put forward ths vew, however, overlook several facts. TheTe was nothng automatc about the process of emancpaton n the past. It was acheved only by the heroc sacrfce and struggle of mllons n the colonal empre. Moreover, the countres stll under colonal rule consttute a hard core, the percng of whch wll requre even more vgorous efforts than those heretofore exerted. In these efforts should be ncluded both the co-operaton of those natons whch have espoused the prncples of democracy and of the unted Natons tself, representng the collectve wll and the publc opnon of all the peoples of the world. 17. Sometmes we hear the argument of domestc jursdcton adduced aganst Unted Natons ncasteres. It s sad flÿat the Unted Natons has no rght to ntervene n colonal countres even by exertng moral pressure. It s the vew of my delegaton that the Unted Natons cannot be expected to abdcate ts duty of usng ts moral prestge and ts unequalled moral authorty, as the custodan and symbol of the hopes of all the natons, to acheve the fnal stages of the lqudaton of colonalsm wth the mnmum dangers and the maxmum benefts. It we are correct n our analyss that the survval of manknd depends upon elmnatng all possble areas of frcton and all threats to peace, then we are left wth no alternatve but to nvoke the entre authorty of ths nternatonal Organzaton n vocng the demand that colonalsm be speedly lqudated and that the newly ndependent natons be asssted n establshng effectve govern' mont.

3 , that der n from to the rat seventh eran n of as an : about,ÿrd as e rght --all of result 3 already ntry, be mallland L Somal ceptable y other other wa,,11 ths zes the speak t s 3f ths I am certan that all of us would wsh also to that all the elements whch consttute a and ts natonal terrtory must be consdered wth the queston of terrtoral ntegrty unty. Unsettled boundares or arbtrary must be rectfed n accordance wth and commonly accepted crteron of of those ethnc groups whch also constard ths ce 'paton 3 mpre. :1 requre ÿ ;of ore the used the. Natons publc t of Natons s has no n by ts symbol m fnal the ve are he Afrcan-Asan draft resoluton [A/L.323 and properly refers to the mproprety of dsnatonal unty and terrtoral ntegrty. Paraof the draft declaraton reads:.any attempt amed at the partal or total dsrupton of the natonal unty and the terrtoral,tezrty of a country s ncompatble wth the pur- 0ses and prncples of the Charter of the Unted P. Natons. In a smlar theme, paragraph 7 reads:,all States shall observe fathfully and strctly the provsons of the Charter of the Unted Natons, the Unversal Declaraton of Human Rghts and the present Declaraton on the bass of equalty, nonnterference n the nternal affars of all States, and respect for the soveregn rghts of all peoples and ther terrtoral ntegrty." 20. Whlst my delegaton fully supports the contents : 0f these two paragraphs, we should lke to emphasze that phrases such as "terrtoral ntegrty" and "nonnterference n the nternal affars of States" should not be used as a dsguse for the contnued domnaon of dependent peoples and the denal to them of the rght of self-determnaton. When we speak of peoples, we do not mean merely those who lve under the domnaton of overseas metropoltan but also peoples who lve under the domnaof overland colonal Powers. In ths connexon I that the representatve of Ireland wll allow me 0 quote from hs well-thought-out speech delvered aa 5 December of ths year. 21. Speakng of the draft resoluton sponsored by the Afrcan and Asan countres, the representatve of sad, among other thngs: "... t s essental, we submt, that the rghts t for peoples not now enjoyng full natonal should be applcable to all peoples n all parts of the world, east or west, north or south; the rght to exercse full natonal ndependence be recognzed as Justly belongng to all whether the oppressors and the oppressed were of the same race, creed or c01our, or of dfraces, creeds and colours;" [935th meetng, 93]. 22. These words, we submt, strke at the heart of matter before ths Assembly. In order that ther may be made clear n the draft resoluton, representatve of Ireland expressed hs delegapreference that the openng part of paragraph 5 read: "Immedate steps shall be taken, n Trust and g Terrtores, and n all cases the soveregn rghts proclamed n ths are dened to any people, to transfer powers to the people concerned wthout any Conor reservatons... " [bd., para. t07]. delegaton would be only too happy to support a proposal. 945th meetng ÿ 13 December tute ndvsble economc enttes. Ths s partcularly true when artfcal boundares dvde homogeneous populaton groups, creatng economc and socal hardshps. We must be governed by the basc prncple, as expressed n the Charter of the Unted Natons, that the nterests of the nhabtants of the areas concerned are paramount. We cannot permt arbtrary lnes to overrde the welfare and hstorcal rghts of peoples, or to conflct wth the obvous mplcatons of the geographcal contguty of the regons concerned and the wshes of ther nhabtants. The dsregard of such prncples may well lead to dsgused forms of colonalsm, as wolves n the garb of sheep sometmes creep nto the fold. 24. Indeed, n our vew the worst legacy of colonalsm n Afrca wll be the endless number of terrtoral problems whch t has created as a result of the artfcal dvsons of homogeneous natonal enttes. 25. Colonalsm has seen to t, by leavng these terrtoral dsputes on ther hands, that Afrcans shall be dvded amongst themselves for a long tme to come so that erstwhle colonal Powers can explot ths dvson for ther own advantage. It s for us Afrcans to take full cognzance of ths fact and to strve for the amcable soluton of our dfferences so that the Machavellan doctrne of "dvde and rulen may not reappear n a dfferent and more subtle form from that t has taken n the past. 26. In concluson, f an overwhelmng majorty of the natons represented at ths sesson of the General Assembly agree on a vgorous declaraton, ths sesson of the Assembly may well go down n hstory as the "Assembly of Freedom" and our declaraton, as a "Declaraton of Freedom", would rank wth the great Charters of manknd: the Magna Carta, the Declaraton of Independence, the Declaraton of the Rghts of Man, and the Charter of the Unted Natons. 27. In so dong we shall, t s true, prmarly be recognzng hstory rather than makng t, for the march towards ndependence s so ndelbly nscrbed n the agenda of manldnd that t cannot be halted; nevertheless, n a sense we shall be makng hstory as well. 28. Mr. BOUCETTA (Morocco)(translated from French): Earler speakers from ths rostrum have descrbed, wth a talent I cannot hope to equal, the orgn, hstory and consequences of the sorry scourge that s called colonalsm. Some of the most brllant speakers have sought to gve t a defnton and to reveal to the world all the hardshp, sufferng and ntrgues /hat t conceals, and also the racal dscrmnaton and segregaton nvolved, culmnatng n the end n the explotaton n nhuman and shameful fashon of man by man, whereas men are borne free and people are all equal and should be treated as such. 29. I shall add nothng to what has been sad--and well sad--to defne ths phenomenon of colonalsm, whch wll long reman, alas, deeply engraved n the hearts and mnds of those who have endured t. To understand what t means n practce, wthout consultng dctonares or encyclopedas, ask a man, a woman, an old person, a chld, a famly, a people, a naton that have been colonzed, that have endured t or are stll endurng t, what colonalsm means. Maybe, they wll gve you no answer; but how mean-, j / I I : I.

4 1250. General Assembly -- Ffteenth Sesson- PlenaryMeetngs ngful and eloquent wll be ther slence' How many generatons have for centures suffered and are stll sufferng under t, from the days of the concessons and up to the brutal occupaton by armed force, whch went on all through the last century and the begnnng of ths century. 30. Tmes have changed and we are wtnessng today ths same phenomenon appear n new forms, wth a new deology and a new doctrne. That s why the task we are pursung today and for whch are forefathers gave ther lves and ther happness s a noble and major task. It must also be accomplshed completely and defntvely; t must unmask colonalsm n both ts ancent and ts present-day forms. 31. The dsntegraton and lqudaton of colonal empres s certanly one of the most salent features of contemporary hstory. After lengthy sufferngs and a heroc struggle, mllons of human bengs have successfully shaken off the oppressors' yoke and a large number of natons have reganed ther freedom and ther dgnty. Nevertheless, anachronstc though t may seem n the world of 1960, the expedtons, conspraces and acts of force that marked the establshment of huge areas of domnaton n the not very remote past show that the era of colonalsm s not by any means a thng of the past. Not only does t survve n ts most brutal classcal forms, not only does t contnue to wage absurd colonal wars but, n addton--and ths too s a characterstc feature of our tme--we fnd t assumng new forms of domnaton that are no wht less vrulent. 32. Ths s a problem whch merts all the attenton and vglance we can devote to t. That s why Morocco, a country whch has endured foregn occupaton and ts btter experence, a country flnt s devoted to the freedom and dgnty of ndvduals and natons, s gratfed to see the General Assembly takng up the mportant queston of the grant of ndependence to colonal countres and peoples. It s only natural that the Unted Natons should take up ths--n our vew, essental--problem. Specfc clauses n the Charter clearly show the mportance attached to the development of dependent countres and ther econom4c and socal mprovement wth a vew to enablng them to govern themselves and gan ther freedom. Furthermore, the basc prncples of the Unted Natons, the ams whch are the justfcaton for ts exstence, oblge t to deal, wth the least possble delay, wth the serous problems rased by colonalsm and ts consequences; for, as long as ths phenomenon perssts, all the prncples on whch the Unted Natons s based and whch should govern any nternatonal communty Worthy of ts name wll be volated--whether t be respect for human rghts and dgnty or equalty as between persons and peoples or the rght of peoples to self-determnaton'. 33. We fal to understand, speakng for ourselves, how anyone can stll talk here about certan obsolete deas, acclamng the merts of "enlghtened" colonalsm, vauntng ts lofty deals or attrbutng to t any knd of humantaran or cvlzng msson. The hstory of colonal conquests, far from beng a peak achevement, confronts us wth qute dfferent realtes. It s nothng other than a stormy successon of wars and expedtons waged by Powers ntoxcated by ther economc and mltary potental, seekng to gan strategc postons and hankerng for wealth and prestge. The struggles for power between these opposng Powers, ther polces of colluson and ÿ 1 ntr es to partton whole con ents reneot ltt! credt oh the Powers nvolved ana are certanly not a 1 glorous page n the hstory of manknd And how could t be otherwse, seeng that co. lonalsm has ts laws and ts dogmas, ts own da. lectc and ts own logc. To start wth, t nfrnges the prncple of the equalty of ndvdua-ls and gnores ther most elementary rghts. Above all, t sgn. tes dortlnaton, enslavement and explotaton of the ndvdual. Occupaton of any terrtory entals, to begn wth, a clash between two temperaments, two personaltes, dscrmnaton between the colonzer and the colonzed. The nferorty of the latter to the former becomes a sacrosanct, prncple of colonalsm. 35. It s a pont worth mentonng that the occupyng countres whch have often thought ft to regard the occuped terrtores as an ntegral part of ther own terrtory--some of them even,' n a fanced dsplay of generosty, grantng ther ctzenshp to the conquered populatons--haye never gone so far as to carry ths fcton to ts logcal consequence and grant complete.equalty of rghts. 36. The recent hstory of Algera s most nstructve on ths pont and shows us the nnumerable changes that have been made n the legal status of the Algerans at the whm of the colonzng Power and the varous categores through whch t has successvely passed to ft the needs of the polcy of the moment. 37." Colonalsm, by ts very nature, excludes any form of equal rghts whch mght operate to ts dsadvantage or undermne ts rule. Even where t parades ts cvlzng vrtues and certan humantaran deals, t s manly drected towards the explotaton of wealth and s prone to look upon the natve of the country merely as a means to an end, a means of producng somethng cheaply. The mercless logc of such a polcy has led, and s stll leadng, colonalsm to practse the most extreme forms of nequalty of rghts and to buld up a system of racal segregaton. 38. World publc opnon contnues to feel deep resentment at the outmoded polces that are stll followed n certan parts of the world, more especally n Afrca, whch consttute a negaton of the basc values of cvlzaton and a serous affront to human dgnty. 39.' The Afrcan and Asan countres most mmedately affected by racal dscrmnaton have often been heard denouncng and stgmatzng such behavour. The serous decadence n human cvlzaton reflected by ths dsgraceful behavour was strongly condemned at the Asan-Afrcan Conference held at Bandung n 1955, and agan at the sessons oft he Conference of Independent Afrcan States held at Accra and Monrova and qute recently also at Adds" Ababa. 40. These voces from Afrca and Asa met wth a resoundng response from world publc opnon. The problem of racal segregaton s stll one of the gravest and most dffcult problems whch our Organzaton must solve. For nstance, under screen of humantaran ntentons, the colonalsts often trample underfoot the most elementary rghts of the Indvdual. Smlarly, on the pretext that the nhabtants of the occuped regons are unable to explot ther wealth, and that they want to help them to

5 uson and s reflect certanly eeng tha s, ts owl t nfrnges Is and all, t lotaton,ry eraments the of the t the ; to.rt of!anced p to so far as Lence and erable atus of Power and.s succes the rate to ts m where t n :he e natve nd, a ccless g, of al ) feel deep Lt are stl t lore n of front to most '.on have zng lan [r was e renc e essons States also at Asa met publc s stll 3mS nce, he mentary retext e unable to help develop ther economy, the colonalsts do not hes- ' tÿte to proceed systematcally to explot that wealth. Iÿ He fnds hs energes stfled and subjugated. 2ÿ1 Iÿ vd An TÿW that ndvdual many countres s not even ll Afrca allowed and to Asa prove have hs,..ÿ ndependence we can see how emancpaton nÿe expanson of energes that were formerly muzzled have stmulated the progress and well-beng of the populatons and that t was foregn occupaton that kept the economy, trade and agrculture at such a backward level. 42. After beng for long regarded as a reserve of raw materals and plentful cheap manpower, the countres of Afrca and Asa have now become aware of themselves and have realzed that, by freeng ther energes, ndependence opens the door to economc expanson and socal and cultural progress. Several examples of ths have been cted. I would lke to add the case of my own country, Morocco, where n four years of ndependent exstence we have provded schoolng for more than a mllon chldren, or ten tmes more than was acheved n forty-four years of occupaton. Our economy, whch was a subsdary and slave economy, s gradually becomng a natonal economy operatng for the progress and well-beng of the people. Socal securty benefts are avalable for everyone and the socal welfare measures ntro. duced snce we became ndependent are much, very much, superor to those whch exsted before. Dsermnaton and dfferentaton of every knd have been abolshed and we are contnung the fght aganst unemployment and for the happness, prosperty and well-beng of our people. 4S. Ths means the dsappearance of the myth of chronc ncapacty whch the colonalsts were fond of attrbutng to the peoples whom they oppressed. One of the most dsturbng aspects of colonalsm, however, partcularly at a tme when all efforts are drected towards mantanng peace, s the permanent whch t represents for the securty and stablty of the world. 44 The reason for ths s, frstly, that colonal settlement often goes hand n hand wth terrtoral parttonng and evokes the dvsons, or even exthe dsputes, whch at a gven moment n hstory may exst between certan peoples. 45. The terrtoral parttonng whch resulted from the splttng up of whole contnents nto zones of nfluence, the ntrgues and manoeuvres resorted to by colonalsm n order to acheve ts ams haye had the effect of exasperatng the peoples who suffered from them. Ths parttonng and dsof terrtores stands n formal contradcton the very prncples of our Charter and prejudces, prejudces, the terrtoral unty and nof States That s how, as we have had occason to pont cut and to repeat, our country was parttoned, splt mutlated and dvded because colonal Powers at the outset of ths century to dvde t up bethem qute heedless of ether the wshes of populaton or natural hstorcal and geographcal es. That s how a unted Morocco, formsngle ndenteal entty, has been amputated s nowadays presented as the ndependent of Maurtana and of terrtores the populatons :whch stll langush under colonal occupaton, 945th meetng December such as Ifn, Segua E1 Hamra, Ro de Oro, Tndouf, Tdkelt, Ceuta and Mellla. Each of these terrtores s under occupaton, desgnated varously as overseas terrtory, overseas establshment, "presdo" or suzeran area; but the form s everywhere and always the same and s nothng other than colonal occupaton. 47. Our task here today s to lead the attack aganst these trcks of dvson and dsunty. It s also to resst, n the best waywe can, colonalst desgns based on the prncple of "dvde and rule" or "dsunte n order to hold on". 48. We refuse to accept balkanzaton, "katanganzaton" and "maurtanzaton". We cannot but voce our regret and resentment at the fact that the same colonal Powers, whch at the end of the last and begnnng of the present century parttoned and dvded up Afrca nto zones of nfluence, are today objectng to reunfcaton and regroupng. Thus, by seemng to have Maurtana admtted to the Unted Natons, France and her alles sought to make the parttonng and dvson of Morocco a "far accompl", guaranteed and ratfed by the Unted Natons. The Sovet Unor, n opposng that admsson, and the ffty-sx delegatons whch expressed themselves n the Frst Commttee by ther affrmatve vote or ther abstenton, 2/were but respectng the prncple enshrned n the Charter whch demands respect for the terrtoral ntegrty of Member States. 49. We are profoundly sorry that certan representatves of great Powers not only dsregarded ths prncple but also faled to comply wth ther own oblgatons as sgnatory Powers of such nternatonal nstruments as the General Act of the Internatonal Conference at Algecras n They go on stubbornly persstng n ther mstakes and n ths very Assembly they reproach those who took the correct vew wth havng acted consequentally'. We would lke, therefore, to have ths pont made absolutely clear: we clam that the Sovet Unon, by castng ts veto, sgnfed ts objecton, nyokng the Unted Natons Charter, to recognzng the volaton of the terrtory of a Member State of the Unted Natons by another Member State. The Sovet Government desred n ths way to respect ts specal oblgatons towards Morocco whose ndependence t had recognzed n Why was not the same atttude adopted by all the delegatons and all the members of the Securty Councl? We can only regret the fact but we feel bound to denounce the colonalst acton whch dvdes up our country, rends asunder our people and mutlates our State. Anyhow, we shall contnue the fght for complete lberaton and for the safeguardng of our terrtoral ntegrty. Ths s a fght based on rght and justce. It s also the contnuaton of a polcy that has long snce been devsed to combat colonalsm, for resstance to oppresson haÿ been wrtten nto the hstory of peoples and forms one of ts essental factors. There s no n- "stance of colonal domnaton whch n the long run has not been oblged to capkdate to such resstance. That, of course, does mply a lot of hardshp and sufferng but the struggle of a people for ts freedom steels ts energes and adds lustre to ts name. What makes the stuaton more serous s that the centres of ntrgue and trouble whence eolontallsm launches -ÿ-see (3ffcal Records of the General Assemblyt Ffteenth Sesson, Frst Commttee lll8th meetng, para. 51. I

6 I '!/'!!! t + ::, 1252 General Assembly- Ffteenth Sesson- Plenary Meetngs' ts attacks for the conquest of strongholds consttufÿ a grave threat to peace and stablty n a number of very senstve areas. 51. We cannot reman ndfferent to the stuaton n Oman and West Iran, for n present-day crcumstances peace and securty are ndvsble. The concept of localzed conflct tends to dsappear; the extenson and the generalzaton of dsputes are always to be feared. One of the most strkng examples of the threat whch colonalsm holds suspended over world peace s the dsturbng stuaton whch prevals n Palestne, a country where cruel and despotc behavour has reached ts peak. A whole naton has been dsplaced, deprved of ts land and ts wealth, and doomed for the last fourÿen years to lve n exle. Ths Palestne shmton, whch evokes feelngs of ndgnaton and revolt n everyone's conscence, must be vglantly watched, for t s hghly explosve. It has already led to a local war, n 1948; t nearly produced a general conflagraton n 1956 and t consttutes a permanent source of dsturbances and nstablty n a hghly senstve area of the world. Generally speakng, the conquest of strategc strongponts, whch s stll the major am of colonalsm, s a constant source of trouble and a serous fltreat to world peace and securty. We all know how one event leads to the next and how the process marches nevtably on--establshment of mltary bases, armaments race, the organzaton of aggressve blocs. 52. The presence of armed forces, whch used to be excused chefly by the desre to consoldate poltcal domnaton and mantan powerful economc nterests, becomes an end n tself, dctated by strategc consderatons and formng an ntegral part of a polcy of blocs and allances. We energetcally protest aganst the threats whch, n ths way, bear partcularly heavly on Afrca where certan Powers, rejectng the dsarmament polcy whch the peacelovng natons propose should be followed, contnue to noursh aggressve ambtons and, under the pretext of jont defence, set up bases and carry out nuclear tests despte general dsapproval and contrary to the wshes of the peoples of Afrca. 53. We protest even more forcbly agamst the coalton of powerful nterests, the leagues of aggressve blocs formed aganst peoples who are fghtng to regan ther/ndependence, and ths s wherewe come to the most revoltng aspect of colonalst domnaton. The buldng up of overseas terrtores has not been accomplshed smoothly and peacefully. Empres on whch the sun never sets have not been bult up n an atmosphere of peace and calm. The path of colonalst conquests has always been marked by bloody expedt-ons n ts varous phases, more especally n ts declne. The lberaton of e01ohzed peoples has almost always been characterzed by mercless wars, for nether the deployment of a formdable mltary potental nor the strongest coalton of nterests can possbly prevent the oppressed populatons from wagng to the utmost ther lawful struggle for recognton of ther sacred and undenable rghts. 54. There sno need to dp very far back nto hstory to come upon classcal examples of colonal conflers. Some Powers have been engaged n war for many long years. Only recently Indo-Chna was the scene of large-scale operatons whch had aprofound effect on world securty and stablty. The war n Algera, whch has been gong on relentlessly for more t.ha. n sx years brngng unhappness a-ÿ nu s11ffeÿ ng m ts tran, contnues to remnd us of a Past-" would lke to see fever recur It contnueÿ o I,obÿ - we manfestaton of colonalsm n ts most bÿ,ÿl ÿ The endurance and tenaeÿ of the AI-ÿ-'ÿ torÿ -ÿ ÿ6ÿl!ÿin Peo ' evoke our admraton and our sympathy Th-.Ple phases of ts heroc fght are so ÿ,jÿl ÿ varl0us there s no need to descrbe or, recalÿthÿ ÿe,that detal. ' re ha 55. Our Organzaton has already on several oe. casons consdered, and s bound agan thÿ-- marked as t s by the accesson of sever-ÿ ÿ+year, Ireaÿ countres to ndependence, to consder ths dranm whch dangerously affects nternatonal Peace. We merely wsh to stress once more the grave rsks of the conflct beng wdened and nternatonalzed, more especally because of the assstance whch SOme natons persst n gvng to the colonalst aggressor. Facng as t does a desre for domnaton whch ds. regards hst6rcal evoluton and the rresstble ad. vance of natonalsmÿs, the Algeran people yet enjoys the support and sympathy of 1,500 mllon human bengs who used to lve not long ago n colonalst slavery and who have succeeded, after long decades of sufferng, n reganng ther freedom and ther dgnty. 56. Asa and Afrca show a new face to the world nowadays and we are convnced that the last strong. holds, behnd whch colonalsm has taken refuge, wll n ther hum soon crmnble away. Thus, the great famly of the natons whch have recently acheved ndependence wll go on expandng, to the maxmum advantage of everyone, snce ts functon Wll be to play a decsve role n mantanng peace, mprovng nternatonal relatons and promotng the progress, prosperty and well-belng of the peoples. At the same tme, though, as they are performng ths noble but very dffcult task, they must consoldate ther dearly-bought ndependence, put ther economes on a sound footng and contnue to be more vglant than ever, for the colonal Powers resort to other ways and means of perpetuatng ther domnaton and ther nfluence. 57. That s the reason why we want to thank the Sovet delegaton for havng requested the ncluson of ths tem n our agenda and nsstng that t should be dscussed, wth all the proper formalty, n our Organzaton. We shall support ts draft resoluton and my delegaton wll, lkewse, support any resoluton or solemn declaraton that proclams the mmedate endng of colonalsm n all ts forms and urges respect for the soveregn rghts and terrtoral ntegrty of all States wthout excepton. It goes wthout sayng that, as regards my country, these resolutons or declaratons cover the Whole complex of colonal terrtores, however they may be trcked out or dsgused as overseas terrtores or departments, "presdos" or suzeran areas, colones or protectorates, mandated or trust terrtores.we have aeen that, though the desgnaton may be dfferent, the system and methods reman the same and the sngle objectve s to explot human bengs, to explot the naÿral wealth for themselves rrespectve of any other consderaton. 58. We say loudly and clearly that we vrant no ndependence nat a dscount"; we wll never accept dependence or servlty and so we wll always and everywhere denounce puppet rggmes, balkanzatfon,

7 3ess I us of a ost bruta] thy. The well all them ] On gan, ths several der ths onal [e grave,toualz Lee [alst raton whch rress eople yet, ) mllon go n [ter long eedom and ace to the ; the s taken Thus, the ecently to the cton wll?eaoe, g the pro tes. At the ag ths onsoldate r rare vglant rt to other rant to ed the ug that t brmalty draft port 'oelams. ts ts and on. It goes ry, these thole may be ores or "eas, nay be ;.he same bengs, respectve t we want wll always es, economc, mltary or cultural don{naton. for real, true ndependence, whch wll development of the ndvdual and guarantee advancement and well-beng. That s how ;rand our fght for the future, one whch wll no tme for obsequousness or beatng about the or hestaton of any knd. Accordngly, the nto be granted to the colonal peoples must whch protects ther terrtoral ntegrty and not place them under any knd of domnaton. My s as anxous as any other to see colonalts death throes and lqudated once and for t wants ths ndependence to be somethng both as regards terrtory and as regards We are aware of the pretext advanced to the 'ecÿ that the colonal countres are not yet capable conductng ther own affars. That ÿs a msleadng baseless pretext and we reject t categorcally. consder that the frst step s to free the peoples colonal domnaton; t/rot s the essental prefer ther speedy evoluton. So long as they dependent, they wll be unable to organze countres poltcally, economcally and socally fashon and so as to serve ther own We can now perhaps draw a few conclusons L what has already been sad. Frstly, the eradcaton of colonalsm on a scale s desred by decent people all over world. The lqudaton and bural of ths parastevl was long overdue. Colonalsm stands coneverywhere and nowadays even the colonal are ashamed of t. They hde ther faces When referred to but they hde themunder a vel whch not dffer from the classcal colonalsm, nowaknown as neo-colonahsm. Secondly, the conscence of manknd rejects a derogaton from the concept of freesomethng that favours the sprt of domnaton, on a knd of parastsm n whch man behaves a wolf to hs fellow-man. The moral conscence and ths leads nevtably to nstablty n turn, hampers the advance of progress. Thrdly, the moral conscence used to depct the of empres as a cvlzng msson. Ths conscence presents the nee-colonalst mof today as a system for the defence of Whle ths mperalsm combats freedom n t provokes secessonst movements n and Maurtana, havng frst set up puppet completely unrepresentatve governments, the for power, the motves of proft, domnaton explotaton hde themselves behnd the false of freedom and take cover behnd a mltary mposed on a large number of weak countres. Before 1960 the fght for ÿreedom was waged drect colonal admnstraton. Ths classcal Gf colonalsm tred to secure n the countres ts control a monopoly of rawmaterals, and forced labour, sought to corner control ponts of strategc mportance and watch on foregn competton and, lastly, so-called cannon fodder stll to be found battlefelds n Algera. The characterstc )f ths classcal colonalsm s ts domnaton departments of publc lfe--admnstratve, 945th meetng December poltcal, mltary, economc, cultural, socal and dÿlomate. 65. After 1960 the fght for freedom enters a phase whch dffers only superfcally from the prevous phase. After emancpaton and lberaton from drect admnstraton, the peoples wll soon realze that poltcal ndependence brngs them to a perod of rehabltaton, marked by a struggle aganst balkanzaton and the parttonng of countres, aganst a reverson to captalst feudalsm, aganst foregn economc control and aganst mltary domnaton. In a word, nee-colonalsm confronts the countres that took part n the Bandung Conference wth the prospect of fghtng aganst the keepng of young countres n a state of dependence. Wth the prospect of such a sombre future before t, nee-colonalsm, n order to mantan tself, seeks to create and to aggravate the dvsons between the Afrcan-Asan countres and elsewhere also; t s usng and wll go on usng every means avalable to break up the Bandung bloc. It s tryng to separate Asa from Afrca. In Afrca t seeks to separate North Afrca from Central Afrca and from South Afrca. Nee-colonalsm fghts aganst the authentc ndependence that has been won at the cost of struggle and sufferng. It s redoublng ts efforts to have n Afrca and other countres only those forms of ndependence that are perverted or even mposed, as n Maurtana n Southern Morocco. 66. In the Unted Natons forum classcal colonalsm was wont to use a certan number of falsehoods lke pacfcaton, cvlzng msson, respect for tradtons, servng an apprentceshp to democracy, defence of relgon, properly qualfed spokesmen, foregn nfluence, etc. 67. Nowadays nee-colonalsm represents tself as a system of orderly evoluton, the protector of freedom, n order to mantan ts economc and mltary domnaton. It splts up the terrtoral unty of natons and offers t as a further contrbuton to freedom and ndependence. The lne markng the boundary between. the noton of evoluton and that of revoluton becomes harder and harder to perceve. 68. We lve n an age of scentfc and techncal revoluton and, at the same tme, our era s also an age of poltcal and socal revolutons, whch explans why the uncondtonal eradcaton of colonalsm s categorcally mperatve. 69. The trend of hstory s followng the drecton of freedom and unty. Freedom s a concrete dea--an economc, poltcal, socal and sprtual concept. Unty s a concrete dea mplyng the equalty, regroupng and unversalty of rghts and dutes. 70. When these two deas are respected, the evolutonary process follows the smple path of emancpaton and reconstructon. When nee-colonalsm nterferes wth ts ntrgues and provocatons, as n the Congo or Maurtana, the process becomes esmplcated. It passes from classcal colonalsm to balkanzaton, economc explotaton, popular revolutons and then to natural regroupng and, fnally, to natonal reconstructon n every sphere. 71. That s why the concept of ndependence s entrely relatve unless t s placed wthn the framework of terrtoral ntegrty and representatve government. [!! 51 [ %11! :,ÿ! /

8 1254 General Assembly- Ffteenth Sesson--Plenary Meetngs 72. The Sovet Unon's proposal wll a landmark n hstory. Wth colonalsm and neocolonalsm destroyed, t wll become moreÿ possble and feasble to brng men together. Snce mperalsm and the sprt of domnaton Were the major causes of world wars, the problem of dsarmament tself wll be smplfed by the lqudaton of the last vestges of the old empres. Peace s ndvsble; t goes hand n hand wth justce. When the evl that afflcts humanty has been extrpated, the benefcal effects wll be felt n every department of human actvty. Mr. Fektn (Lbya], Vce-Presdent: took the Char. 73. Mr. ROSSIDES (Cyprus): The subject whch we are now debatng n ths Assembly--the grantng of ndependence to colonal countres and peoples--s one of pre-emnent sgnfcance, n relaton both to ts moral content and to ts global encompassment. It s, n fact, an ssue of world freedom. 74. The dedcaton of the people of Cyprus to the deals of freedom and self-determnaton has been amply establshed by ther hard and long struggle for lberaton. As a people who have long suffered under foregn domnaton and experenced one of the saddest manfestatons of colonalsm and ts polcy of wdvde and rule", and as a country havng to cope wth the effects of colonalsm, we feel deeply wth all subject peoples yearnng and strugglng for ther freedom. Wth fullness of heart we espouse ther cause, whch s our cause, the cause of all peoples sprtually free. 75. We are therefore happy to co-sponsor the Afrcan-Asan draft resoluton [A/L.323 and Add.l-6] and to endorse ts vgorous declaratons. We endorse t not only because t contans a message of freedom but also because t contans the meanng of peace. 76. Freedom and peace are nseparable concepts and ndvsble realtes. Those who seek peace and deny freedom are workng at cross purposes. The negatveness of the latter destroys the postveness of the former. 77. Dsarmament and peace can only be acheved where world order regns, and world order s mpossble so long as natons seek to domnate other natons and peoples. Domnaton s lnked wth force, and force s the enemy of peace. 78. We are not theorzng; we are speakng from experence. &fter a long struggle for freedom n the poltcal feld over many decades, the people of Cyprus turned wth fath to the Unted Natons, hopng for a just and peaceful soluton. When negatve results brought dsllusonment and frustraton, bloodshed and armed resstance followed durng four years of fghtng, wth all ts feats of herosm and selfsacrfce, and also wth ts heavy toll n human lfe and sufferng. 79. Crtcsm s not the objectve of ths refergnce to the past. Its sense s to convey an experence ant an endurng lesson, that peace cannot last where freedom s dened, and that Unted Natons apathy and nacton on ssues of freedom do not help the cause of peace. When ths smple truth s realzed, many grave problems of today wll fnd ther natural soluton. If we are to move effectvely towards world peace, we must ensure world freedom; and to ensure world freedom, all forms of subjugaton and domnaton should be elmnated. 80. Colonalsm s a system of domnaton thaÿ survves and, therefore, t should, n the frst ÿuÿ be speedly abolshed. Its abandonment wll b/ÿgc,ÿ ts wake the Hberaton of all subject peoples n what. ever lands and by whatever means ther freedora s dened. 81. The resoluton whch, as we hope, wll emerge from ths debate s of far-reachng mportance. It wll be the collectve voce of humanty makng ts decsve pronouncement aganst colonalsm and n support of the rght of all peoples to self-determna. rch. In ts wder sgnfcance the resoluton wll mark the approachng end of a long era n human hs. tory, an era condtoned by the concept of force and domnaton, and wll open up vstas of a new world, a world based on equalty and the brotherhood of man. 82. The prmary and drect effect, however, of ths resoluton wll le n the termnaton of colonalsm as a world system, a System whch stll openly sanctons domnaton by one people over another. 83. Hstorcally, colonalsm, whch started byway of settlement for purposes of trade, soon took the form of subjugaton and domnaton of prmtve and under-developed lands and countres n Asa and Afrca, and eventually grew nto a poltcal system and a legal nsttuton. Recognzed under nternatonal law, expounded and classfed n consttutonal laws, colonalsm came to be accepted as a normal state of affars. Geography was traced n terms of colonalsm, and natonal and nternatonal lfe, for over two centures, turned on ts axs. In other words, domnaton by force, resultng n the deprvaton of fundamental human rghts to freedom, equalty and justce, has been, and sadly enough stll s, n the name of colonalsm, sanctoned and treated as the norm. However, the subjecton and explotaton of man by man and of naton by naton, so long tolerated and even admtted n practce, now offend aganst the moral conscence of humanty. 84. In the course of hstory manknd has gone through many stages and condtons, but ultmately ther fate has been decded by the human atttude towards them. They survve where moral prncple and freedom preval; they fnally decay and de when they run counter to man's nherent sense of rght and justce. Humanty, fndng no hope n them, casts them asde. Even slavery, now long outlawed, was for centures an accepted and lawful practce. 85. The contnuous human evoluton, shaped by ndustral progress and technologcal achevements, slow at frst, has n our present tmes so ganed n momentum that t successvely revolutonzes all preconceved notons that do not rest on a moral bass. 86. The stage has now come when the nsttuton of colonalsm, or any other forcble domnaton of one people over another, wll, n ts turn, be unversally condemned and abandoned. 87. Paragraphs 1 and 2 of the declaraton n the Afrcan-Asan draft resoluton read as follows: nthe subjecton of peoples to allen subjuga.tfÿ domnaton and explotaton consttutes a dentaÿ u fundamental human rghts, s contrary to the Char" ter of the Unted Natons and s an mpedment to the promoton of world peace and co-operaton.

9 945th meetng December L that St] rst nakng 3m and or, of other. d n took Asa 'ÿl system:!ll ernatona[ tonal lawsÿ Lal state of f colonalÿ r over tw0 l nd he name ultmately tftude ncple aÿ, when the ht and jus casts [, was shaped b! devemenÿ o ganed :f onzes a m a Inoÿ ton n Lows: o the pedment raton. "--,All peoples have the rght of self-determnaton; by vrtue of that rght they freely determne ther poltcal status and freely pursue ther economc, socal and cultural development." Ths s the call of humanty today, and these are the dctates of moral prncple. They cannot go unheeded. The age of domnaton by force already belongs to the past. All peoples have a rght to lve n freedom and to develop freely ther own culture and ther own poltcal and economc systems. The prncple of self.determnaton has been aptly called the cornerstone of the Unted Natons and the master key of the charter. People the world over look to freedom and self.determnÿton not only because they promote human dgnty and the asserton of human personalty but also as elements of peace and condtons necessary for effectve progress and nternatonal co.. operaton. For, ndeed, the wder the extent of selfdetermnaton, the broader the bass of peace n the World. Relatonshps of domnant and subject peoples Should be replaced by relatons between free peoples on a footng of equalty and trust. In ths way, cooperaton and peace can take the place of antagonsm and war. 88. The earler ths s realzed by those drectly concerned, the better for them and for world peace. An magnatve polcy on the part of those who weld power can lead no other way. They should move wth the movng tmes and the sprt of the age. Even from the vewpont of expedency, t would be n the nter.. ests of the domnant Powers to co-operate now wth what s rght whle there s stll tme and before rapd developments force them to co-operate wth the nevtable. Almost all the mert of that co-operaton would then be lost. 89. Forty-two years ago, Woodrow Wlson gave a far-sghted warnng to the world. In hs address to the Unted States Congress on 11 February 1918, he sad: tself-determnaton s not a mere phrase. It s an mperatve prncple of acton whch Statesmen wll henceforth gnore at ther perls The wsdom of that statement s now obvous from everyday realtes. 90. I am glad to note from the statement of the representatve of the Unted Kngdom, Mr. Ormsby- Gore, n regard to the smaller Brtsh colones, that hs country s prepared, as he sad, Sn accordance wth Artcle 73 b of the Charter, to work out wth the people concerned the form of ndependence whch wll best satsfy ther aspratons.ÿ [925th meetng, para. 41.] 91, Therefore, even n the case of all the small colones, ther ndependence s promsed by the Unted Kngdom. We earnestly hope that ths wll apply also to the brave people of Malta, whose progress to self-determnaton seems to have suffered a marked regresson n the new consttuton now offerÿt to them, whch s substantally less Hberal tÿr the prevous one. That s why we make partcumenton of ths colony. 92. Another vtal aspect of the draft resoluton s ts qecaraton n paragraph 6, whch runs: 'AnY attempt amed at the partal or total ds-,rupton of the natonal unty and the terrtoral ntegrty of a country s ncompatble wth the pur- POses and prncples of the Charter of the Unted Natens Ths s essental n order to counter the consequences of the polcy of "dvde and rulew, whch often s the sad legacy of colonalsm and carres ts evl effects further nto the future. 94. The abolton of colonalsm wll be a hstorc landmark n the moral progress of manknd. There s no doubt that ts mpact upon all forms of domnaton and oppresson wll nevtably be far-reachng. 95. We cannot, however, hope that colonalsm wll dsappear overnght. For a tme ts exstence wll nevtably contnue, but only whle t s beng gradually lqudated, n much the same way--to draw a rough analogyÿn whch a company contnues to exst whle n Hqndaton. The resoluton under dscusson wll be, n a sense, the recevng order ssued by the collectve judgement of natons n the matter of colonalsm. The Unted Natons could well be the - trustee n ths lqudaton. 96. The Charter of the Unted Natons, n Chapters XI, XII and XIII, whle takng cognzance of colonalsm, made provson for the progress towards ndependence of colonal peoples and terrtores. However, the progress acheved n these ffteen years has proved too slow to cope wth the growng rapdty of nternatonal developments, whch seem to take by surprse those more drectly concerned wth them. One manfestaton of these rapd developments s the almost sudden collapse of colonalsm, now evdenced n ths debate. The human nstnct for lberty, developng nto an urge and an mpellng necessty, s now an rresstble force. That force nspres ths debate and the resoluton whch wll be the outcome of t. 97. The nscrpton n the agenda of the General Assembly of an tem lke the present one was thought wholly unrealstc and unattanable even a few years ago. Such was then the grp of the old concept of colonalsm. It was not then an uncommon occurrence for questons of freedom and self-determnaton brought to the Unted Natons to be put asde, or bypassed, n resolutons wthout substance, nstead of leadng to the adopton of constructve resolutons. Ths was damagng to the prestge of the Unted Natons and to the cause of peace. For peace s not served by coverng up anomalous stuatons whch stem from volatons of the very prncples on whch the Unted Natons stands. That smply leads to greater :anomaly--and we are wtnessng the effect of that polcy today. 98. Adherence to prncple s steadly becomng more pronounced n the Unted Natons. The expanson of membershp by the addton of so many new States from Asa and Afrca, whch long struggled for justce and freedom n ther own cause, brngs to the Unted Natons a growng dedcaton to the Charter, partcularly notceable on questons of freedom and human dgnty. 99. It s common knowledge that colonalsm n ts -accepted form s a product of Western cvlzaton. But t should n all farness also be sad that t was that cvlzaton whch voced the staunchest moral condemnatons of colonalsm and explotaton and frst expounded the prncple of self-determnaton. All freedom movements have n some way or another been nspred by Western cvlzaton and blossomed n ts concepts. Some staunch opposers of Brtsh and other colonalsm may be found today n Brtan, and

10 ]! 1256 General Assembly- Ffteenth Sesson- Plenary Meetngs we are grateful to those lberal mnds n Brtan, no less than to those n other natons, who stood by our sde n the dffcult tmes of our struggle for freedom Another aspect that has been put forward s that of ensurng full ndependence to newly emergng countres. To quote Mr. Walter Lppman: "Colonalsm does not always end wth the grant of poltcal ndependence% Although a terrtory s ndependent, yet the legacy of colonalsm may sometmes be there and may n ts effect be a hndrance to the fullness of ndependence From the economc aspect, I should lke to turn to what has been sad by the representatve of Iran, to the effect that the economc reconstructon and development of new countres must be aded and ther freedom ensured so that they "wll never fnd t necessary, for reasons of natonal defenee, to allocate to mltary expendture funds essental to ther natonal development" [926th meetng, para. 69] Dffcult economc problems face the new countres, problems that have to be provded for. The Unted Natons has a dstnct oblgaton n that respect. It should be prepared to render all necessary economc and other assstance. Meetng these requrements s a necessty and a challenge for the Unted Natons We therefore support the Unted States proposal for a Unted Natons programme for ndependence and development n Afrca, and we hope that such a programme of development may be extended to Cyprus We would also wsh to see the Unted Natons take a more actve part n helpng newly emergng countres, as wel! as countres and peoples n the transtory perod to ndependence. A Unted Natons commttee could be establshed to assst where there are dfferences, by offerng ts good offces, by medaton and by brdgng the gulfs, thereby helpng n the smooth and speedyprogress toward ndependence Although the Afrcan-Asan draft resoluton s manly Concerned wth the grantng of ndependence to colonal countres and peoples, yet t s n no way restrcted. Its scope, n terms of freedom and selfdetermnaton, s all-embracng. It ncludes all peoples, n whatever land and n whatever crcumstances they are domnated and by whatever means they are deprved of ther nalenable rght to selfdetermnaton and freedom Ths resoluton wll, n a sense, be a sequel to and a counterpart of the 'Bandung Declaraton, adopted at the Asan-Afrcan Conference of The mportance of that declaraton cannot be over-emphaszed. It was the dynamc expresson of the awakenng Afrcan-Asan world unanmous n ts declaraton on basc moral and poltcal prncples. That declaraton was equally all-embracng n ts condemnaton of mperalsm and colonalsm, n all ther manfestatons, and n upholdng the rght of self-determnaton. From that conference a chan of events followed that cannot be unrelated to the sprt of Bandung. They produced a healther nternatonal clmate leadng up to the Geneva Summt conference. 3/Subsequent adverse events n nternatonal relatons nterrupted the trend of that postve move towards greater 3_/Conference of Heads of Government of r-he four great Powers, held at Geneva from 18 to 23 July understandng and co-operaton. We hope and trust that, wt] the resoluton to be now adopted, the thread wll be taken up and a new move forward Wll he made n the rght drecton, towards freedom and towards peace based on freedom In concludng, I should Hke to pont out that the draft resoluton, by relatng all ts parts tothe Unted Natons Charter and to the Unversal Declaraton of Human Eghts, not only gves a sound bass to ts contents', but also revtalzes the sprt of the Char. ter. It restores to the Charter provsons on self. determnaton somethng of the strength and purpose whch they may have lost over the years through n. effectve treatment of relatve tems of freedom Furthermore, ths draft resoluton gves to the Unversal Declaraton of Human Rghts a new sense of realty and valdty. Ths s Of mportance, con. sderng that that Declaraton has no bndng force n a legal sense, and that the completon and adopton of the draft Internatonal Covenants on Human Rghts cannot be expected, at least at the present rate of progress, before many years have elapsed Ths resoluton, f adopted, wll make a sgnal contrbuton, jurdcally and poltcally, to the Unted Natons. It could become an epoch-makng document, second only to the Charter and the Unversal Declara. ton of Human Rghts. We hope t maybe gven, by ths Assembly, the unanmous adopton t deserves lÿ[r. ZORIN (Unon of Sovet SocalstRepubles) (translated from Russan): The Sovet delegaton has already had the opportunty of presentng n detal ts vews on all aspects of the problem of the mmedate elmnaton of colonalsm; t has explaned and gven the reasons for ts proposals. The Sovet Unon s n favour of a radcal and mmedate soluton of the whole problem of colonalsm, and accordngly calls on all States that really desre the ÿpeedy lberaton of the colonal peoples to adopt, at ths ffteenth sesson of the General Assembly, the Declaraton on the mmedate grantng of ndependence to all colonal countres and peoples the draft text of whch has been submtted by the Sovet Government n document A/ In ts prevous statements the USSR delegaton has already ponted out that the overwhelmng majorty of Afrcan and Asan delegatons have sncerely expressed ther desre to see the mmedate termnaton of the colonal system and the adopton at ths sesson of the General Assembly of measures that would help n the performance of ths noble task. We should lke now to express our vews on the draft resoluton and declaraton submtted by forty-three Afrcan and Asan States [A/L.323 and Add.l-6]. The Sovet delegaton's opnon of ths Afrcan-Asan draft resoluton s, on the whole, favourable, even though we consder t nadequate and ncomplete. The draft resoluton-declaraton contans a number of fundamental provsons that were put forward n the Sovet draft declaraton submtted, as you all know, at the very begnnng of the ffteenth sesson. It can be sad "that the Sovetdraft declaraton and the draft resoluton presented by the Afrcan-Asan countres express a common platform and dentcal vews on a number of vtal questons. Ths s a gratfyng fact that proves that n the protracted struggle for the elmnaton of colonalsm conducted by the Sovet Unon, all the socalst countres and the Afrcan and Asan countres and peoples, there s an dentty of vews and a sngle fundamental purpose.

11 However, we must also pont out the defects whch we thnk the Afrcan-Asan draft resolurs. 945th meetng December Frst: we consder t essental to fx a target ÿf date by whch all colonal countres and peoples must ÿ be lberated. The call for the prompt lberaton of the :ÿ on [ and Jnon s,ÿon of ngly ton 11 h has nthe [.-6] We could observe, frst of all, that certan ragraphs are not drafted wth suffcent clarty; as result they are nterpreted dfferently even by the sponsors of the draft resoluton. We need only pont out that the representaÿve of the Phlppnes asserted t!ÿt what was enjoned n paragraph 5 of the draft d0claraton was not the mmedate transfer of all powers to the peoples of the colones, but rather the tÿkng or ntatng forthwth of steps whch would lead to such transfer of power. Approxmately the same nterpremuon of that paragraph was gven by the Malayan representatve, who stated that nthe declaraton toes not envsage... that all powers smll be transferred forthwthw [935th meetng, para. 130]. We are nclned to thnk that ths nterpretaton does not correspond to the desres of the 0verÿhelmng majorty of the sponsors of the draft resoluton. We have no doubt of the sncerty of the aspratohs and motves of the overwhelmtng majorty of the Afrcan and Asan delegatons, and we thnk that they do not agree wth such an nterpretaton and beleve n the need for the mmedate lberaton of the colonal peoples. The Sovet delegaton, too, nterprets paragraph 5 n just that way In a number of other provsons, also, the wordng could gve rse to nterpretatons contrary to :the basc meanng of the draft resoluton as understood by the majorty of the Afrcan and Asan counby ther statements n the plenary Leavng asde the queston of the desrabfffty of mprovng the wordng n a number of places, nee ths could complcate the consderaton of the draft resoluton-and ths the Sovet delegaton has no ntenton of dong--we should lke to ndcate two :fundamental provsons whch, n our opnon, the sponsors of the draft resoluton have completely faled to take nto account Frstly, the draft resoluton refers to the need the speedy elmnaton of colonalsm and for mmedate steps to be taken to transfer all powers to peoples of Trust and Non-Self-Governng Terrand of all other terrtores whch have not yet attaned ndependence. However, no precse target for the grant of ndependence to the colonal s ndcated. Moreover, the draft resoluton no specfc nstructons for the Powers whch responsble for the lberaton of the colones and Terrtores. It contans no ndcatons whatof what these Powers are to do and bywhat date. Secondly, an mportant provson s mssng: a to the effect that the General Assembly consder the queston of the mplementaton of declaraton at ts next sesson; ths s essental L'order to ensure that the man provsons of the are carred out. The Sovet delegaton has accordngly deemed to submt for consderaton by the Gen-. Assembly certan amendments to the Afrcandraft resoluton whch, whle leavng the exsttext unchanged, would ntroduce some addtonal that would gve effectveness to the genstated n the declaraton and would about ther speedy mplementaton. The followng are the essental ponts of these amendments. been adopted repeatedly at conferences of Afrcan and Asan States. AS early as 1955, for nstance, the States represented at the Asan-Afrcan Conference at Bandung adopted a declaraton to the effect that ncol0nalsm n all ts manfestatons s an evl whch should speedly be brought to an _ (ÿ) ÿ ÿ... ÿ ÿlÿÿ 120. Ths demand of the Bandung Conference s reflected n the draft resoluton now submtted to us. However, we must take nto account the fact that ths demand, adopted n 1955,.e. fve years ago, now needs developng further. Havng regard to the very rapd rate of development of the natonal-lberaton movement, t s ÿot enough now merely to repeat the demands that were made fve years ago It was for precsely ths reason that at the second Conference 'of Independent Afrcan States, held at Adds Ababa n June 1960, a resolutonwas adopted urgng the colonal Powers ÿ... to fx dates n confortuty wth the wll of the people for the mmedate attanment of ndependence by all non-ndependent countres and to communcate those dates to the people concernedw. The Sovet delegaton fully supports ths demand made by the representatves of the ndependent countres of Afrca Thus, n the past fve years the demand for the speedy elmnaton of the colonal system has been transformed--and very naturally so--nto a demand for the mmedate elmnaton of the colonal system, for the mmedate lberaton of al! peoples stll Lvng n condtons of colonal oppresson. In conformty wth the resoluton adopted at Adds Ababa, the representatve of Togo, when speakng here n the general debate, referred to the need to elmnate colonalsm as an urgent matter and emphaszed that: Our concern here s not merely to condemn colonalsm and adopt the prncple of the grant of ndependence. It s of the greatest mportance that we should also draw up, here and now, a tme-table of dates on whch the colonzed terrtores are to be granted ndependence. Otherwse the countres sÿfll n bondage wll have to face another long struggle aganst colonal power.w [936th meetng, par a. 65.] 123. We support ths proposal of the Togolese delegaton for the fxng of a tme-lmt for the grantng of ndependence and we propose that the end of 1961 should be set as the target date. We accordngly propose that a provson should be nserted n the draft resoluton of the Afrcan-Asan States, statng that all colonal countres and peoples should attan complete freedom and ndependence not later than the end of In our vew, ths shameful relc of the defunct colonal system can no longer be tolerated. 24. At the same tme, for the mplementaton of the practcal measures necessary for the transfer of all powers to the peoples of the colones, the Sovet delegaton proposes that the General Assembly should call upon the colonal Powers to enter nto negotatons wth representatves of the ndgenous nhabtanks of the colonal countres. In order that these representatves may truly express the wll and aspratons of the colonal peoples, the Sovet dele-!!: l [: j

12 126. Second: we consder that'ÿe deeÿraton on the grantng of ndependence to colonal countres and peoples s dfferent from the usual run of declaratons-such as the Unversal Declaraton of Human Rghts, for example--n that t s not a programme to be appled for all tme, but a programme of mmed- ate acton to mplement. '!; General Assembly--Ffteenth Sesson--Plenary Meetngs " ÿ ÿi I-- '! ÿÿq t essental that electons should be and are thus contrary to paragraph 2 of the declara uÿ I: ': held n ÿ. all ÿjlÿ colones ÿ on the bass. ofunxversal suffrage, ton n the Afrcan-Asan draft resoluton,whch qute : no1... In order to ensure a free expresson of ther wll by rghtly states that "All peoples have the rght of self. of determnaton". If any States have any clams or the peoples of the colones and to prevent any manpulaton of or jugglng wth the electon results,we con- reservatons to put forward wth regard to the ds. poston of any partcular terrtory, such matters sder t desrable that the Unted Natons should, f au should, n our opnon, be settled accordng to mert necessary, supervse the conduct of the electons. s n each ndvdual case; no attempt should be made to rase prvate clams and reservatons to the level of a general prncple restrctng the nalenable rght of every people to sell-determnaton In ths connexon, t s necessary to recall that durng the recent dscusson n the Fourth Commttee a majorty of the Commttee's members approved a proposal by Togo and Tunsa that the Unted Natons could, when t deemed necessary, supervse the democratc processes by whch the peoples of the colones express ther wshes [see A/4651, paras. 5-8]. We are all well aware of the mportance whch many Afrcan and Asan countres, and other countres too, attach to the holdng, for nstance, of a referendum n Algera under Unted Natons supervson, n order to ensure people's freedom wll For the reasons I have just stated the Sovet delegaton wll vote aganst the Guatemalan amend. ments. Mr. Sosa Rodrfÿuez (Venezuela), Vce-Presdent, took the Char The PRESIDENT (translated from Spansh): I gve the floor to the representatve of France, n the exercse of the rght of reply Mr. BERARD (France) (translated from French): I had not ntended to ntervene n ths dscusson, but, as references have been made to France by several speakers, may I be permtted to make use of my rght to reply to the varous representatves concerned. 132 To some of these let me say, frst, that the cÿeÿd. ÿ.ÿe... ÿ French delegaton was very glad to see ths quest!on ortaÿce The Unted placed on our agenda. I would remnd tlÿem maz m me the tÿme factor s of great mp - "sto of our Organzaton there had been nothng!tÿ' Natons 'ÿ';:ÿe declaraton cannot smply ol m(lependence confne ÿelf ÿor tu aaÿ ÿ,ÿoclamng uuÿv,ÿ, hÿ ry certan prncples, wthout takng steps for the appl,- lke what has happened n the course of the present caton of those prncples mplementaton sesson--i of seventeen mean the States admsson that were to formerly the Unted colonal Natons terrof the declaraton Afrcan-Asan draft resoluton for a clause provdng that the General Assembly should consder at ts sxteenth sesson n 1961 the queston of the mplementaton of ths declaraton For the reasons I have stated, the Sovet delegaton has already crculated and now formally submts for consderaton by the General Assembly the followng amendments to the draft resoluton submtted by forty-three countres of Afrca and Asa [A/L.323 and Add.l-6]: "Add the followng paragraphs after operatve paragraph 7: '8. Calls upon the Powers concerned to ensure the transfer of full and soveregn power to the peoples of all dependent terrtores n accordance wth the prncples stated above and, for ths purpose, to enter nto negotatons wthrepresentatves of the colonal peoples elected on the bass of unversal suffrage, f necessary under Unted Natons supervson, so that all colonal countres and peoples should attan ndependence not later than the end of 1961 and take ther rghtful place n the communty of natons; '9. Decdes to consder the queston ofthe mplementaton of ths resoluton at ts sxteenth regalÿr sesson ÿ.4 / 128. AS regards the Guatemalan amendments [A/ L.325] to the Afrcan-Asan draft resoluton, the Sovet delegaton s unable to support these amendments snce they provde for a lmtaton of the fundamental rght of all peoples to self-determnaton equenr!y crculated as document A/L.328. tores. And thrteen of these States were formerly under French admnstraton. So, as regards the decolonzaton process and as far as France s concerned, the facts speak for themselves. These States were admtted unanmously; n other words, the most scornful of our crtcs dd n ths case add ther votes to that of France and t was not our fault f a fourteenth Afrcan State faled ths week to become the hundredth member of our Organzaton There has been no mprovsaton about ths evoluton. We have no regrets about t. Qute the contrary; we have constantly "encouraged t. Several speakers were good enough to admt ths and to recognze the merts of ths acton. I would thank them for ths testmony, revealng as t does both ther honesty and ther character I shall defne the French poston on ths problem by recallng the words uttered by General de Gaulle on 5 September 1960: "Regardng the whole movement of decolonzaton whch s takng place all over the world, I have not ceased, snce the day when the world war led me to speak and to act n the name of France, to follow the same course, because I thnk the emancpaton of the peoples--for that s what s at stake--s con" sstent both wth the sprt of our country... and wth the rresstble movement set n moton by the world war and ts aftermath. "I then drected French polcy along ths path-the path of emancpaton--and for the past two years! have steered t n the same drecton." 135. We were also happy to hear the many refeÿ made m ths dscusson to freedom. Notbÿnÿ ences.. et that relates to freedom can leave us ÿndffferent. L

13 945th meetng ÿ 13 December the level nable 3 by of my,ncerned. rst, that ;hs quesl m that een [ the pre! fted,re ;ards nce s These xtsl nlt f mte the t. ths t does on ths 7 [ecolonz nce, take--s st two be qute clear: the freedom I am referrng to s the freedom of a mnorty to mpose ts laws nor majorty to slence any voce rased n dsagree- It s the freedom of the group as well as of the al. It s lberaton from hunger, from fear gnorance. It s the freedom of self-expresof acton, freedom to construct wthout conwthout anxety or any hnderance other than for the freedom of others. We want to have foz ourselves; we want t for others; and n ths connexon I would lke to pay trbute to the speakers who contrbuted coÿnstructve deas to ths dscusson-. Others have proffered crtcsms of my country have taken up a dfferent atttude. One mght well suzprsed and shocked to fnd one Pawer reprehere tryng to play the leadng role when we have wated n van so far for the slghtest sgn on ts of any polcy of decolonzaton. Such a degree of acedness mght well mpress those of us who not so well nformed but, after the veto cast on n the Securty Councl, the mask has dropped and I feel sure that n future more of us wll be able to dscern the dfference between, on the one hand, fne words, rghteous ndgnaton, advce, warnngs of all knds and, on the other hand, These false facades have an unfortunate habt dcollapsng. When people talk about ndependence, we also :have n mnd somethng other than the behavour of who dsappont and bore us by constantly reyear after year what they have been told to the master bran. If some day or other a of thers shows the slghtest sgn of orgthe fantest breath of genune freedom, that a great day n the hstory of our Organzaton. Now I would lke to reply to those speakers n dscussng the colonal problem n Latn referred to the FrenCh "dÿpartements" n Antlles. Ths s an unfortunate confuson whch from an obvous msunderstandng both of the stuaton and Of poltcal realty. My country not admnster any colones now n Latn The "departements" there are French "d&- and the only specal feature about them S that they are separated from the rest of the Repubby the sea, n the same way as Corsca s. These have been French for more than three centures are some of the oldest French provnces. Is t necessary to remnd you that the Antlles were at the Consttuent Assembly n Is anyunaware of the fact that, ever snce the Second elmblc and the ntroducton of unversal suffrage, snce 1848, these countres have sent deputes senators to Parlament7 The "dspartementsn of Martnque and Guana are ntegral parts French Republc on the same footng as any Ther ctzens have equal status and ctzenrghts wthout dstncton or dscrmnaton. have equal representaton and take part at all n the poltcal and admnstratve lfe of the The most dstngushed sons of the Antlles gven, and contnue to gve, the French Republc men of acton and statesmen who are the of all my compatrots There have been many words spoken durng ths debate. Some of them were good, some were not so good and ths dfference s reflected n the draft resoluton before us. I qute recognze the sncerty of many of the sponsors of ths draft resoluton and I would pay trbute here to the efforts made to nvest ths document wth a certan noblty, to make t nto somethng other than a weapon n the cold war We partcularly welcome several of the paragraphs n the preamble. We, too, consder that every people has the rght of free determnaton, that the natonal unty and terrtoral ntegrty of States should be respected. But certan of the passages n ths document merely reterate commtments whch are contaned n the Charter. We recognze and we respect these oblgatons. We wonder, though, whether these repettons add anythng at all to what s lad down n the nternatonal moral code Above all, however, the draft before us s, unhapply, not devod of consderatons that have nothng to do wth the ams that are sought. It reflects, possbly unntentonally, the antagonsms whch I mentoned earler on. In that respect the declaraton before us wll not help to promote the sprt of nternatonal comprehenson whch should anmate us all. It also contans certan contradctons. For nstance, n paragraph 7 of the draft declaraton, a rather solemn reference s made to the prncple of nonnterference n the nternal affars of States, but, qute frankly, can t be clamed that the draft does not contan a whole seres of admontons whch all consttute nterference n the nternal affars of States? 143. I am qute aware of the fact that the draftng of a text of ths knd does nevtably confront ts authors wth serous dffcultes and I am the frst to pay trbute to the conscentousness of those who have taken on such a responsble task. Nevertheless, my delegaton does not feel that t can, for the reasons I have stated, support the draft resoluton n the form n whch t has been lad before the Assembly The PRESIDENT (translated from Spansh): I call on the representatve of Span to exercse the rght of reply Mr, DE LEQUERICA (Span) (translated from Spansh): Ths debate on colonalsm s extremely nterestng and, n my opnon, very valuable for the development of the nterests of manknd n general, but t undoubtedly offers extraordnary surprses for those who are lstenng to t attentvely and wth feelng. For examplenand I am grateful to the Presdent for gvng me the rght to speak--i have been lstenng ths afternoon to the representatve of Morocco, whose remarks I have had an opportunty of apprecatng on other occasons and whose vews I always fnd of nterest, partcularly as he represents a frendly country, when suddenly, n a lst of presumably colonal countres--some of them Spanshmwhch I shall not dscuss now, though there s good reason to do so, I came across the names not of two Spansh provnces, as I ponted out ths mornng [944th meetng] for another reason, but of two Spansh ctes belongng to two dfferent provnces. ':! I l l Jl many Lastly, I would lke to say a few words to the of the draft resoluton n document A/L.323 snce some of them have n the course remarks thought ft to refer to my country Menton, I notced, was made of Ceuta, a cty of 67,000 Chrstan and 13,000 Moslem nhabtants, all Spanards, belongng to the provnce of Cadz; and of Mellla, a cty n the provnce of Malaga, wth a!

14 1260 General Assembly- Ffteenth Sesson- Plenary Meetngs! I I populaton of 85,000 Chrstans and 7,000 Moslems, numbers and t has many features n common wth all Spanards. the ports of the Iberan Pennsula whch face t I remember n the last years of the old elected type of Parlament havng found myself sttng next to the deputy from Algecras, who was also the deputy for Mellla,. and now, all of a sudden, by an ncredble nverson of values, t comes about that not two provnces but two ctes belongng to two dfferent Spansh provnces, whch have been nhabted for fve or sx centures past by Spanards of dfferent relgons though predomnantly 'Chrstanÿwhch has not changed ther character--are regarded, qute ncomprehensbly and confusedly, as terrtores to be nvestgated, transformed and placed under other peoples' soveregnty Accordngly, I beg to nvoke, as I dd ths mornng for a dfferent reason, the prncple that has already been very shrewdly appealed to by the Sovet delegaton to the effect that t s qute nadmssble, save under due protest, to make an attackon the unty or the soveregnty of States Members of the Unted Natons who are protected by ts Charter, and I beg to protest, most respectfully but most energetcally, aganst ths strange phenomenon of a reference to Ceuta and Mellla beng made n our debate by the representatve of Morocco I would add--i do not wsh to say much, but t s mportant, and I have some essental facts on the pont to hand--that Ceuta, under the name of Abla, was already known at the tme of the dscovery of the famous Pllars of Hercules; that the Greeks called t Heptadelphos because of ts seven hlls; that the Romans called t Septem Fratres (The Seven Brothers), whence the dervaton of the names Septa and Ceuta; that t formed part of the domnons of Carthage, and when that republc was annhlated by Rome, t became the captal of Maurtana Tngtana, a Roman provnce; and that n the tmes of the Emperor Otho t was ncluded n the jurdcal conventon of Cÿdz In the same neghbourhood landed the 80,000 Vandals who, under the command of Gensere, nvaded North Afrca. Later, between 531 and 548 t was conquered by the Vsgoth Kng of Span, Teuds. It was also conquered by Justnan, Emperor of Byzantum, though I do not thnk t remaned long n hs power. It was n the possesson of the Vsgoths,.e. the Kngdom of Span, when t was occuped by Muza before he nvaded Span n After nnumerable hstorcal vcsstudes, n the year 1437 the fve brothers of Edward I, Kng of Portugal, landed at Ceuta and tred to capture Tangers. Under Phlp II of Span, her to the possessons of the Kngdom of Portugal, whch also ncluded Ceuta, they were already ncorporated n Span n the sxteenth century. Agan, n 1640, when Portugal separated from Span, the nobles of Ceuta proclamed t as belongng to the Kng of Span, Phlp IV. Under the treaty concluded on 13 February 1663, the towns and domnons held n Afrca were ceded to Portugal, except Ceuta whch Span reserved for tself, and ts possesson was confrmed n artcle 2 of the treaty of Snce that date t has belonged to Span I read from a text, not a Spansh text but the Encclopeda Italana (vol. IX, page 903), that, beng n constant touch wth Europe, Ceuta has become a Spansh cty where the Moslem populaton s few n 153. Now dd the one-tme sultans, now kngs of Morocco, ever at any tme lay clam to Ceuta7 No; on the contrary, n many treates sgned before the Protectorate was set up and when, accordng to specfc declaratons made by the Moroccan delegaton, the sultans were free, the terrtores around Ceuta were dscussed but never Ceuta tself I do not want to burden you wth dates but n artcle III of the Treaty of Peace and Amty between Span and Morocco, sgned at Tetuan on 26 Aprl 1860, t s stated that ÿn order to Carry nto effect what s stpulated n the precedng artcle, Hs Majesty the Kng of Morocco cedes to Her Majesty the Queen of Span, n full domnon and soveregnty, the terrtory ncluded between the sea and along the heghts of Serra Bullones, and the ravne of Anghera...ÿ. I do not propose to read the detaled texts but there s no menton of Ceuta n any of these nstruments, snce t was a centures-old Spansh cty And now Mellla. Mellla belonged to an old Rusadr founded by the Phoencans and whch Ptolemy called Ryssadron. It came nto the possesson of the Vsgoths, and was the seat of a Chrstan bshop n the ffth century; t then passed to the Moors who gave t the name of Mlla, a very common name n North Afrca; ts nhabtants devoted themselves to the explotaton of mnes, as they do to ths day. Meanwhle, n 1496, Don Juan Clar5s de Guzmÿn, Duke of Medna Sdona, fnanced an expedton under hs offcer, Don Pedro de Estuptÿn, who captured the cty whch at that tme belonged to the Kng of Tlemcen. Up to 1556 t was held by the Dukes of Medna Sdona wth the ttle of Captans-General. It was frequently attacked when t was n Spansh possesson. In 1856 a conventon was sgned extendng ts boundares. And, just as n the case of Ceuta, all the treates wth the sultans of Morocco recognzed that Mellla was Spansh; for example, the Conventon between Span and Morocco sgned at Tetuan on 24 August 1859 talks of ncedng to Her Catholc Majesty n full domnon and soveregnty the land contguous to the Spansh cty of Mellla, as far as the ponts that wll most adequately ensure the defence and tranquuty of that townshp" In a further artcle emphass s agan lad on ths pont but there s never any menton of authorty over Mellla. What then s the pont of brngng nto ths debate, one that s replete wth serous problems and wth matters that fully justfy preoccupaton and the need for all of us to re-examne our conscences, arbtrary statements that are devod of all hstorcal sgnfcance? Or are we to beleve that by one of those fances whch French seventeenth-century hstorans defned as ad usum Delphn and whch were used to satsfy the Dauphns Who lked to beleve that ther States were more powerful than they actually were--an analogy that has snce then lost ts dynastc sgnfcance so that the phrase ad usum Del h pÿ means, n generald ÿfor the gratfcaton of the mghtywmare we, I say, to beleve that wth arbtrary assertons of ths knd we are gong to transform the geographcal fact that these two Afrcan ctes form an essental part of Span? Or, to recall the eloquent remarks of the representatve of France, are we gong to draw geographcal lnes that wll upset hu" man hstory, century-old coexstence and the exst" ence of permanent sprtual values?

15 945th meetng December stan Lhe mmon I am doubly sorry about ths nstance because brought up by a country lke Morocco, whch so many proofs of affecton, n our cornhave been plenty of dffcultes, whch, part at any rate, have only ncreased the we have felt for the herosm shown by on the battlefeld. Yet Morocco used not how greatly Span helped Morocco to retself as a free Power. That fact has bben more than once by some of ts repret need only quote, for example, the follows de who to,y n gned e coo, the reed at 13 tgnty lla, as 3ÿre 3 on of f ous tr,f that tnd whch: 1 they st ts caton wth an 11 lÿ.ce, wll and shall not dssemble the factmand I am proud t--that Span s a Euro-Afrcan Power and such for many centures; that t has had or, rather, establshments n Afrca that ancent than any establshments that the kngs can boast of, as I have just shown. I need to add that ths north of Afrcawas any tme a hard and fast unty, as nvented asserts. Ths was qute clearly proved n the about Maurtana. We Spanards were a not of Morocco--although that s partally :defntely of Maurtana--and I cte the dates them from that dscusson--between 1094 The Maurtanans, the Almoravdes, or from those trbes, oecupÿ[ed a great bult a castle n the Alfajerfa and conpractcally the whole of Moslem Span. We Afro-Asan colonymand I say t proudlyÿ s no need to hde the fact. To that crcumwe owe the Alhambra of Granada, Cordoba cultural monuments that have beof our culture. Perhaps the lnk we enjoy the most advanced European phlosophy of the as our Amercan brothers have on occason out, s also responsble for many. of the and sprtua! values n our past hstory. 0nly.people wth confused mnds, to whom an smplfed verson of hstory appeals, wll clams for a specfc fronter lne wthn sole authorty would be exercsed. Ths s a we must contest on hstorcal grounds and for of the sprtual values chershed by our And we regret that a country wth such a :for law as Morocco has, a country wth whch none but cordal relatons, should dsregard dscussons on fronters that are gong on ÿembark on a course of acton that s so nconwth the Unted Natons Charter and shows respect also for justce and law, by clamng Spansh ctes whch regard t as a great belong to our country. How long then wll wat before askng for Guadalajara, whch has or before settlng down on the banks Guadalquvr, whch also has a Moslem name, other part of the country? Are we gong to world hstory nto a vertable bedlam7 Are we to transform hstorans and poltcans ntoÿ of the representatves belong to countres type of person s not well known, though of the older countres are famlar wth t--that genealogst, who, for a money fee, wll very!dscover a relatonshp, for someone who wants powerful ancestors, wth' Napoleon Bonaor the Emperors of Constantnople? Are we to set lmts for ourselves n all these ng words spoken by Crown Prnce Moulay Hassan when he vsted Tetuan on 17 June 1956: "Moroccans, men and women, old people and chldren, wll never forget the work done by Span and the mmense servces rendered to Hs Majesty the Sultan and to Morocco n those dffcult moments when justce was trampled upon andpersecuton was rampant. "The realzaton of ths work dd no more than reflect the noblty and chvalry of the Spansh people and sow the seed of the sncere attachment and affecton, as well as the heartfelt frendshp between Morocco and Span, whch s of such great advantage to both countres." And the Prnce concluded by exclamng "Long lve Span: Long lve Moroccol " 160. I could quote other texts that would express the same sentments, and I myself have heard dstngushed representatves of ths frendly country make smlar references wth regard to Span. That s why I am so surprsed and why I must enter a protest aganst ths astonshng behavour whch s so foregn to the customary conduct of our dscussons. Can t be perhaps that a pro-bolshevk nfecton has for the moment afflcted our good frends, and n many respects our brothers, of Morocco? It may well be the case but I do not feel nclned to crtcze too harshly. It s easy to be tempted and many honourable countres yeld to t, but wll they not regret t later? That s not the least of the pecular features of ths evl called colonalsm, a subject on whch I had not the least ntenton of ntervenng. And, f I may be permtted the dgresson, I wll tell you why: because we have very few countres to be talked about n Afrca; we are a tny country n the colonal sense. We could borrow a well-known French tag and say: "Au banquet de la ve, nfortunÿ convveÿ. And we mght well add: nau banquet d'afrque, nfortun6 convve" In the great colonal enterprses of the nneteenth century, so wdely dscussed and on whch so much could be sad, we partcpated only to a very lmted and remote degree. However, that does not prevent us from takng a senstve and mpartal vew of the problem, or from lstenng to Sovet speeches-- such as the one we have just-heard--whch really ndcated anxety for freedom and the sufferngs of peoples--whch may be the begnnng of a phase of reflexon or perhaps, even, of repentance. Before such unbelevable happenngs as that we shall.not take our eyes off the fundamental problem that s beng constantly referred to here as colonalsm. 162, It s true that there has been harshness shown, there has been persecuton, that justce has been lackng n many of our relatonshps. Our brothers of Central and South Amerca have, wth due reservatons and wth hghly ntellgent observatons based on hstory, commented here--t was a movng experence to lsten to them--on the colonal problem and on the dffcultes and, at the same tme, the splendd achevements of Span. We have no colonal past n Afrca, there have been very few nterventons by Span. But that does not alter our profound convcton. And t s ths crcumstance of not beng personally nvolved that leads us not only to proclam how.!much we have done but also to thnk and vote on Afrcan problems wth profound respect for the countres of,,f / /

16 1262 General Assembly- Ffteenth Sesson Plenary Meetngs that contnent and wth the desre that they should always attan the realzaton of all ther just aspratons n legal and orderly fashon I ventured n the general debate [886th meetng] to cte the texts of the great Spansh jursts of the sxteenth century who, at the tme when Amerca was dscovered, recognzed the rghts of the prmtve nhabtants of that contnent and refused to grant rghts of tutelage and vassalage that were not consstent wth law. Mr. Belaÿnde has also alluded to those jursts n ths debate. That s the sprt n whch we are takng part n ths dscusson and t s n that sprt that we shall vote, subject to the necessary reservatons regardng those phrases whch are perhaps not really consstent wth the meanng of the Unted Natons Charter. But ths should not be taken as representng our atttude towards attacks on the soveregnty of Span, whch I very strongly denounce here and now The PRESIDENT (translated from Spansh): I call upon the representatve of Denmark to speak n explanaton of hs vote mr. CHRISTI&NSEN (Denmark): The Dansh people has welcomed most heartly the tde of lberaton from colonalsm and the emergence of new States whch are characterstc of the present epoch. It s a blessng.for manknd that n the years snce the Second World War there has been an ncreasngly strong trend towards lberatng dependent natons from the domnon of other natons I should lke at ths pont to complment n partcular the Unted Kngdom Government, whch n the years mmedately followng the war gave the sgnal for ths new development by grantng ndependence to Inda and other peoples wthn the Brtsh Empre In recent years we have wtnessed great and rapd advances n ths respect, especally n Afrca. All frends of progress and lberty welcome the lberaton of Afrca as another vctory for the hgh deal that all peoples have the rght to enjoy complete freedom and ndependence. In Denmark we have tred to lve up to that deal, whch we hghly chersh In ths connexon I should lke to menton the manner n whch relatons between Iceland and Denmark were settled, n full agreement between the two countres, frst n 1918 and later n I need only refer to the warm-hearted statements made by the representatve of Iceland durng the debate here. There s a most ntmate frendshp between the Icelandc people and the Dansh people, and the tes between our two countres are growng ncreasngly strong I would further menton the reorganzaton wth regard to Greenland whch, wth the approval of the Unted Natons, was carred out n On 22 November 1954 the General Assembly of the Unted Natons adopted a resoluton n whch t was establshed that the Greenland populaton had freely expressed ts wll and had been placed on an equal footng wth other parts of the Kngdom of Denmark [resoluton 849 (IX)]. May I add that ths reorganzaton has proved to be a happy one, satsfactory for the populaton of Greenland as well as for the Dansh populaton as a whole. Ths does not mean that all problems have been solved. But progress has been made and contnues to be made. As the latest mportant step n ths drecton I should lke to menton that when the Dansh Government was after our general electon n November of ths yÿeeÿr a Member of Parlament elected by the Greenland populaton was made a Cabnet Mnster Aganst ths background t wll easly be Under. stood that Denmark whole-heartedly supports the dea of the adopton by the Unted Natons of a decla, raton stressng the necessty of brngng to a speedy end colonalsm n all ts forms and manfestatons We, support the draft resoluton submtted by a large number of Afrcan and Asan States [A/L.323 and Add.l-6]. In our opnon, t covers the probleÿ better than the draft resoluton submtted by Hon. duras [A/L.324/Rev.2], and also much better than the draft submtted by the USSR [A/4502] The Afrcan-Asan draft resoluton certanly has ts merts, although we would have preferred a somewhat dfferent wordng of certan passages. Take, for nstance, the followng: "Convnced that the contnued exstence of colonalsm prevents the development of nternatonal economc co-operaton, mpedes the socal, cultural and economc development of dependent peoples and mltates aganst the Unted Natons deal of unversal peace." 173. Ths can hardtybe sad to be a correct analyss of colonalsm. There have undoubtedly been cases n whch colonalsm dd not prevent developments such as those mentoned. On the other hand, there have unfortunately been nstances n whch colonan sm was an mpedment to such development. We fnd that ths passage s a generalzaton and therefore ncorrect There are a few more ponts to whch I should lke to call your attenton. Paragraph 3 reads as follows: "Inadequacy of poltcal, economc, socal or educatonal preparedness should never serve as a pretext for delayng ndependence." Ths wordng s not qute clear, although there could not, I thnk, be any doubt as to what the meanng actually s. Would not a correct nterpretaton be that colonal Powers shall not be able to prevent transton to ndependence by pontng to the poltcal, economc or cultural nadequaces n the terrtory concerned, nadequaces for whch they themselves would probably be responsble? 175. Ths undoubtedly touches upon a problem whch should not be overlooked. It would be unrealstc to mantan that mmedate transton to ndependence would always be more advantageous for the populaton than a gradual transton, rrespectve of the state of development the populaton has reached. It s a great problem and one to whch t s extremely dffcult to fnd a just and equtable soluton If we look at the development that has taken place n Afrca n the last few years, I thnk that many would say wth regard to a certan terrtory that the transton to ndependence occurred at a tme when t had not been adequately prepared. On the other hand, many would argue that there have been several nstances n whch delay n the transton W ndependence caused extremely great dffcultes. But t should be borne n mnd that the rulers of a terrÿ" tory--or even a group of people--would be apt to thnk

17 945th meetng December race of peoples [eal of act been cal or ve as a pÿ therecol the meÿ :aton be thÿ vent traÿ ltcal, eÿ.ÿrrtory c0ÿ selvesw0 coblem wh mrealstc ndepende! r the popu eetve ofÿ s reache& s extrem :on. ÿ':! 1at has tÿ 3, I Lan "red at a )aredo On re have ffcultes, t,'rs of e apt to."ÿ-ÿ deuendent people had not yet attaned suf-. me _Zÿ, It s, however, explctly stated n t justfy postponement of the transton to - $... ÿ1 ÿ,ch tme as condtons mprove. endencÿ ÿ*ÿ ÿ MaY I say n concluson that t would be only to assume that the peoples who wsh to attan are n a hurry and that t should not be posby pretexts that are more or less nvented to em from attanng freedom. I would put t better freedom and ndependence too early too late. But whle stressng ths wsh most we should not overlook the problems facng us n ths respect. One mportant aspect should e borne n mnd. When all advocates of the lbera- 0n of formerly dependent peoples nvoke democratc deals and prncples for the attanment of that goal, t would ndeed be dsgraceful ff groups of people n newly establshed States subsequently explot the nadequate development of the populaton to ntroduce not a democratc rule, but dctatorshp, whch actually delays and mpedes necessary socal and poltcal developments The comments I have made here on paragraph 3 may be sad also to apply to paragraph 5, whch reads as follows:,mmedate steps shall be taken, n Trust and Non-Self-Governng Terrtores or all other terrtores whch have not yet attaned ndependence, to transfer all powers to the peoples of those Terrtores, wthout any condtons or reservatons n accordance wth ther freely expressed wll and desre, wthout any dstncton as to race, creed or colour, n order to enable them to enjoy complete ndependence and freedom." It appears from statements made by responsble speakers that t s recognzed that the meanng of the words "mmedate steps shall be taken" s that we! shall proceed towards the goal and shall not allow ourselves to be stopped by unnecessary hndrance. Ths s n conformty wth the vew I have just expressed Our crtcal comments on certan passages of the draft resoluton do not, however, prevent us from votng for t; ths so much more, as t contans several hghly desrable statements. I am thnkng of the followng: "Convnced that all peoples have an nalenable rght to complete freedom, the exercse of ther soveregnty and the ntegrty of ther natonal terrtory. A more satsfactory wordng could perhaps have been f0und. However, we nterpret t as a piedge gven to all natons In prevous resolutons certan contnents were mentoned by name. Whle ours--europe--was not, ts people of course have the same rght to freedom and :ndependence as all other peoples, thnk that the Wordng s good n so far as t says that all people, aave the rght to complete freedom, and does noÿ lmt the attanment of freedom and ndependence to certan parts of the world. :181. We know that there are many forms of sup- Presson of people and of groups of people. Durng our debate on ths queston many representatves n ths hall were opposed by representatves of natons n many parts of the world who complaned of the lack of freedom. Ths draft resoluton should offer encouragement to the democratc forces workng for the freedom of suppressed natons by peacefulmeans. Many Of the natons now suppressed may today thnk that the horzon s dark but they wll hardly gve up hope. Ths draft resoluton wll undoubtedly justfy and strengthen them n keepng up ther hopes. Here we must rejoce n the exstence of the Unted Natons. As I see t, the Unted Natons has so far played ts most decsve role n assstng by peaceful means n makng so many peoples free and ndependent. We hope that t wll be possble, through our nternatonal Organzaton, by peaceful means, to secure for all natons, wthout dstncton as to race, colour or geographcal locaton, the freedom to whch the people of all countres have an absolute rght It s on the bass of these vews that Denmark wll vote n favour of the Afrcan-Asan draft resoluton The PRESIDENT (translated from Spansh): I call upon the representatve of Austra, who wshes to speak n explanaton of hs voÿe Mr. MATSCH (Austra):! am most grateful to the Presdent for gvng me the floor to explan brefly the poston of my delegaton We have heard a most nterestng debate, a debate whch was ntated by the delegaton of the USSR, to whom our thanks are due. My delegaton wll vote for the draft resoluton whch has been submtted by forty-three delegatons from Afrca and Asa [A/L.323 and Add.l-6]. They are pleadng ther own cause, a just cause, and we are glad to support them My country has never been what s termed today a colonal Power, nor dd the old Austro- Hungaran Empre possess any colones. Ths s a well-known fact. We have no frst-hand knowledge of the experences and condtons n colones and have, therefore, not taken part n the debate. But the Austran people, on whose behalf I have the honour to speak here, have always been n sympathy wth the struggle of natons and peoples whch have not enjoyed full freedom. We have, therefore, been delghted to see that after the Second World War many great and many small natons have become ndependent and we have been happy to establsh contacts and frm and cordal relatons wth them. We know by our own experence the value of freedom, because for seventeen long years we were deprved of t, and I beleve that one never values somethng more than when one has lost t Furthermore, we beleve that freedom s as ndvsble as peace, and as long as there are countres and peoples that have not attaned ther freedom we,who enjoy our own freedom wll not be secure. May I say n parenthess that we beleve n my country that ths hgh prncple does not only apply to natons and peoples but also to the ndvdual. As long as personal freedom and the rule of law have not been frmly establshed everywhere, the freedom of every man, woman and chld anywhere wll be n danger It s for ths reason that we shall vote for the draft resoluton as t stands. We shall do so although, t I! : I