ECPR General Conference 2016 (Prague) Section: Political Theory: Justice in the Contemporary World Panel: New Perspectives on Liberal Democracy

Transcription

1 ECPR General Conference 2016 (Prague) Section: Political Theory: Justice in the Contemporary World Panel: New Perspectives on Liberal Democracy The will of the majority. The justice in the political thought of Marcelino Domingo Manuela Ortega-Ruiz University of Granada - Universidad de Jaén Abstract: In the beginnings of the 20th Century, many intellectuals and politicians formed political and ideological groups not only parties trying to change Spain, reforming the political situation and fostering democratic values in such country. Within republican groups, influenced by their French counterparts, a new generation of politicians was finally called to transform Spain in the 1930 decade. This paper is focused on the analysis of the political thought as a sub-discipline of Political Theory of one of them, Marcelino Domingo, firstly minister of Public Education and later head of Agriculture during the Second Republic, comparing his ideas with the ones of other republicans that influenced on the political situation in that period. Domingo developed his political ideas along the first third of the 20th century, transmitting them through his essays and literary works, where he studied not only the Spanish situation but the Italian fascism and the events of other European countries as well. In those works, we can observe his ideas about how a nation should be organized and how the political power should be exercised. According to Domingo, power could only be the will of the majority, likewise source of his concept of justice. Such approach appears coherent with the fact that Domingo, since his first participation in political life, defended democracy as the best system for modern societies. Key words: Civil Society, Democracy, Qualitative Comparative Analysis, Social Justice, Welfare State. 1

2 1. Introduction Marcelino Domingo was one of the most influential politicians during the Second Republic in Spain ( ). Such regime was founded as a consequence of the victory achieved by republican parties in the local elections, an event that paved the way for the king s abdication and the constitution of a provisional Government on 14th April The Republic meant an opportunity to develop the reforms conceived, along the first decades of twentieth century, by the coalition of republican groups created years back; an opportunity to establish a democracy in Spain, at an especially critical moment, given the rise of totalitarian movements that was taking place in Europe at that time. In this paper we aim to study Marcelino Domingo s political thought, which is marked by his adhesion to the republican ideas, something that made him closer to both social liberalism and democratic socialism. Domingo was heavily influenced by the ideas of French radical republicanism, though he also assumed the liberal views coming from England. Likewise, from the very beginning of his political life he got familiarised with the moderate wing of Spanish socialists, making contact with leaders of that branch like Indalecio Prieto or Fernando de los Ríos. Little by little, as it will be explained in the following pages, Domingo gained a space in the republican movement, becoming a representative of the marriage between liberalism and socialism that allowed the launching of the Second Republic, in spite of the fact that republicanism was a minority political force among the Spaniards during the first third of the twentieth century. To undertake this paper, we have analysed Domingo s political texts, to be more precise, those in which he expressed his ideas on justice, Government, the political organization of society in general terms and, over all, his ideal of democracy. Among these writings there are essays on the current situation in Spain and worldwide, as well as theatre plays in which Domingo showed the main problems of the early twentieth century society, and how ordinary people tackled them. In contrast with the essays, theatre helped him to spread his ideas to different sectors of society, thanks both to the colloquial use of language and actors performance as they made understanding easier. Essays were intended to cultivated readers, a very small part of society in the Spanish case. However, the solely analysis of his written work would not provide a complete insight into Domingo s political thought, for what we also examine the most salient theoretical contributions of other Spanish republicans, paying especial attention to those 2

3 authors who most affected his views, as well as both the national and international contexts, which uncontroversially set the boundaries of his reflections on reality. After that, we depict the most relevant aspects of Domingo s approach to several problems of his concern, before ending with the conclusions and the bibliography consulted to give an answer to our research purposes. 2. Evolution of Spanish republicanism On 14th April 1931, among the shouts of Viva la República! ( Long live the Republic ), Second Republic was proclaimed in Spain, thanks in a great deal to a group of leaders who, in most cases, had no previous political experience. The provisional Government was a result of the coalition among liberals and socialists, who brought together their forces at the beginning of twentieth century through the so-called Conjunción Republicano-Socialista an alliance that, in any case, faced several crisis since its creation in 1909 (Robles Egea, 2004). Given that the reign of Alfonso XIII ( ) was a regime characterized by corruption and electoral fraud, as well as the king s reluctance to democratic reforms, the union of the different opposition groups came to be perceived as a necessary step. Nevertheless, the coexistence of diverse interests prompted tensions within the Conjunción and, ocassionally, the open clash between the factions and even the temporary suspension of the agreement. In fact, such tension continued during the new republican regime. Thus, soon it proved impossible to keep together the groups that supported the provisional Government, and the differences among them became public. The republican movement included from right-wing democrats, as Niceto Alcalá-Zamora or Miguel Maura, to socialists like Fernando de los Ríos or Indalecio Prieto. Their closeness during the years of Constitutional Monarchy ( ) and Primo de Rivera s dictatorship ( ) came to an end in the new republican context. Among other things, such circumstance made decision-making very difficult, as it was revealed in the functioning of the provisional Government, but also during the debates held for the approval of the republican Constitution, as the alleged allies often defended in parliament antagonistic positions. Since the end of nineteenth century diverse republican groups, aimed by distinctive goals and built on different popular bases, broke into the political scene, each of them headed by historic republican leaders who conferred a personalist bias to such 3

4 organizations, as a result of their important political weight. Concerning their respective political programmes, these factions also found inspiration in dissimilar schools of thought. According to this, the ones that gained more followers among the Spanish republicans were the Third Republic French solidarism, the German Socialism of the Chair, the new English liberalism and the theories of Krausist organicism (Suárez Cortina, 2003, 2006). Departing from these theories, republicans formulated their positions on various issues perceived as critical for the functioning of democracy, like economy, the social question, education, laicism, the form of state, etc. Krausism enjoyed a dominant presence in the reformists proposals, while radicals based their points of view in a great extent in the arguments advanced by their French counterparts. Both movements, at the same time, resorted to Socialism of the Chair to attract socialists. Likewise, given that this theory was less associated to social agitation, its moderate approaches paved the way for an understanding with the conservative branch of republicanism. The consolidation of Bourbon Restoration ( ), between the end of nineteenth century and the beginning of twentieth century, pushed the opposition groups to find formulas for coalition, in order to fight together against the monarchy. In 1903, before the aforementioned Conjunción was born, most of republicans, leaded by Salmerón 1, created Unión Republicana. However, discrepancies soon appeared among them, in regard of both political programme and action methods, so republicanism split again, giving birth to several factions, mainly the Radical Party and the Reformist Party. These new organizations worked as stepping-stones for the republican leaders who lately played a major role in the establishment and functioning of the Second Republic ( ). Manuel Azaña started his political career side-byside with Melquiades Álvarez, a politician who championed the legalist path once that Unión Republicana was ended. Alejandro Lerroux, for his part, founded the Radical Party, which enjoyed a great popular support, especially from the working classes. At the first moments, Marcelino Domingo linked himself with the Radical Party, but soon he became disappointed and closer to progressive catalanist sectors. As the republican movement was advancing at the beginning of the twentieth century, Domingo made 1 Nicolás Salmerón was prime minister of the First Spanish Republic for a short while (he only served in that post from July to September 1873). He was one of the four premiers during the First Republic, that lasted just eleven months, between February 1873 and January After a pro-monarchy military uprising, the Bourbon Alfonso XII was restored as monarch of Spain, starting then the period known as Restoration ( ). 4

5 contact with other leaders, who encouraged him to collaborate with them, in Madrid as well as in Catalonia, at different republican public meetings. His participation in the republican movement made him very popular and, during the Primo de Rivera s dictatorship ( ), Domingo decided to create his own party with Álvaro de Albornoz, member of Lerroux s Radical Republican Party, which he quitted after writing El Ideario Radical (1913). Domingo s party, the Radical-Socialist Republican Party, was presented for the first time in 1929, when all the republican groups were actively collaborating among them to proclaim the Republic. The point is that Primo de Rivera s coup d etat in September 1923 facilitated the deepening of relations among the republicans, especially in the last years of Dictatorship. The strongest and long-lasting alliance between republicans involved Acción Republicana, headed by Manuel Azaña, and Domingo and Albornoz s Radical-Socialist Party. In fact, during the Republic, and thanks to the good understanding among them, they decided to make one step further creating a new party, Izquierda Republicana (1934), in which Azaña was the president and Domingo the vicepresident. Apart from these organizations, Lerroux s Radical Party, the republican rightwing leaded by Alcalá-Zamora (who had taken part in two monarchical governments in the Restoration), and Melquíades Álvarez, also stood out within the republican field. Álvarez had been Azaña s political mentor at the beginning of the twentieth century (a role that he also played with other republicans) but, when the Republic was proclaimed, he experienced an ideological switch that left him at the right side of the political spectrum, although he insisted in considering himself a progressive and, indeed, was still a guiding public figure for leftist republicans (Ortega Ruiz, 2013). During the Dictatorhisp, republicans planned different strategies to overthrow the monarchy and to establish a Republic, conceived as the only government system compatible with democracy. A public opinion atmosphere favourable to their ambitions, after the Dictator s resignation, brought a window of opportunity for the republicans actions, especially several massive public meetings held to show the popular support they enjoyed. Given these conditions, the republican movement was determined to take advantage of such strength to foster a profound change and, in a private conference undertaken in San Sebastián on 15 th December 1930, the main opposition leaders agreed to support a pro-republic military uprising against the Crown. Nevertheless, as the coup failed, both the rebels and their supporters were imprisoned. The military were condemned to death, while the republican leaders were luckier thanks to their 5

6 popularity. In fact, not all the conspirators were even sent to prison: Azaña, Lerroux and Domingo could escape before being caught by the authorities. Finally, after various failed attempts, republicans could compete in those local elections that ended with the establishment of the Second Republic. 3. Ideological influences on Marcelino Domingo s political thought As it has been mentioned before, different ideological trends coexisted within the republican movement, something revealed in the fact that republicanism encompassed several political projects. In Spain, at the beginning of the twentieth century, two main lines of thought stood out: the reformist one, which had already appeared at the eighteenth century (Carr, 2007), and the socialist one, that penetrated in Spanish society during the second half of nineteenth century (Ribas, 1981, 1986). In the midway of both reformism and socialism, Marcelino Domingo s political thought was grounded in French radicalism, English social liberalism and the contributions made by revisionists of socialism at the end of twentieth century. For most republicans, France represented an ideal to become like, a country where freedom, equality and fraternity were considered the pillars of national greatness (Álvarez Junco, 1990). Many of the youngest ones could know at first hand French radicalism, as they visited the Gallic nation quite often and contacted with some of the most important representatives of such trend. Domingo, for instance, familiarised himself with these groups from the start of his political life, becoming close to Edouard Herriot, who served as prime minister in France during the twenties, apart from heading several ministries from 1916 to In a letter published as an introduction to Domingo s book La experiencia del poder (1934), Herriot wrote: I feel deeply satisfied to find myself fully identified with your thought, and to express my conviction that you are one of the highest shapers of the ideas behind the greatness of our Republics, that will bless the fraternity of its efforts 2. Domingo tried to import into Spain the modernizing and democratizing measures implemented in the neighbour country, where among other achievements 2 12nd July

7 separation between Church and state was reached, something that the republican leader aimed for his homeland. But recent successes were not the only reasons why Domingo admired France, as this nation had been representing in Spain a hope for progress since the eighteenth century, with the publication of the Encyclopedia, the development of revolutionary events from 1789 on, and the establishment of the Republic; a perception reinforced by the 1848 Revolution, that converted Paris into republicanism s political centre. For Domingo, as well as for other republicans, including Azaña, French revolution s republican valued had made of France a worldwide power. French radicals assumed, at the end of nineteenth century, the solidarism theory formulated by Léon Bourgeois. Such theory, conceived as an alternative to classic liberalism and socialism, was based in the notion of almost-contract. According to this idea, the man is linked to the people from his past and present, to the point that he cannot live without them, having a social duty of helping the weakest. In order to fulfil such duty, the State can intervene on behalf of community (Berstein, 1997). These principles led to the republicanisation of all fields of social and political life, in such a way that French people felt involved in a nation-building project. Domingo took from radicals their main purpose the organization of society under the rule of reason, as well as their method education as the main mean for transformation, their moral the right to develop individually with respect to the rest s life-styles, and their political doctrine, that is, the republican doctrine. Likewise, republicans positioned themselves for a social doctrine based on the development of the associative vocation inherent to human beings, from the premise that associations are the foundation for civilization and, as a consequence, for homeland (Bourgeois, 1908). Léon Bourgeois inspired French radicals to present themselves as a progressive, revolutionary and secular party; a republican party over all, heir of the civic values that arose during the French Revolution (Bourgeois, 1897). For this reason, his ultimate goal was the republicanization of all fields of French society. Such purpose, along with the laicism defended by radicals and their ideas on education, shaped Domingo s political project. Apart from radicalism, Domingo studied social liberalism, an ideological trend that awoke great expectations among the Spanish republicans. Classic liberalism evolved into various political theories, that underwent different developments along the Western world. In France, such process was affected by Comte s positivism, resulting in the French radicalism aforementioned. In England, John Stuart Mill s contributions 7

8 pointed to the social dimension of the individual, paving the way for a school of thought in which authors like Thomas Hill Green and Leonard Trelawny Hobhouse stood out. This new liberalism, that had different manifestations, was grounded in several principals: firstly, individual freedom was an essential element to achieve democracy, that at the same time would be guaranteed by collective rights mainly the juridical acknowledgement of labour associations. In second place, the separation between Church and State should be materialized in law, with no harm for the individual beliefs. Finally, new liberalism aimed the modernization of State s structure and organization, for freedom and equality among citizens to be effectively protected. Spanish republicans approach to social liberalism made possible an understanding with PSOE 3 s socialists, who were divided into two branches: a radical one, close to the communist ideas coming from Russia, and a moderate one, sympathetic to the revisionists. The latter had been collaborating with the republicans since the beginning of the twentieth century, though maintaining their independence, something that caused the breakup between them more than once. The socialists ascendant over Domingo s political thought favoured the reformulation of many of his liberal views, as he started to pay more attention to the workers welfare through the support of policies such as the publicly funded retirement income, from the premise that working classes were the country s main pillar. This closeness also influenced the socialist party s proposals, which underwent a moderating process, even leading one of its leaders to state that he was socialist as a liberal 4. With the start of twentieth century, the European socialist parties abandoned their traditional isolation and started to deal with the progressive groups from the bourgeois, a situation that as it has been remarked had its parallel in Spain. The goals of these coalitions, leaving aside the particularities of each country, were the defense of individual and political rights, the secularization of State and the transformation of State into the most important actor in regulating economy and providing services (Robles Egea, 1990). Such circumstance was related to the most important debate carried out during the first third of the twentieth century among the socialists ranks, that one motivated by the Russian Revolution. After this historic event happened, socialism split into those who aimed to achieve a socialist society through revolution, and those who 3 Partido Socialista Obrero Español (Spanish Socialist Worker s Party). 4 Indalecio Prieto, socialist leader from the first half of the twentieth century, in a conference held in 1921 said that he considered socialism a way to consecrate freedom (Prieto, 1975). 8

9 aimed the same goal by reforming the liberal state. The latter considered that the working class emancipation could be gained through the established rules, by virtue of evolution and the political game (Giner, 2007). Nevertheless, such split was not new, and it had already manifested after Bernstein s revision of Marxist theory, which set ground for modern socialdemocracy. The German thinker stated that revisionism at the end only made sense for theoretical questions as, once translated into politics, it just meant reformism (Bernstein, 1982: 316). Assuming this idea, socialdemocracy represented a movement that longed for a socialist transformation through political, economic and social reforms, perfecting democracy (Lefranc, 1972). Although the majority of the parties did not reject Marxism, and even considered an insult to do that, revisionism was much more than an evolutionary step in nineteenth century s socialist theory, as it implied the renunciation of concepts like class warfare or proletarization of society, while elements from egalitarian liberalism and republicanism were incorporated (Vargas-Machuca, 2006). Revisionists, who assessed the Russian Revolution critically, considered that such events were not inspired in socialist values, from the premise that all left-wing parties had been banned except for the Communist Party, as a necessary previous step in order to build the latter s dictatorship (Giner, 2007). A significant increase of electoral support, for socialists who showed moderation and a critical approach to Bolshevik revolution, occurred in several European countries during the twenties, reaching around 30 percent of the votes cast. This percentage was even greater in the Northern European countries and Austria, where socialist and socialdemocratic parties won almost half of the votes cast (Boix, 2012). Marcelino Domingo took into account all these theoretical advances not only to formulate his political project for Spain, but also to provide himself with arguments to face the totalitarian ideologies that arose in the interwar period, especially Italian fascism. As he knew about the unstable situation in Italy, Domingo maintained a deep relationship with intellectuals and politicians from that country. According to his view: Fascism, that came to hold back socialism for the Italian bourgeoisie, represents now a menace greater than socialism [ ] Socialism could be fought against with ideas, in contrast with fascism, that does not tolerate opposing arguments [ ] While socialism has gone through a process of adaptation and limitation (it is no longer perceived as a threat, as it happened in 1923), Europe is endangered by Italy at the present day [ ] In 1923 uncertainty prevailed with respect to Russia, 9

10 and fascism had to be the rule. In 1925, Russia is already the rule and uncertainty prevails with respect to fascism (Domingo, 1929: ). The above paragraph should be interpreted in the context of the interwar period, when democracy was being questioned in Europe in spite of the fact that, in Spain, many were fighting to achieve it. Domingo, departing from the political theories of French radicalism, social liberalism and democratic socialism, pointed to the importance of the individual, given his inalienable rights. Thus, he considered that even socialism had room for individualism as in a socialist society individual rights were the essential element, represented by the right to economic justice (Domingo, 1929: 26). He assumed, therefore, the necessity to reconcile both individual rights and freedoms ascribed to liberalism and social and collective rights typical of socialism. His political thought, however, was centred on the idea that man, neither society nor the State, is what is permanent. Society and the State would be respected as long as they respect and allow men s superiority (Domingo, 1929: 27). 4. Marcelino Domingo, a Republic base on social justice Marcelino Domingo s political thought revolved around the concept of social justice, according to which social rights should stand side to side with individual rights in order to create a fairer society. Social justice was present in all his writings, both political and literary, giving account of the injustices happening in Spain at the beginning of the twentieth century. Coherently, the social nature of democracy was essential for him, being socialism a tool to support his views, understanding socialism in a non-dogmatic way, respectful with freedom. Apart from social justice, Marcelino Domingo s thought cannot be interpreted without knowing two biographical circumstances: his Catalan origins and his professional background as school teacher. With the start of the twentieth century, Domingo linked himself with the progressive catalanists movements and, thanks to Rovira i Virgili, knew about Pi i Margall s republican and federalists ideas (Robledo, 2006). He worked as school teacher while he was participating in Catalan political life, an experience that provided him with a vision of society in which education appeared as a fundamental pillar. Domingo took his first steps in the local council of Tortosa (his hometown), becoming councilman in 1909 as a candidate of Solidaridad Catalana. 10

11 His political activity made him sympathetic for the Catalan republican groups, joining the Unión Federal Nacionalista Republicana, which assembled the most progressive Catalan republicans. Thanks to such political platform, Domingo started to make contact with republicans from Madrid, beginning to perceive the necessity to participate in the national decision-making organs in order to reach a change in the political system. Then, in 1914 he competed successfully for a seat in the lower chamber (Congreso de los Diputados) representing Tortosa. His election was celebrated by the republicans in Madrid and, in a press note published in El País, his triumph was announced in these terms: In a super tough fight against violence and caciquismo; in spite of the state of siege declared in his constituency, Mr. Domingo has triumphed, coming to Congress for the first time. He brings intellectual background, culture, eagerness and youth. Let s welcome him. He is journalist and his remarkable articles in La Publicidad reveal style and thought. We are pleased by his victory because we expect so much from the new deputy 5. Marcelino Domingo served as deputy from 1914 to 1923 exception made of the 1920 polling, when he was not elected. Along such period, however, his criticisms against the monarchy led him to prison several times, as well as to exile, something that made him popular and admired by the rest of Spanish republicans. During these years he also forged the strongest friendships with other republicans, especially Manuel Azaña and Álvaro de Albornoz, whom with he collaborated in the following decades. From his debut in politics, the fundamentals of his political thought were freedom, justice, goodness and homeland; ideals that every person should fight for in his view. In the 1910 decade he looked for the socialists support to carry out his political programme, which included the establishment of a decentralized State, the reform of the property system, and guarantees for workers right to associate. Thus, he encouraged the Alianza de Izquierdas 6 in His proximity to socialists brought him closer to the Catalan workers world, something that persuaded him on the necessity for government to collaborate with the working classes, as it was being done in the United Kingdom, where Lloyd George 5 D. Marcelino Domingo. Diputado electo por Tortosa, El País, 19th March Leftist Alliance. 11

12 publicly acknowledged the importance of proletariat in national politics. From Domingo s perspective, workers were no more a social menace, turning into the greatest ally for the unavoidable Spain s regeneration 7. Collaboration with the socialists went on during the Republic, as Domingo defended their participation in different progressive governments. On the other hand, Domingo was Catalan but not catalanist. He supported those who fought for freedom and self-rights in Catalonia from the premise that they were also fighting for the same things in the whole Spain, in order to build a great country. For him, both Catalan and Basque nationalists were friends of the official Spain and separatists from the vital Spain and [ ], separatists from Europe, culture and freedom 8. Catalonia could maintain its identity within a nation understood in Renanian terms as a daily plebiscite, given that the absence of plebiscite reveals the absence of nation 9. The solution for the national problem would be Republic and pact, Republic, for the Nation to feel free; pact, for the nation to be brought together 10. Therefore, nation-building would be done with respect for territorial diversity, as written in the pact. During Primo de Rivera s dictatorship, coinciding with his active participation in the republican movements, Domingo placed himself in the republican left, willing to face the big problems in a radical sense French style, opposing monarchy, the Church, the army and the judiciary, in other words, the groups that sustained the Restoration regime. Besides, he defended democracy, condemning any kind of autocratic government, even if it gave advantage to the working classes 11. At that moment he formulated his main proposals, to be materialized years later. His idea of democracy stood out among them. For Domingo, democracy could not be limited to universal suffrage, being in favour of the introduction of popular participation mechanisms such as the referendum, the people s legislative initiative and the revocation of mandates although he thought that all them should be subjected to parliament, where popular sovereignty lies. Likewise, an efficient administration was 7 Marcelino Domingo, speech given in the Deputies Congress on the 25th April Marcelino Domingo, speech given on 2nd May 1918 in Bilbao. 9 Marcelino Domingo, A dónde va España?, Madrid, Historia Nueva, 1930, p Ibíd., p During Primo de Rivera s dictatorship, an important sector within PSOE participated in different political structures, from the premise that collaborating in law making, in the field of labour rights, did not mean supporting the regime. 12

13 considered critical by Domingo for democracy to function, for what a modernization of its structure appeared unavoidable to make it agile and decisive. His notion of democracy included other questions such federalism which, in Domingo s view, allowed the diverse territories to govern themselves and, consequently, to feel part of the State. Another aspect was related to the role of the Church in Spanish society, a matter of concern for all republicans. From the very start of his political life, Domingo argued in favour of a secular State in which the Catholic Church had to be subjected to Law, like the rest of organizations, an opinion that was not in contradiction with his support to religious freedom. Furthermore, from his point of view, a secular state guaranteed an education in which religion was excluded, allowing children to develop freely. The configuration of a democratic, federal and secular State was Domingo s hope. Such vision also implied a reorganization of the Justice system, called to undergo a process of humanization with the creation of popular juries, as well as with changes in both civil and criminal codes (in order to guarantee equality between sexes and social classes, and to end the cruel practices, respectively). The army would not remain untouched either, as he aimed to enact a democratizing reform intended to suppress the privileges of the military, who would be limited to national defence. Finally, Domingo was also worried about the new State s economic policy that, in his view, ought to be implemented for the creation of wealth, within a progressive tax system, and opposed to speculation and bankers and brokers dishonest business practices. Such economic policy was based on workers active participation, given their right to set the goals and to control the means of social activity. According to this, Domingo, who stood up for individual rights, considered that social and labour rights had to be incorporated to the new State s Constitution. With the proclamation of the Republic, Domingo had the chance to launch his proposals, nevertheless, for that he needed the support of other republicans. He was appointed Minister of Public Education and Fine Arts in the Provisional Government, a post he retained lately, in the Azaña s government. His background as a school teacher helped him to head such ministry. During his term, which lasted until December 1931, Domingo fostered secular education (that brought him to conflict with the Catholic Church), the pedagogical missions (aimed to bring culture to rural areas), coeducation and bilingualism in Catalonia (Robledo, 2006). In fact, he argued in favour of 13

14 bilingualism not only in Catalonia, but in all the territories where two languages coexisted, from the premise that being respectful to vernaculars Means being respectful to the child s soul. Because in Catalonia there is a vernacular in such conditions and, not for being Catalan but for being a school teacher, I have enacted a decree allowing them to be used in the school. There is a mother tongue also in Valencia, as I have known thanks to another orator [ ] Well, I tell you that such decree will be also applied in Valencia 12. Spaniards, therefore, were called to involve themselves in the Republic s administration, for what a French-style republicanisation of society appeared as necessary. Domingo considered education as fundamental for this reason, and the school was perceived by him as the citizens education epicentre like it happened in France, where schools created citizens aware of their rights and freedoms. In his view, students would bring to their real lives all the things learnt at school, making an impact on society (Gaillard, 2000). As it has been mentioned, such opinion was based on the French experience, in which secular education fostered secularism in general terms: public religion, conceived by the French revolutionaries of 1789, was revealed between the end of nineteenth century and the beginning of twentieth century (Darcos, 2008). Globally, the republican values acquired during the school years promoted a sense of belonging to community, favouring the consolidation of the French Republic, what led Domingo to adopt such policy. From this perspective, education was critical for democracy s sustenance as it prevented citizens from being enslaved by their leaders, making possible the achievement of real equality among them, as well as an increase of personal freedom. The goal was to create equal and responsible citizens, free to choose their life path. In his new post, Domingo assumed the responsibility of modernizing Spain. In fact, after taking up his position of minister of Public Education, he made some statements in which he labeled as disappointing a hypothetical government failure in fulfilling the national hope of incorporating Spain in the civilized world and in Europe. Domingo put national interest ahead of his own interest, or his party s interest, when he 12 The ministers of War, State, Justice and Education, the prisons chief and the general captain in Madrid gave remarkable speeches, La Voz, 15 th

15 assured that thing, as he did not mind to lose against opponents able to reach such objective. During 1931 June, Domingo went all over Spain to gain support for his candidacy in the constituent elections. His ideas became clear in the speeches he gave at those days. More specifically, in one of those public meetings, the Catalan leader developed some of the concepts that were going to guide his future political actions as deputy and minister. Thus, he defended revolution s continuity 13 in order to achieve social rights, once the political regime had changed. According to this, it was the Republic s duty to establish social justice: There is no political revolution without economic revolution, and the latter will not exist without a social one, understood as taking the proletariat from where it is, and promoting it to the position of collaborator. Because we have made the political revolution, we will make the social one 14. From mid-december 1931 to the 1933 elections, Domingo was minister of Agriculture. During the period he headed this department, the Land Reform Law was enacted, aiming to modernize agriculture through land distribution and the creation of the Instituto de Reforma Agraria 15. Although politically boosted by president Azaña, Domingo participated actively in the reform, including its implementation, which from the very beginning caused rejection from the richest groups and the landowners. The Land Reform Law was passed in September 1931 with an important support, given the balance sought between owners and labourers. In this sense it was far from the radical approaches carried out in Mexico or Eastern Europe (within the so-called green revolution ) at that time (Malefakis, 1982). Anyway, landowners perceived the reform as an attack on their interests, as it allowed the expropriation of uncultivated lands, even if they were going to receive compensation in return. Landowners responded to reform by stopping the cultivating works, what fuelled labourers unrest, paving the way for an occasionally violent reaction driven by anarchist groups that enjoyed majoritarian support in the rural areas (Álvarez Chillida, 2011). This project, therefore, was intended 13 Some republicans, among whom there was Domingo, considered that the proclamation of the Republic was the consequence of a non-violent revolution, led by a people that claimed for freedom and democracy. 14 Ibíd. 15 Institute for Land Reform. 15

16 to fulfil a necessity to increase productive lands in order to satisfy internal and external demand without seriously harming property rights. However, nobody was satisfied with the reform, a situation that worsened after Sanjurjo s coup attempt in August Once the instigators were imprisoned, the Republic s government stated that the landowners related to coup were not going to be compensated for the expropriation of their lands. In any case, labourers were not persuaded either by the Land Reform, something that undoubtedly determined the defeat of the republican left in the 1933 elections. Although Domingo never felt comfortable as minister of Agriculture, his commitment with the Republic and Manuel Azaña forced him to accept the appointment, staying in that position until new elections were held. In Azaña s view, the ministry of Agriculture had to be headed by someone respected by all the political groups, someone who did not raise much criticism from the opposition parties. According to this, the chosen person could not be a socialist or his colleague Albornoz, as the latter had often argued with the accidentalist 16 right. Besides, his achievements as minister of Education had demonstrated his aptitude for launching reforms. Domingo s ministerial experience ended with the 1933 elections, in which the divided republican progressives were defeated by a coalition of right-wing parties. The victory of the latter, assembled in the Confederación Española de Derechas Autónomas (CEDA), implied a setback to the reforms implemented during the previous years, as the new Government cancelled all the policies carried out by their predecessors. The political atmosphere became tense and some republicans were even sent to jail, as it happened to Azaña, imprisoned under the charge of conspiring to foster the October 1934 Revolution, during which strikes and demonstrations took place all over Spain, as well as the Estat Catalá 17 was proclaimed. Domingo supported his friend Azaña, whom with he had already founded Izquierda Republicana. Since Azaña s release from prison, they multiplied their presence in rallies held across the country, getting a great support for their party in the 1936 elections though, in that occasion, Izquierda Republicana joined the Frente Popular, a coalition that included republicans, socialists, communists and even some anarchists. 16 Political parties that accepted to participate in the Republic though opposing it, like monarchists and the extreme right, were labelled this way. 17 Catalan State. 16

17 The victory of the Frente Popular in 1936 brought Domingo back to the Ministry of Public Education and Fine Arts, where he encouraged again coeducation and the creation of schools (Robledo, 2006). This time he lasted in the position less than the first time, as he left Government in May 1936, in a moment of increasing political instability marked by numerous violent actions that turned into a civil war after the failed coup d etat headed by Franco and other military leaders, with the support of the right wing parties, a scenario that ended with the Republic and the expectations of a democratic future. During the hostilities, Domingo visited friendly countries in order to get funds to support the Republic s government but he finally exiled in France, where he died at the age of 55, a few weeks before the end of the Civil War. After his death was known, a note was published in a Spanish newspaper: Spanish democracy has lost one of its most efficient publicists. This great republican who has already died [ ] generously popularized the democratic ideal in the papers, in the rallies, in the books and in the theatre. When being a republican was not a glorious thing, but in the contrary, almost a stigma, Marcelino Domingo gained respect for his ideas, defending them with valour [ ] Those who put the best of themselves into their political ideology, deserve the greatest respect. And Marcelino Domingo proved to have such virtues along a long and uninterrupted trajectory Conclusions In the previous pages we have analysed the political thought of Marcelino Domingo, a republican at the service of the Spanish Republic who became one of the most influential politicians of the country. Along his long political trajectory, Domingo formulated a project for Spain based on the idea of a democracy sustained by a social State, where freedom and equity would coexist in order to increase the citizen s welfare. In a moment marked by the crisis of democracy, Domingo put understanding with socialists in place, from a liberal view, becoming one of the earliest socialdemocratic thinkers in Spain, although he never defined himself as such. This ideological trend made possible the establishment of a democratic regime in Spain in 18 Marcelino Domingo ha muerto en Toulouse, ABC (Madrid), March, 3rd

18 which, for the first time in History, both individual and social rights were respected like it was going to happen after the Second World War in the welfare states built all over Europe. Domingo s theoretical and practical contributions helped to achieve such regime, which had many enemies and was finally overcome through a civil war. In conclusion, the republican movement cannot be understood without Marcelino Domingo, a thinker who helped to develop democracy in Spain. 6. References: Álvarez Chillida, G. (2011). Negras tormentas sobre la República: la intransigencia libertarian. In Del Rey, F. (coord.). Palabras como puños: la intransigencia política en la Segunda República española. Madrid: Tecnos. Álvarez Junco, J. (1990). El emperador del Paralelo. Lerroux y la demagogia populista. Madrid: Alianza Editorial. Bernstein, E. (1982). Las premisas del socialismo y las tareas de la socialdemocracia. Problemas del socialismo. El revisionismo en la socialdemocracia. México: Siglo XXI. Bernstein, S. (1997). Los regímenes políticos del siglo XX. Barcelona: Ariel. Boix, C. (2012). El auge de la socialdemocracia. In Przeworski, A., Sáncehz-Cuenca, I. (eds.). Democracia y socialdemocracia. Homenaje a José María Maravall. Madrid: Centro de Estudios Políticos y Constitucionales. Bourgeois, L. (1897). Discours de M. Léon Bourgeois. Paris: Comité d Action pour les Réformes Républicaines. Bourgeois, L. (1908). Prólogo. In Buisson, F. Politique Radicale. Étude sur les doctine du Parti Radical et Radical-Socialiste, Paris: V. Giard & Brière. Carr, R. (2007). España, Madrid: Ariel. Darcos, X. (2008). La escuela republican en Francia: obligatoria, gratuita y laica. La escuela de Jules Ferry, Zaragoza: Prensas Universitarias de Zaragoza. Domingo Sanjuán, M. (1929). Una dictadura en la Europa del siglo XX. Madrid: Historia Nueva. Domingo Sanjuán, M. (1930). A dónde va España?, Madrid: Historia Nueva. Domingo Sanjuán, M. (1934). La experiencia del poder. Madrid: Tip. De S. Quemades. Giner, S. (2007). Historia del Pensamiento Social. Barcelona: Ariel. 18

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