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1 Copyright and Permissions This document is licensed for single-teacher use. The purchase of this curriculum unit includes permission to make copies of the Student Text and appropriate student handouts from the Teacher Resource Book for use in your own classroom. Duplication of this document for the purpose of resale or other distribution is prohibited. Permission is not granted to post this document for use online. Our etext Classroom Editions are designed to allow you to post individual readings, study guides, graphic organizers, and handouts to a learning management system or other password protected site. Visit for more details. The Choices Program curriculum units are protected by copyright. If you would like to use material from a Choices unit in your own work, please contact us for permission. The Choices Program Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University

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4 Acknowledgments CHOICES for the 21st Century Education Program October 2011 Director Susan Graseck Communications & Marketing Jillian McGuire Turbitt Curriculum Development Director Andy Blackadar Curriculum Writer Susannah Bechtel Curriculum Writer Sarah Massey Professional Development Director Mimi Stephens Program Associate Emmett Starr FitzGerald Program Coordinator Kathleen Magiera Video & New Media Producer Tanya Waldburger The Choices for the 21st Century Education Program is a program of the Thomas J. Watson Jr. Institute for International Studies and the Office of Continuing Education at Brown University. The Choices Program develops curricula on current and historical international issues and offers workshops, institutes, and in-service programs for high school teachers. Course materials place special emphasis on the importance of educating students in their participatory role as citizens. was developed by the Choices for the 21st Century Education Program with the assistance of the research staff at the Thomas J. Watson Jr. Institute for International Studies, scholars at Brown University, and several other experts in the field. We wish to thank the following researchers for their invaluable input: James G. Blight CIGI Chair in Foreign Policy Development, Professor Balsillie School of International Affairs, University of Waterloo Philip Brenner Professor of International Relations American University Michael Bustamante Former Project Manager, U.S. Policy Toward a Cuba in Transition Brookings Institution janet Lang Research Professor Balsillie School of International Affairs, University of Waterloo Adrián López Denis Assistant Professor University of Delaware Julia E. Sweig Nelson and David Rockefeller Senior Fellow for Latin America Studies Director of Latin America Studies Council on Foreign Relations Esther Whitfield Associate Professor of Comparative Literature, Brown University We wish to thank Philip Benson, International Baccalaureate history teacher, and Kelly Keogh, a social studies teacher at Normal Community School, Normal, Illinois, for their contributions. Cover photo courtesy of Koldo Cepeda. All maps by Alexander Sayer Gard-Murray. We wish to thank the United States Institute of Peace for its support of. The opinions, findings, and conclusions or recommendations expressed are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the United States Institute of Peace. is part of a continuing series on international public policy issues. New units are published each academic year and all units are updated regularly. Visit us on the World Wide Web

5 Contents Introduction: Cuba without Fidel 1 Part I: Colonization and Independence 2 Cuba under Spanish Rule 2 The Struggle for Independence 5 The Cuban Republic 7 Part II: The Cuban Revolution 11 Patria o Muerte ( The Fatherland or Death ) 13 Revolutionary Reforms 18 Changes Brewing 22 Part III: The Special Period and Cuba Today 25 No es facil ( It s not easy ) 25 Cuba Today 33 Options in Brief 37 Option 1: Safeguard the Revolution 38 Option 2: Build a New Economy 40 Option 3: Embrace Political Freedom 42 Supplementary Resources 44 The Choices for the 21st Century Education Program is a program of the Watson Institute for International Studies at Brown University. Choices was established to help citizens think constructively about foreign policy issues, to improve participatory citizenship skills, and to encourage public judgement on policy issues. The Watson Institute for International Studies was established at Brown University in 1986 to serve as a forum for students, faculty, visiting scholars, and policy practitioners who are committed to analyzing contemporary global problems and developing initiatives to address them. Copyright October Second edition. Choices for the 21st Century Education Program. All rights reserved Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University Choices for the 21st Century Education Program

6 ii Gulf of Mexico Mariel Harbor from which thousands left the for U.S. in U.S. Nassau THE BAHAMAS Atlantic Oce a n Straits of Florida San Cristóbal Soviet nuclear missile sites here in PINAR DEL RÍO Pinar del Río ISLA DE LA JUVENTUD CIUDAD DE LA HABANA LA HABANA Nueva Gerona Matanzas Yucatán Channel Windward Passage Caribbean Sea MATENZAS CIENFUEGOS CAYMAN ISLANS VILLA CLARA Cienfuegos Santa Clara Sancti Spíritus SANCTI SPÍRITUS CUBA CIEGO DE ÁVILA Ciego de Ávia Camagüey CAMAGÜEY LAS TUNAS Las Tunas JAMAICA GRANMA Bayamo Holguín HOLGUÍN SANTIAGO DE CUBA Santiago de Cuba GUANTÁNAMO Guantánamo Sierra Maestra Cuba at a Glance* Area: 110,860 square kilometers Arable land: 28% Population: 11.1 million Life expectancy at birth: 78 years Per capita gross domestic product: $9,900 Literacy Rate: 99.8% Cell phones: 443,000 Havana Bay of Pigs U.S.-backed Cuban exiles landed in April George Town Remedios Soviet nuclear missile sites here in Playa Las Coloradas Fidel Castro and Che Guevara landed from the Granma in December Kingston Guantánamo Bay Christopher Columbus landed in April Now a U.S. naval base. Playitas José Martí and Máximo Gómez landed in April HAITI *Source: CIA World Factbook. Choices for the 21st Century Education Program Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University

7 1 Introduction: Cuba without Fidel On February 19, 2008, Fidel Castro announced to Cuba and to the world that he would not be a candidate for Cuba s presidency. This ended the nearly fifty-year reign of one of the longest serving leaders in the world. The Cuban National Assembly elected Fidel s brother Raúl as president on February 24. Raúl Castro has passed a number of reforms since coming to power, indicating that he is more open to change than his brother. But so far these reforms have not led to any substantial changes in the standard of living for most people. Fidel Castro s absence from government has renewed international attention on Cuba. It has also highlighted the diverging views that outsiders have of Cuba and its history, particularly since the mid-twentieth century. The 1959 Revolution, led by Castro, fundamentally changed Cuba s government, economy, and society. The Revolution has meant different things to different people. While it brought opportunities and advances that were long denied to many Cubans, others lost property, jobs, and the positions they held in Cuban society. Cubans also have very different opinions about their country and its history, and this affects how they think about the future. Many issues that have been important throughout Cuban history are gaining new significance as Cubans think about a Cuba without Fidel Castro. For example, the involvement of foreign countries in Cuba, which has long been a controversial issue in Cuban politics, has become even more pressing in the past few decades as the country opens itself up to tourism and foreign investment. Problems of racism and racial discrimination have also become more apparent in recent years. Additionally, people are increasingly frustrated by the government s constantly changing economic strategies. Today, life for most people in Cuba is not easy. Wages are low and the economy suffers from periodic shortages of essential goods. The government controls the press and the unions, and frequently censors art and literature. Those who oppose government policies and push for democratic reforms are often imprisoned. Thousands of Cubans have left the island over the last five decades. Today, more than one million Cuban immigrants and their descendants live in the United States alone. At the same time, many Cubans are proud of gains their country has made over the last fifty years. They are guaranteed free health care and education. Students from around the world come to study in Cuba s medical schools. Many of Cuba s social indicators, such as infant mortality rate and life expectancy, rival those of industrialized countries and are much better than those of other developing countries. Cuba has undergone profound changes in the last two decades, and many people both within Cuba and around the world wonder what will happen on the island in the coming years. In these readings and the activities that accompany them, you will be asked to step into the shoes of ordinary Cubans on the island and consider Cuba s future in the post-fidel era. The readings trace Cuba s history from the country s pre-colonial past to its most recent economic, social, and political changes. You will be asked to consider important questions: Should Cuba continue along the path started by Fidel Castro? How should Cuba relate to its neighbors and the rest of the world? What values will be most important to Cubans in the coming years? What should Cuba s future be? Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University Choices for the 21st Century Education Program

8 2 Part I: Colonization and Independence In early Cuban history, the island was an integral part of the surrounding region, which included other Caribbean islands and parts of what is today Florida, Mexico, and Central and South America. Within this region, there were numerous indigenous groups that traveled freely from one island or area to another. Various groups migrated from Florida, Mexico, and other Caribbean islands to populate Cuba throughout the island s early history. Historians know very little about the early inhabitants of Cuba. For hundreds of years, most people believed that the Spanish conquest had completely wiped out Cuba s indigenous population. In some cases, various groups intentionally promoted this idea. For example, during the colonial period, many settlers claimed that there were no more indigenous people so that they could freely confiscate indigenous lands (at that time there were laws protecting indigenous people and their lands). Most people believed this myth well into the twentieth century. In recent years, many researchers have confirmed that indigenous communities still exist in some isolated parts of the island, and many Cubans are descended from indigenous ancestors. At the time of the Spanish arrival at the end of the fifteenth century, the Ciboneys and the Taínos were Cuba s main inhabitants. When did Europeans first come to Cuba? Christopher Columbus visited Cuba twice in the 1490s. On the first trip, he and his men spent five weeks on the island, observing the lush landscape and the bountiful species of plant and animal life. It is certain that where there is such marvelous scenery, there must be much from which profit can be made. Christopher Columbus, 1492 In 1494, on a second trip, the Spanish spent three months exploring the island and looking for gold. But Cuba lacked significant mineral riches and so the Spanish did not return to the island for the next fifteen years. Instead, they established settlements on a nearby island, present-day Hispaniola, which had abundant gold deposits and a large indigenous population that the Spanish could enslave to work in the gold mines. What happened when the Spanish returned? By 1508, the Spanish colonial population was too large for Hispaniola to support. Furthermore, the Spanish colonists brutal treatment of the indigenous population had created a labor shortage. Cuba, so close to Hispaniola s shore, was an obvious choice for Spanish expansion. After preliminary explorations, the Spanish began to settle in eastern Cuba in Spanish troops killed scores of people as they attempted to subdue the indigenous population. Word of Spanish brutality spread and much of the organized resistance in the western part of the island either surrendered immediately or fled before the Spanish arrived. Nevertheless, rebellions, led by fugitive indigenous communities on the coasts and in the interior, continued for most of the sixteenth century. Cuba under Spanish Rule The Spanish settled Cuba slowly, gradually creating settlements across the island. The island was initially less important to the Spanish than their other colonies in the region because only a small amount of gold was ever found in Cuba. How did Spanish settlers treat Cuba s indigenous population? The indigenous population numbered between 75,000 and 200,000 people when the Spanish arrived. Although the Spanish gov- Choices for the 21st Century Education Program Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University

9 3 ernment created laws to protect indigenous communities, in practice Spanish colonists used Cuba s inhabitants as expendable slave labor. They sent many indigenous men to work in the island s few gold mines. They forced others to work the land, tend livestock, and be the porters and house servants of the Spanish colonists. The Spanish robbed indigenous communities of their lands and banned them from practicing their native religions. European livestock such as pigs, cattle, and goats ravaged the land and destroyed indigenous crops. Tens of thousands of indigenous people died of malnutrition, suicide, abuse, and disease. By the mid-1550s, less than fifty years after the Spanish arrived in Cuba, the indigenous population was estimated at fewer than three thousand people. Why did Cuba become important to Spain? Although Cuba did not provide gold, it did become a strategically important island for the Spanish. At the end of the sixteenth century, Spain s European rivals began sending pirate fleets to the Caribbean to prey on Spanish treasure ships and shipping routes. Cuba became indispensable as a safe port for the Spanish Empire. Cuba became even more valuable to Spain in later years, after the massive expansion of Cuba s sugar industry. How did sugar affect Cuba? Cuba s sugar industry was initially quite small. In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the island had only a handful of sugar plantations. These plantations were unable to compete with the wealthy sugar estates on other Caribbean islands. The French colony of St. Domingue (present-day Haiti) was particularly successful in the world market, producing more sugar than any other island in the region. This all changed in 1791, when the majority slave population in St. Domingue rose up in revolt, burning plantations and forcing French colonists off the island in what became known as the Haitian Revolution. Many of these French colonists fled to Cuba, where they helped transform Cuba into one of the largest sugar producers in the world. In the 1770s, Cuba produced only 3.2 percent of the total amount of Caribbean sugar. By 1862, Cuba produced nearly one-third of all sugar in the world market. To remain competitive, the sugar industry needed more and more land for large sugar estates and mills. As the nineteenth century progressed, other parts of Cuba s economy shrunk to accommodate this new industry. Sugar farmers cut down vast forests and converted many cattle ranches and tobacco farms to sugar plantations. Sugar became the country s main export crop. Cubans began importing goods like dried meat and timber goods that the colony had previously produced and sold to other countries. By the middle of the nineteenth century, sugar made up a majority of Cuba's income. Although sugar forced some industries to shrink, it also led to development in other sectors. The growth of the sugar industry helped modernize the transportation system, as sugar cane needed to be transported from the fields to the mills and then to cities and ports. Builders constructed new roads and, in the 1840s, laid hundreds of miles of railroad track. New technologies used in sugar production, such as steam power, spread to other industries. The sugar industry and other related sectors demanded an enormous amount of labor. With few indigenous people left, plantation owners turned to the African slave trade to fulfill their needs. How did Cuban landowners treat African slaves? Enslaved Africans had lived in Cuba since the Spanish first arrived on the island, but until the growth of the sugar industry, Cuba s small economy had a limited need for African slaves. Unlike other booming slave economies in the Caribbean, Cuba s involvement in the slave trade only began in earnest at the end of the eighteenth century. Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University Choices for the 21st Century Education Program

10 4 Library of Congress. Workers on a sugar cane field in Santiago Province, late nineteenth century. Of the approximately one million African slaves brought to Cuba over more than 350 years, almost 80 percent arrived between 1790 and Despite an 1817 treaty in which the Spanish government pledged to end the slave trade, the trade in Cuba did not completely end until slavery itself was abolished on the island in Many of Cuba s enslaved people worked in the sugar fields in rural Cuba. Plantation owners often abused and overworked their slaves. Malnutrition, abuse, and disease contributed to an extremely high mortality rate; in the nineteenth century, most enslaved Africans died within seven years of arriving in Cuba. Some plantation owners used mutilation and even death as forms of punishment. At the same time, many Cuban slave owners freed their old and sick slaves, and even allowed slaves to buy their own freedom. Who were Cuba s free people of color? As Cuba s slave population grew in the nineteenth century, the population of free blacks and mestizos (people of mixed race), collectively known as free people of color, also grew dramatically, increasing from 54,000 in 1792 to 153,000 in Cuba s population of free people of color was far greater than that of any other colony in the region. Many free people of color lived and worked in Cuba s large towns and cities. For much of Cuba s early history, they lived alongside whites. Some held professional jobs as artisans, priests, military officers, doctors, and lawyers, and some even owned slaves and were quite wealthy. Others, primarily runaway slaves and their descendants, lived as fugitives in Cuba s inaccessible eastern interior. Some joined indigenous communities and lived in palenques, protected villages completely independent of colonial society. Racial discrimination, which had existed in Cuba throughout the colonial period, intensified in the nineteenth century. After the revolution in St. Domingue, white Cubans became increasingly fearful of slave rebellions. They were also anxious to protect the institution of slavery because they believed it was vital to the colony's economic success. What was the relationship between Cuba and the United States in the nineteenth century? Many U.S. leaders had long been interested in acquiring Cuba. This interest grew stronger in the 1820s after the United States obtained Florida. Cuba, so close to U.S. shipping routes off the coast of Miami, became a U.S. national security issue. Many U.S. citizens believed Cuba should become part of the United States. [I]f an apple, severed by the tempest from its native tree, cannot choose but to fall to the ground, Cuba, forcibly disjoined from its own unnatural connection with Spain, and incapable of self-support, can gravitate only towards the North American Union... John Quincy Adams (as secretary of state), 1823 Choices for the 21st Century Education Program Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University

11 5 Many wealthy Cubans were sympathetic to U.S. ideals and values. Many sent their children to the United States for schooling and some even became naturalized U.S. citizens. At the same time, some people from the United States settled in Cuba, running businesses and conducting trade. Over the course of the nineteenth century, the United States and Cuba developed strong economic ties as well. By 1859, nearly half of all Cuban trade was with the United States, making the United States, not Spain, Cuba s main trading partner. U.S. markets bought the majority of Cuba s sugar and provided Cuban markets with food, manufactured goods, and other supplies. Many people in the United States believed that acquiring Cuba was the next stage of U.S. expansion. Numerous U.S. presidents offered to buy Cuba from Spain, but the Spanish government refused. Rather than lose Cuba to another colonial power or to Cubans themselves, the U.S. government decided to support Spain until it could be convinced to hand Cuba over to the United States. The Struggle for Independence Despite the fact that all of Spain s colonies in Central and South America were independent by 1825, Cuba remained under Spanish control until the end of the nineteenth century. This was not for lack of trying on the part of a number of groups: throughout the 1800s there were rebellions and revolts throughout the island. Many were led by Cuba s people of color. These groups fought not only to end Spanish rule in Cuba but also to abolish slavery. Many Cubans began to see Spanish rule as costly, oppressive, and unnecessary. At the same time, many white Cubans and recent Spanish immigrants were reluctant to support Cuban independence. They depended on the sugar industry and were fearful of uncontrollable slave rebellions. The Spanish were also unwilling to let Cuba become independent. Cuba was one of the last colonies in the waning Spanish empire and the Spanish government was determined to hold onto the island at whatever cost. Spain placed Cuba under martial law for much of the nineteenth century. What groups revolted in the nineteenth century? There were different types of revolts that took place in nineteenth-century Cuba. Some were slave rebellions. Most of these rebellions were small, violent, and related to local problems. They took place in plantations across the island throughout the century, sometimes related to larger revolts but oftentimes not. Other revolts were more widespread and involved enslaved people, free people of color, and whites. Finally, some wealthy white Cubans led movements to have Cuba annexed by the United States. They believed that annexation would allow them to continue slavery, which was still prevalent in the United States at the time. The Spanish authorities responded to these revolts with overwhelming force. With excellent spy networks across the country, they often found out about revolts before they occurred and either executed or exiled the leaders. Many white Cubans who were loyal to Spain also formed volunteer armies that patrolled the country and violently repressed any uprisings. What was the result of the Ten Years War? The Ten Years War was the first widespread Cuban revolt that successfully threatened Spanish rule. Most Cubans today view this war as the start of the country s war for independence from Spain. But by 1878, after ten years of fighting and with more than fifty thousand soldiers and civilians dead, neither side had gained any advantage. Although the peace settlement initiated the gradual emancipation of enslaved Cubans, Spain ultimately retained control of Cuba. The war devastated large parts of Cuba s economy. Unemployment grew dramatically, wages declined, and the cost of living increased. Many small farmers lost their lands and migrated to the cities where they were unable to find work. Spanish-born elites Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University Choices for the 21st Century Education Program

12 6 owned much of Cuba s trade, finance, industry, and manufacturing sectors. These elites were unwilling to hire Cubans after the war, and many companies actively encouraged Spanish workers to immigrate to Cuba. The Cuban-born workforce became increasingly displaced in its home country. The war also hurt parts of the sugar industry, particularly small farms and mills. In areas hardest hit by the war, production declined and many landowners faced bankruptcy. Large plantation owners and U.S. investors took advantage of this situation and bought up large amounts of land. U.S. businesses also put money into other parts of Cuba s economy, modernizing the sugar, tobacco, and mining industries. By 1896, U.S. businesses had $50 million (the equivalent of $1.2 billion today) worth of investments in Cuba. Cuba s economy improved somewhat by the late 1880s, largely because of increased trade with the United States. By 1890, approximately 94 percent of Cuba s sugar exports went to U.S. markets. Although this trade breathed new life into Cuba s economy, it also made Cuba dependent upon the whims of U.S. trade policy. When the U.S. government increased taxes on Cuban sugar in 1894, the Cuban economy again plunged into recession. Economic uncertainty and high colonial taxes led many Cubans to support the next phase of the Cuban war for independence, which began in What happened in the 1895 war for independence? Many Cubans seeking independence from Spain lived in exile in the years after the Ten Years War, planning a new rebellion. In April 1895, they made their move. Forces led by José Martí (see box), Antonio Maceo, and Máximo Gómez, among others, landed in ports along the eastern portion of the island and joined a rebellion that had begun there in February. They called not only for independence but for fundamental social change and an end to injustice. Many rebel leaders and soldiers were people of color and the rebels enjoyed widespread popular support. The Spanish were quick to respond. In 1896, the Spanish commander, General Valeriano Weyler, created reconcentration camps to prevent ordinary Cubans from supporting rebel forces. Spanish troops forced Cuban Exiles and José Martí Many Cubans, including veterans of the Ten Years War, intellectuals, and ordinary workers, went into exile after the Ten Years War rather than continue to live under Spanish rule. Most lived in exile communities in Latin America, Europe, and the United States. They continued to promote their vision of Cuba Libre, a free Cuba. They believed that independence would only be achieved through armed struggle and that a new war for liberation was inevitable. José Martí was one of these exiles, expelled from Cuba by the Spanish in Martí, born in Havana in 1853 to Spanish parents, was an activist, poet, journalist, and skilled speaker. He spent his exile travelling around the world and by the 1880s had emerged as a major force among Cuban exiles. Martí believed that Cuban independence was a process rather than a single event. He warned that the Cuban independence movement needed to be highly organized or it risked being taken over by the United States. Martí promoted the idea of national sovereignty (the right of Cubans to rule themselves without outside interference) and argued that Cubans had to be careful not only to gain independence from Spain but to retain independence from all foreign powers. Martí also promoted racial equality and believed that independence was only the first step in a longer process to eliminate social and economic injustice. In 1895, Martí landed in Cuba with the rebel forces but was killed in fighting six weeks later. Today he is universally celebrated among Cubans as a national hero. Choices for the 21st Century Education Program Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University

13 7 Library of Congress. Cuban soldiers in the war for independence, entire populations of towns and villages to leave their homes and live in these heavily guarded camps, which had inadequate food, housing, and sanitation. Malnutrition, abuse, and disease killed tens of thousands of Cubans in the camps. Spanish forces also attacked the countryside, burning villages and crops and confiscating or killing livestock. Their actions drove even more Cubans to join the rebel cause. Fighting continued for two more years. But by 1898, the Spanish troops were demoralized and General Weyler had resigned. The Spanish began trying to negotiate peace with rebel leaders. The rebels refused to compromise, knowing that they had overwhelming popular support. Many believed that the rebel army would be victorious by the year s end. But the course of fighting changed when the United States decided to enter the war in April What was the result of U.S. military involvement in Cuba? Historians disagree about what motivated the United States to get involved in Cuba. Many believe it was a combination of factors. Some argue that most people in the United States at the time wanted to enter the war either for humanitarian reasons to save Cubans from the brutality of the Spanish or to help Cubans gain independence. Others claim that the U.S. government wanted to protect U.S. businesses and property in Cuba. Still others contend that the United States, hoping to become a global power, was making a move to take over Cuba. Regardless of its motivations, the U.S. government was aware that the rebels were close to winning the war in It is now evident that Spain s struggle in Cuba has become absolutely hopeless. Assistant Secretary of State William R. Day, confidential memorandum, March 26, 1898 On April 25, 1898, the U.S. government declared war on Spain (in the United States, it became known as the Spanish-American War). Within months, U.S. forces had defeated the Spanish, signed a peace treaty with Spain (Cuban leaders were not invited to the peace talks), and dashed Cuban hopes for immediate independence. The Cuban Republic Cubans today do not look positively on the U.S. intervention in 1898, but at the time, some rebel leaders welcomed U.S. involvement. Before entering the war, the United States had pledged not to take over Cuba and many Cubans believed that the United States would help Cubans secure their freedom. Instead, the United States influenced Cuban domestic affairs for the next half century. What was the Platt Amendment? The U.S. military occupied Cuba for the next four years, replacing Spain s military rule with that of its own. U.S. personnel allowed Spanish administrators and officials to keep their government jobs. They prevented rebel leaders from enacting any social or economic Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University Choices for the 21st Century Education Program

14 8 reforms, such as land redistribution, that would change Cuba s class structure. To ensure that the United States would continue to have power and control over Cuba after the occupation, the U.S. government forced Cubans to accept the Platt Amendment into their new constitution. This amendment gave the U.S. government the right to oversee Cuba s finances, to intervene in domestic affairs, and to lease three Cuban ports to the U.S. Navy. (One of them, Guantánamo naval base, remains under U.S. control to this day.) [T]he United States may exercise the right to intervene for the preservation of Cuban independence, [and] the maintenance of a government adequate for the protection of life, property, and individual liberty... Article III, Platt Amendment, 1901 Many Cubans were outraged. They knew that the Platt Amendment would limit the sovereignty and independence of their new government. But the United States refused to remove its occupying forces until the amendment was passed. In June 1901, by a vote of 17 to 11, the Cuban constitutional convention incorporated the Platt Amendment into Cuba s new constitution. A year later, U.S. forces left the island. What happened to Cuba s economy after the war? Much of Cuba s economy was in shambles at the end of the war. The Spanish had removed most Cubans from their lands during the war and production had declined dramatically. Both the Spanish and the rebels had ravaged the land and many Cubans who returned home did not have the money to restore their lands. As they had done after the Ten Years War, U.S. investors bought up large amounts of Cuban land. By 1905, U.S. citizens and companies owned 60 percent of rural property in Cuba while Cubans owned only 25 percent. Foreign businesses also invested lots of money in other parts of Cuba s economy. Foreign companies bought up Cuban railroads, mines, utilities, manufacturing plants, and sugar mills. British, Spanish, French, and German businesses all invested heavily in Cuba s economy, but none came close to investments made by the United States. By the mid-1920s, U.S.-owned sugar mills produced 63 percent of Cuba s total sugar crop. Steady demand and high U.S. investment helped the sugar industry expand rapidly, taking land and workers from other areas of the economy. Library of Congress. People in Cuba watch U.S. General Wood and U.S. occupying forces leave Cuba, May 20, How did sugar make the Cuban economy vulnerable? Thanks largely to U.S. investment and increased world demand during World War I, Cuba s sugar industry boomed. By 1925, Cuba s share of worldwide sugar production was a staggering 23 percent, mak- Choices for the 21st Century Education Program Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University

15 9 The Partido Independiente de Color and the Rebellion of 1912 Great numbers of people of color had participated in the war for independence, and they believed that they too would experience immediate benefits in postwar Cuba. But the pace of change was slow, particularly for Afro-Cubans (Cubans of African descent). They faced discrimination in employment and in admission to universities, and many were excluded from politics because they were illiterate and therefore could not vote. In 1907, a number of prominent Afro-Cubans formed the Partido Independiente de Color (PIC), the first black political party in the Western hemisphere. The PIC called for full racial equality, social reform, and an end to discrimination, particularly within government. The party was very popular among people of color across the country, poor and middle class alike. White Cubans saw the PIC as racist and believed it was a threat to the country s unity. In 1911, the Cuban government passed a law prohibiting the creation of political parties formed along racial lines and banned the PIC. (This law is still in effect today.) In response to the ban, PIC leaders organized an armed protest in The Cuban army responded with brutality. Cuban forces massacred thousands of Afro-Cubans within a matter of weeks. Many of the white soldiers who repressed the rebellion had fought side by side with PIC members during the war for independence. This violence highlighted the deep racial divisions that continued to exist in Cuban society. ing Cuba the largest producer and exporter of sugar in the world. But Cuba s increasing reliance on this one crop made the economy vulnerable to problems like bad harvests, low prices, and increased competition on the world sugar market. If the sugar industry had a bad year, the Cuban economy suffered dramatically as a result. Sugar brought great benefits to Cuba s economy, generating high profits and employment. But most Cubans did not share in this economic growth. Many of Cuba s sugar workers worked only during the harvest about three months each year and struggled to make ends meet during the rest of the year. Many others struggled to find any work at all in the early years of independence. Foreign businesses encouraged Spanish immigration and often refused to hire native Cubans. These businesses also hired cheap contract labor from Haiti, Jamaica, and other Caribbean countries to work on sugar and tobacco plantations. Many Cubans were forced to rely upon the government to provide jobs for them. How was government corruption a problem? In the first few decades of independence, the Cuban government was a major employer of Cubans. A succession of leaders, some elected and some who had taken power by force, expanded the government, providing jobs for family, friends, and supporters. Corruption within the government was widespread. Many officials accepted bribes and skimmed money from public funds. Most were only in power for a few years and took as much as they could while they were there. Because holding public office ensured a good income, politicians did everything they could to get and maintain power. Candidates often fixed elections and others led coups to take over the government. The United States was often involved in Cuban domestic politics in the first few decades of independence. Sometimes the U.S. government tampered with elections to ensure that a U.S.-friendly candidate came to power. Other times, Cuban politicians requested assistance from the U.S. government to help solve domestic political disputes. Some Cuban leaders used U.S. involvement or the threat of U.S. involvement as a way to maintain their own hold on power. U.S. troops intervened militarily in Cuba three times in the first two decades Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University Choices for the 21st Century Education Program

16 10 Hulton-Deutsch Collection/CORBIS. The police arrest a suspected opponent of Machado s regime in Havana in the 1930s. of the twentieth century, occupying Cuba from 1906 to 1909, again in 1912, and from 1917 to How did Cubans respond to government corruption? Many Cubans were frustrated with the corruption and incompetence of the government. They believed that government officials were focused not on improving the lives of the people but on enriching themselves. There were a number of armed revolts in the early decades of independence. Most of them were protests against fraudulent elections, but others addressed larger social concerns such as racial discrimination (see box on page 9). Calls for reform grew throughout the 1920s. Varying demands included an end to government corruption, repeal of the Platt Amendment, and land reform. Nationalism (a strong devotion to one s people and country) spread across the country. Cubans increasingly expressed their dissatisfaction with the U.S. presence in Cuba. The world economic depression hit Cuba hard in the late 1920s and 1930s. This was compounded by new U.S. restrictions that limited the amount of Cuban sugar sold in the United States to protect U.S. farmers. Frustrated Cubans aimed much of their discontent at the government, led at that time by President Gerardo Machado. Machado had come to power in 1924 on a platform of reform, but by the middle of his second term, his government had become infamous for violently repressing the people. Machado created a secret police to monitor, torture, and imprison or execute thousands of people who opposed his government. But opposition groups in Cuba did not back down. Across the country, strikes increased, as did bombings, sabotage, and assassinations of government targets. Instead of troops, U.S. President Franklin Roosevelt sent a special ambassador in May 1933, hoping to mediate the conflict and prevent the overthrow of the government. Negotiations had not gotten far when a general strike broke out in Havana that August, halting all economic activity in the city. The U.S. government, fearful that a full revolution was imminent and hoping to avoid military intervention, withdrew its support of the Cuban government. Within days, the army overthrew the government and Machado fled the country. In Part I of the reading, you have seen how Cubans experienced Spanish colonialism, the important role that sugar played in Cuba s economy, and the roots of Cuba s relationship with the United States, as well as the country s long history of rebellion and revolution. The protests of the 1930s were an important turning point in Cuba s political history. They signalled the Cuban people s growing desire for change, a desire that would continue to gain momentum over the coming decades. Choices for the 21st Century Education Program Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University

17 11 For a brief period in the 1930s, Cuba seemed poised for reform. A military coup in September 1933 made Ramón Grau San Martín president of Cuba. Grau and his government dedicated themselves to social, economic, and political reforms that would alleviate the sufferings of the people. For example, Grau required foreign businesses to hire more Cubans, put a number of foreign sugar mills under government control, gave women the right to vote, and began a program of land reform. But many in Cuba did not support the new government, viewing it as either too radical or not radical enough. Who was Fulgencio Batista? The United States, realizing that Grau s government might threaten U.S. influence in Cuba, refused to recognize the new government. This further weakened public support in Cuba for the regime. Instead, the U.S. government began supporting Fulgencio Batista, a powerful colonel in the Cuban army, and convinced him to lead a coup against Grau s government. Grau s reform government collapsed in With U.S. support, Batista created a government of his own, ruling through puppet presidents rather than assuming power himself. Batista focused his energy on maintaining control and stability and put nearly every branch of government under the control of the army. His government ruthlessly repressed all strikes, demonstrations, and other forms of government opposition. As a way of supporting Batista, the United States repealed the Platt Amendment. The U.S. and Cuban governments negotiated a new agreement that gave the United States a lease on the property of the Guantánamo base but ended all formal U.S. involvement in the Cuban government. At the same time, Batista instituted numerous reforms to improve the lives of the poor and working classes. In 1940, he organized a constitutional convention and delegates wrote a new constitution that enshrined many of the Part II: The Cuban Revolution political, social, and economic reforms that Cubans wished to see. This constitution was one of the most progressive in Latin American history. Batista won the presidency by a wide margin in elections called later that year. Despite the new constitution, the government corruption of previous years returned in full force when Batista left office in A succession of scandals and weak, corrupt leaders left Cubans thoroughly disillusioned with their government and with democracy in general. In 1952, Batista led a coup and took over the government again. Most Cubans raised little protest and Batista s forces made sure to smother any opposition immediately. What was life like for Cubans in the 1950s? Although there was little public protest when Batista took over the government in 1952, many Cubans were frustrated. Despite the fact that Cuba had the second highest average income per person in Latin America, many Cubans lived in poverty. A series of economic recessions in the 1950s added to their hardships. In 1958 alone, unemployment more than doubled to 18 percent. Wages steadily declined, thousands of beggars roamed the streets of Havana, and an underworld of crime, drugs, and prostitution flourished. At the same time, there was widespread corruption in the Batista regime. In 1957, a local newspaper disclosed that twenty members of Batista s government had Swiss bank accounts totalling more than $1 million ($7.5 million today) each. Batista also gave millions of dollars to groups that might oppose the government, including unions, churches, and reporters, in order to keep them under his control. As the decade progressed, frustrations reached a peak. Movements sprang up across the country in opposition to Batista. Some wanted to achieve political change through negotiations, while others believed that only armed struggle would lead to meaningful change. Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University Choices for the 21st Century Education Program

18 12 Bettmann/CORBIS. What was the 26th of July Movement? On July 26, 1953, a group of about 150 students and young radicals led an assault on the Moncado Barracks, a military post in the eastern city of Santiago. Government soldiers easily defeated the attack, and in the days that followed, more than one hundred of the rebels were arrested and tortured or executed by government troops. Although the attack was a failure, the boldness of the group attracted national attention, particularly for its young, charismatic leader, a man named Fidel Castro. Castro was a lawyer and led the defense of his group at their trial. He connected the struggles and goals of his group, which later became known as the 26th of July Movement (M-26-7), to Cuba s rebellions in the nineteenth century. When asked to name who was behind the attack, Castro replied that José Martí was the group s intellectual author. At his own trial, he gave an impassioned speech highlighting the country s inequality and condemning Batista. M-26-7 rebels at a secret base in the Sierra Maestra mountains, Fidel Castro is standing in the center, his brother Raúl is kneeling in front of him, and Che Guevara is second from the left. The courts sentenced him to prison along with his brother Raúl and the group s other leaders. Two years later, Batista granted them amnesty and they left Cuba for Mexico. There, the group joined up with an Argentine doctor and revolutionary named Ernesto Che Guevara and began planning their next attack on the Batista regime. How did the opposition overthrow Batista? In Cuba, opposition to Batista continued to grow. Workers, students, professionals and even members of the military joined movements to remove Batista from power. Increasingly, opposition groups came to the decision that armed struggle was necessary. As the opposition grew more violent, so did the response of the government. Batista s military police were brutal, arresting and torturing scores of opposition members. At times, the violence was indiscriminate, terrorizing many who were not even involved in the opposition movement. In 1956, Castro and about eighty others from the M-26-7 returned to Cuba, sailing from Mexico on a small boat called the Granma. Ambushed by Batista s forces when they arrived, the rebels fled into the mountains of the Sierra Maestra and led their guerrilla attack from there. Batista created detention camps, similar to the Spanish reconcentration camps in the 1890s, and cleared peasants out of the mountains in order to isolate the rebels. Anyone found in these cleared lands was assumed to be a member of the guerrilla army and was shot or bombed on sight. This tactic pushed many peasants to support the rebels. In the cities, opposition groups were essential for funneling supplies and financial support to the rebels. Over the next two years, the M-26-7 slowly gained more and more territory in the east. At the same time, others in the M-26-7 joined opposition forces in the cities conducting other forms of sabotage. Bombings, arson, kidnappings, Choices for the 21st Century Education Program Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University

19 13 and assassinations became commonplace. The M-26-7 also wanted to cripple Cuba s economy. In February 1958, guerrilla forces began burning crops across the countryside, focusing particularly on the sugar harvest. The M-26-7 also called a general strike of workers across the island that April. In July, opposition groups met to better coordinate their efforts and decided that Fidel Castro would be the leader of the anti-batista movement. These groups all wanted an end to Batista s dictatorship but did not necessarily share a common vision for the future government. Batista led one last offensive against the rebels in the east that summer. Within a matter of months, most of his troops had deserted or defected to the rebels. In December of that year, the U.S. government sent representatives to negotiate with Batista. They hoped to convince him to resign to prevent the whole government from being overthrown. Batista refused. Overwhelming popular support for the rebels forced him to leave the country on December 31, Within days, Fidel Castro entered Havana and began directing Cuba s new government. Patria o Muerte (The Fatherland or Death) Fidel Castro would lead Cuba s government for the next four and a half decades, and the Communist Party that he helped build continues to lead Cuba today. According to the Cuban government, the Cuban Revolution was not a single event or transfer of power, but rather a set of principles, ideals, and policies that began in 1959 and continues to the present. Cheering crowds in Havana holding the flag of the 26th of July Movement on January 1, Many observers have argued that the Revolution has endured for so long partly because of the charisma, or strength of personality, of Fidel Castro. Although there is dissent in Cuba, for many, Castro symbolizes ideals such as Cuban independence and sovereignty. The Revolution provided a powerful sense of dignity, pride, and national culture to much of Cuba s population. For many, this justified the undemocratic leadership position Castro held for close to five decades. What were the goals of Cuba s new leaders? In speeches and publications, the M-26-7 emphasized Cuban nationalism. They promoted an interpretation of Cuban history in which Cubans were locked in a centuries-long struggle for independence from foreign rule, whether Spanish or American, and exploitation by foreign companies. The Revolution, they promised, would finally allow Cubans to control their own destiny. Cuba s leaders were also concerned about the inequality that existed within Cuban society. They especially wanted to improve the standard of living of poor Cubans. At the same time, Cuba s new leaders did not have a clear plan when they came to power. In the first few months after Batista fled the country, it was unclear to many observers how the new government would go about achieving its goals. The U.S. government in particular Hulton Archive/Getty Images. Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University Choices for the 21st Century Education Program

20 14 was concerned about how this new government might affect U.S. economic interests in Cuba. Although the era of formal U.S. involvement in Cuban domestic affairs had ended in 1934 with the repeal of the Platt Amendment, the U.S. government had maintained a great deal of influence in Cuba throughout the 1940s and 1950s. Until Castro came to power, the United States had such an irresistible influence in Cuba that the U.S. ambassador was the country s second personage, sometimes even more important than the Cuban president. Earl Smith, former U.S. ambassador to Cuba, 1960 U.S. trade agreements still strongly influenced Cuba s economic policies, and U.S. businesses still controlled large parts of Cuba s economy. U.S. officials were unsure what to make of Castro s government and the Revolution. What were the early reforms of the Revolution? In May 1959, the government issued the first of a series of economic, political, and social reforms aimed at reorganizing Cuban society. One of its top priorities was to bring the economy under state control. The government began by taking ownership of large amounts of land with the Agrarian Reform Act of This law limited the size of individual landholdings, and all land in excess of this amount was nationalized (to nationalize is to bring under government control). Owners were not compensated for their land. Government measures particularly attacked foreign ownership in Cuba. When foreign firms refused to meet the demands of workers or the Cuban government, the government threatened to nationalize them. U.S. business owners were particularly opposed to the Agrarian Reform Act, as many still owned large tracts of land in Cuba. Tensions between the Cuban and U.S. governments ran particularly high over this issue in 1960, and by the What is the difference between socialism and capitalism? Socialism is an economic system in which the community or the state controls the production and distribution of resources in order to increase social and economic equality. Generally in socialist systems, the state or community rather than individuals owns resources such as land and businesses. Communism is a political stage after socialism without social classes, property ownership, or even government. Communism has never been achieved by any state in the modern world. Socialist economic systems have occurred in both democratic and authoritarian states. Capitalism is an economic system in which resources are all or mostly owned by individuals and operated for profit. Production and distribution of goods is left up to individuals or market forces such as supply and demand. During the Cold War, the United States acted on the belief that the world was divided into two camps: governments supportive of communism and those supportive of capitalism. For a while, it believed that all communists took orders from and acted on behalf of the Soviet Union, which was seen as a mortal enemy to the United States. Many within capitalist countries were also opposed to socialism because the property rights of individuals who owned land or businesses in socialist countries were threatened by the socialist system. For example, when Cuba became a socialist economy, U.S. investors were forced to turn over their land and businesses to the Cuban government. Although countries are often classified as socialist or capitalist, in practice most economies are not purely socialist or capitalist. For example, the United States is considered a capitalist country. At the same time, there are programs, such as Medicare and welfare, in which the U.S. government distributes resources to the elderly and to the poor. Choices for the 21st Century Education Program Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University

21 15 end of that year, all U.S.-owned properties and businesses had been nationalized by the Cuban government. Throughout the early 1960s, the government passed laws nationalizing more land and businesses, including both local and foreign-owned sugar mills, hotels, banks, railroads, and other industries. The government took control of these businesses and began to play a much more active role in directing Cuba s economy. The government also sought to increase trade with the Soviet Union, and in 1960 established diplomatic relations with the Soviets. In the midst of the Cold War, this move greatly troubled U.S. officials. In January 1961, the United States broke relations with Cuba. Cuba-U.S. relations continued to worsen over the next few years. How did the Cuban government deal with dissent? Although the leaders of the Revolution initially enjoyed widespread popular support, as the months passed, some opposition began to grow. Many criticized the government for its treatment of former government officials. Upon taking power, the revolutionary government removed all of Batista s supporters from positions of power. Cuba s new leaders imprisoned and executed scores of former government and military officials without trial, often broadcasting the executions on television. Many observers, both at home and abroad, condemned the government for the severity of these punishments and the lack of legal process. Some Cubans were also unhappy with the socialist course the government had embarked upon. Even some members of Cuba s revolutionary government did not agree with Castro s turn towards socialism and the Soviet Union. Many officials left or were forced out of the government. Dissent sprang up across the country, not only among wealthy Cubans most negatively affected by the economic reforms, but also among some poor and working class communities. Castro (right) visiting with Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev (center) and other officials in Moscow, The Cuban government had little patience for dissenting opinions. It designated anyone who was anti-socialist as an opponent of the Revolution. Cubans who did not show adequate enthusiasm for the Revolution also risked being labeled as enemies. In a revolutionary process, there are no neutrals, there are only partisans of the revolution or enemies of it. Fidel Castro, 1960 According to official government figures, by the mid-1960s, Cuba s jails were filled with more than 20,000 political prisoners. Many other Cubans chose to leave the country altogether. In some instances, the Cuban government even encouraged this, preferring that dissidents leave the island rather than actively oppose the regime from within. In the 1960s, more than half a million Cubans emigrated. Many chose to settle in the United States while others left for countries in Europe and Latin America. The vast majority were white and middle class. Many were former managers, technicians, and professionals who had been replaced by revolutionaries when their businesses were nationalized. Many émigrés believed that their time abroad would be short-lived, confident that the new government would fail due to opposition on the island and from the United States. Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University Choices for the 21st Century Education Program

22 16 Manolo Casanova/CORBIS. Cuban exiles on an unidentified base in the Caribbean planning an attack against the Cuban government. This picture was taken shortly before the Bay of Pigs invasion, April How did the U.S. government respond to the Cuban Revolution? Most of U.S. animosity towards the Cuban government came from the Cuban government s takeover of U.S. property in Cuba. Cuba s growing relationship with the Soviet Union also troubled the U.S. government. U.S. fears grew in mid-1960, when Cuba and the Soviet Union signed the first of a number of military agreements. Even before these arms deals, the U.S. government had begun planning operations to overthrow Castro s government. U.S. leaders wished to avoid direct intervention in Cuba. Instead, they hoped to support opposition both within Cuba and within the exile community in the United States to depose Castro. On April 14, 1961, CIA-sponsored air raids on Cuban airports killed several people. Two days later, Castro declared that Cuba was a socialist country (see box on page 14). The next day, a group of fourteen hundred Cuban exiles, trained and supported by the CIA, landed at the Bay of Pigs on the south central coast. Led by a number of former Castro government officials, these exiles hoped to spark a countrywide rebellion against the government. Within seventy-two hours, Cuban forces had soundly defeated the invasion. The Cuban government, announcing its fear of further U.S. involvement, increased its political repression and arrested as many as 200,000 suspected dissidents across the island. Today, this unsuccessful invasion is known as The Victory in Cuba. Despite the failure of the Bay of Pigs invasion, the U.S. government continued to make plans to overthrow Fidel Castro. In early 1962, the CIA began a program called Operation Mongoose, aimed at overthrowing Cuba s government. The United States will help the people of Cuba overthrow the Communist regime from within Cuba and institute a new regime with which the United States can live in peace. Operation Mongoose, February 1962 Throughout the early 1960s, CIA operatives and U.S.-backed Cuban exiles attempted a number of plots to destabilize Cuba s government. The CIA directed its attacks at both economic and political targets. Operation Mongoose included acts of sabotage within Cuba as well as political maneuvers to isolate Cuba internationally. The CIA also funded opposition groups in Cuba and in the United States to violently oppose the government. As part of Operation Mongoose, in February 1962 the U.S. government instituted an economic embargo, halting all trade with Cuba. (The embargo is still in effect today.) It actively encouraged U.S. allies to do the same. The U.S. military also conducted a number of naval exercises near Cuban shores, aimed at intimidating the Cuban government. A separate CIA program drew up plans to assassinate Fidel Castro (see box on page 17). Choices for the 21st Century Education Program Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University

23 17 What was the October Crisis? Relations between the United States and Cuba deteriorated throughout U.S. attempts to destabilize Cuba were met with growing hostility on the island. The Cuban government became convinced that a U.S. invasion was imminent. Castro believed that he needed to strengthen Cuba s defenses to protect Cuba from the United States. The Cuban government turned to the Soviet Union for support. The Soviets, for their part, hoped to increase their military capabilities in the Western hemisphere. The Soviet government increased its shipments of weapons to Cuba throughout In October of that year, U.S. reconnaissance pilots found evidence of nuclear missile installations in Cuba. The discovery led to a tense standoff between the United States and the Soviet Union, bringing the world to the brink of nuclear war in what became known in Cuba as the October Crisis. (It is called the Cuban Missile Crisis in the United States.) Castro believed that standing up to U.S. aggression was worth the risk of a nuclear attack on Cuba. The installation of these weapons was nothing other than an act of Poisoned Divesuits and Exploding Cigars A former bodyguard of Fidel Castro has estimated that, since 1959, there have been more than 630 attempts on Castro s life. The U.S. Central Intelligence Agency initiated and supported a number of assassination attempts in the 1960s, but claims that it has not been involved in any since then. A number of Cuban exiles in the United States, many belonging to groups previously funded by the CIA, have also been very active in trying to bring down Castro s government. We were pretty (lousy) terrorists, let me tell you... We had come to the conclusion that the only hope for the Cuban people lay in the physical elimination of Fidel Castro. José Basulto, a Cuban American exile involved in a number of terrorist acts in the 1960s. He now leads the group Brothers to the Rescue, a nonviolent Cuban American opposition group. Bettmann/CORBIS. Fidel Castro reading a newspaper article about an attempt on his life while in New York, Earlier in the day, when asked about the incident he said, I sleep well and don t worry at all. Various unsuccessful plots included poisoned food, bombs, and exploding cigars. Other plans that the CIA considered included a plot to infect the inside of Castro s scuba diving suit (he was known to be an avid diver) with a fungus that would cause a debilitating skin disease, or to place a brightly colored seashell filled with explosives at the bottom of the sea where he liked to dive. The CIA sometimes worked with people close to Castro, like government officials or former girlfriends, and also elicited help from members of the mafia. Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University Choices for the 21st Century Education Program

24 18 legitimate self-defense on the part of the Republic of Cuba against the aggressive policy which the United States has been pursuing against our country since the very triumph of the Revolution. Fidel Castro in a communication with the UN Secretary-General, November 1962 In the end, Soviet leaders, without consulting the Cuban government, removed the weapons in exchange for the removal of certain U.S. missiles in Europe and U.S. promises not to invade Cuba. What was Cuba s relationship with the Soviet Union? After the October Crisis, the relationship between the Cuban government and the Soviet Union became distrustful and uneasy. The Cuban government felt betrayed by the Soviet withdrawal of weapons and believed that Cuba was now even more vulnerable to attack by the United States. At the same time, Cuba depended on its alliance with the Soviet Union. Cuba s changing relationship with the United States had dealt a serious blow to the Cuban economy in the 1960s. As relations soured between Cuba and the United States, Cuba lost its primary source of investment, trade, and finance. Cuba did not have access to necessary food imports, fuel, money to invest in new industry, and the technical expertise or materials necessary to fix aging machines and technology. Support from the Soviet Union was vital to meet Cuba s economic needs. Throughout the 1960s, 1970s, and 1980s Cuba and the Soviet Union signed a number of economic agreements that allowed the Soviet Union, in some ways, to replace the economic support the United States had previously provided. The Soviets supplied Cuba with inexpensive fuel and bought sugar at high prices to help Cuba s economy. They also provided Cuba with large loans to finance industrialization and trade. By the mid-1970s, approximately 45 percent of all Cuban trade was with the Soviet Union. The Soviet Union also provided Cuba with a great deal of technical support and military training and aid. With Soviet training and equipment, the Cuban military became the most skilled and experienced in all of Latin America. Soviet advisors also assisted with economic planning and training government officials and workers. Revolutionary Reforms Economic change was at the heart of the revolutionary government s plans for Cuba. Reliance on sugar and trade with the United States during the first half of the century had led to very little variety in Cuba s economy. The country depended primarily on sugar and other agricultural exports, and had very few industries. The revolutionary government s main goal was to diversify and industrialize Cuba s economy so that it no longer depended on just one crop or trading partner. How did the government change Cuba s economy? In the early 1960s, the government charted a radical economic course. Hoping to move away from sugar, it poured all of its resources into developing new industries and training new professionals. But without the income generated by sugar exports, the government could not afford to import the goods it needed and the economy plunged into recession. The government changed its policies in 1963, hoping to ease the economic crisis by turning once again to sugar. According to this new plan, the sugar industry would generate income that could then be used to develop specific industries. The Cuban government ambitiously announced that in 1970, Cuba s sugar industry would yield ten million tons, far more than any other harvest in Cuban history. In the years leading up to 1970, huge amounts of labor and resources were redirected to the sugar industry from other parts of the economy. The goal of ten million tons became a source of national pride for the revolutionary government. Cuba s leaders promoted the harvest as proof that Cubans could take control of Choices for the 21st Century Education Program Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University

25 19 their own history against all odds. But despite the mass mobilization of Cuba s workforce towards this goal, the harvest fell short, totaling 8.5 million tons. This was greater than any other harvest in Cuba s history, but still short of the goal. Furthermore, the economy was once again in decline, largely because so many resources had been taken away from other sectors and put towards the harvest. Following this decline, the government once again shifted directions, attempting to lessen somewhat the role of the state in the economy. Soviet advisors came to Cuba to help the government draw up budgets and economic strategies. Cuba began to rely even more on trade agreements with the Soviet Union and other Eastern European countries. These countries wanted Cuban sugar, and the industry regained its important status in the Cuban economy. By the mid-1970s, the sugar industry was booming in Cuba again, thanks in large part to high world prices. After a harvest of 4.3 million tons in 1972, the yield increased to 7.8 million tons in 1979 and sugar made up approximately 80 percent of Cuba s exports. How did government policies affect Cuban workers? By the late 1960s, the government was the only employer of Cuban workers. After the nationalization policies of the mid-1960s, the government controlled all legal economic activity except for small farms, which were still private. Government agencies placed workers in various sectors of the economy, and government policy determined everything from worker wages to days allowed for sick leave. One of the government s primary economic aims was to reduce inequality among the Cuban people. Cuba s leaders made a number of changes aimed at improving the standard of living of workers. In the early 1960s, despite economic ups and downs, the government reduced unemployment dramatically. Nearly all Cubans who wanted to work had jobs or were provided with unemployment compensation by the government. The government also provided all workers with social security, accident insurance, sick leave, education, and free health care. The government increased the minimum wage and put caps on the maximum wage, aiming not only to help the poor but to limit the incomes of the wealthy. Although these new policies improved the lives of many workers, they created little incentive for workers to work hard. New laws in the 1960s also took away financial incentives for workers such as paid overtime, bonuses, and differences in wages. Developed primarily by Che Guevara, these policies aimed to create a new man in Cuba. This new man would not need financial incentives to work hard. Instead, his love and belief in the Revolution would be enough to increase his productivity at work. The government began to pay workers the same wage regardless of effort, skill, or time. The government also strongly encouraged work- Fidel Castro talking with farm workers during the ten million ton harvest in Gilberto Ante/Roger Viollet/GETTY. Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University Choices for the 21st Century Education Program

26 20 ers to volunteer after work in social campaigns to improve things like health and education. Rather than increasing productivity, the policies caused worker morale and productivity to plummet. The utter failure of this policy was made clear in a series of worker strikes across the country in As a result, the government changed policies in the early 1970s, reinstating financial incentives and allowing wages to be aligned somewhat with supply and demand rather than completely determined by the government. The government also issued new incentives, providing outstanding workers with access to scarce goods like televisions, refrigerators, and cars. What social changes did the government make? One of the chief goals of the government was to make major changes in the standard of living of the Cuban poor. In the first nine months of 1959 alone, the government passed approximately 1,500 new laws. Many of these were aimed at improving quality of life. Among other things, the government reduced housing rents and utility rates, increased wages, and abolished legal discrimination. The government put more and more facets of Cuban life under state control. It determined everything from funeral arrangements for each citizen to the number of shirts each person could buy every year. The government issued monthly ration cards that determined a basic minimum amount of food that the government would provide at very low cost for each citizen. All goods were sold in government stores, where Cubans often had to wait in long lines. The government also took control of certain sections of the population. It classified drug dealers, prostitutes, and homosexuals as A giant billboard declaring 1964 as the Year of the Economy. To the left, it states Greater Production at Less Cost. social deviants and sent them to be rehabilitated in military-run work camps. Traditionally a Catholic country, Cuba was officially atheist from 1959 to 1992, which means that the state rejected religion and frowned upon religious practice. The Catholic Church in Cuba opposed the Revolution and the government restricted the practice of Catholicism in particular. The government put a great deal of resources towards improving education. One of the government s first projects was a campaign to end illiteracy. In 1961, the government mobilized thousands of educated citizens to go into the countryside and teach illiterate Cubans how to read. The government took control of all levels of education, making all religious and private schools public, and created an adult education system. Schools promoted the values and history of the Revolution. Education became nearly universal and by 1979, almost 95 percent of Cubans were literate, a thirty point jump in twenty years. The government also focused on improving the health care system. Although free, quality health care had existed in many of Cuba s cities prior to 1959, the government now aimed to expand these services to the rest of the country. It also worked towards Bettmann/CORBIS. Choices for the 21st Century Education Program Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University

27 21 eliminating malnutrition, mainly through food ration cards. Growth of the health care system was slow in the 1960s, due largely to economic crises and because many doctors had emigrated after the Revolution. In the 1970s, as the economy recovered, the health sector began to make gains. Life expectancy increased from 57 years in the mid-1950s to 74 years in the mid-1980s. By the early 1980s, the major causes of death in Cuba were the same as in highly industrialized countries. As was the case in the education sector, government policies did much to improve the delivery of health services, particularly for rural Cubans. How did the government implement these changes? Power in Cuba s government has been concentrated in relatively few hands for much of the last fifty years, with many top officials holding a number of government, state, and Communist Party positions. Castro became prime minister in 1959, and although there was a separate president until the mid-1970s, Castro quickly became the undisputed leader of the revolutionary government. He identified his brother Raúl as his successor. No elections were held from 1959 to Elections will be held at the appropriate time... Now the people want revolution first and elections later. Che Guevara, April 1959 The departure from many democratic principles led critics to argue that Castro had betrayed the original goals of the Revolution. In the early years, many observers noted that Castro behaved as if he were single-handedly managing the whole country. He travelled constantly, visiting factories, farms, schools, hospitals, and homes around the entire country. He became infamous for his hours-long speeches, given at large public rallies, on radio and television, and in person in informal settings throughout the country. In these speeches, he passionately praised the gains of his government, warned the Cuban people to be vigilant against enemies of the Revolution, and urged patience for the better future that would come. The Cuban government created a number of organizations to ensure that Cuba s population was adhering to revolutionary principles. It organized a national militia of tens of thousands of people to help build support for the regime and to intimidate domestic opposition. It also organized Committees for the Defense of the Revolution (CDRs) on every street and in every apartment, farm, and factory. CDRs were responsible for monitoring the local population and identifying any possible enemies of the Revolution. An enemy might be someone who spoke out against the government, who maintained contact with relatives who had emigrated overseas, or who was not sufficiently involved in volunteer campaigns. By the late 1970s, approximately 80 percent of the adult population was a member of a mass organization such as a CDR. The government exerted its influence both through control and through censorship. It outlawed strikes and reorganized the unions so that they supported the state. By the middle of 1960, all media was state-run. Starting in 1961, the government censored art, literature, scholarship, music, theater, and cinema. Everything had to support the Revolution. Because so many artists and intellectuals were afraid of being censored by the government, self-censorship further limited freedom of expression. At the same time, many areas of Cuban culture flourished under the Revolution. For example, the government devoted resources towards developing the country s sports teams and athletes. It hoped to promote both physical fitness and a positive image of Cuba s revolutionary government worldwide. All citizens were required to participate in athletics and the country won numerous international awards for sports such as baseball, boxing, volleyball, and cross country. Even with censorship, Cuban art cinema, ballet, music, poetry, and fiction, in particular also achieved widespread international recognition. Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University Choices for the 21st Century Education Program

28 22 What was Cuba s new foreign policy? Many observers have described revolutionary Cuba as a little country with a big country s foreign policy. From the early 1960s, the Cuban government decided it needed a pro-active foreign policy. This was partly because U.S. policies had the potential to isolate Cuba from other countries in the region and around the world. Cuba s leaders were also eager for social revolutions to occur in other poor countries. Cuba s foreign policy aimed both to promote revolutions abroad and to maintain diplomatic relations with as many countries as possible. These two desires often came into conflict. Throughout the 1960s, Cuba actively supported revolutionary movements in Latin America and Africa, providing advisors, troops, and supplies. This support angered many governments that felt threatened by these movements. They believed that Cuba s actions threatened their sovereignty. For most of the decade, every country in Latin America except Mexico suspended political and economic relations with Cuba. At the same time, Cuba won the admiration of many poor countries for standing up to the United States and repressive regimes around the world. In 1969, the Non-Aligned Movement, with ninety-six member nations throughout much of the developing world, elected Cuba as its chair. The Cuban government also actively assisted the populations of other poor countries. The government claimed that its involvement overseas was a source of national pride, and it connected the struggles of Cubans with the struggles of poor people around the world. Cuba deployed thousands of citizens overseas to work in and advise other countries in fields such as health, education, and construction. It also deployed troops and military advisors to poor countries in Africa, Asia, and Latin America. In the early 1980s, there were about fifteen thousand civilians and thirty-five thousand military personnel working in more than twenty countries around the world. (In relation to Cuba s population, this military deployment was larger than that of the United States at the height of the Vietnam War.) Many of those working overseas were some of Cuba s best managers, technicians, and workers, and their absence contributed to Cuba s economic troubles. Changes Brewing Although Cuba s economy boomed in the mid-1970s, a severe drop in sugar prices later in the decade led to a series of recessions. As Cuba s economy declined, it could no longer make payments on its loans. At the same time, the Soviet Union, also suffering an economic crisis, withdrew some of its financial support of Cuba. In order to pay its debt, Cuba s government redirected its spending. It began to put money towards paying the debt, and spent less on imports such as food, fuel, and medical supplies. Cuba s population immediately felt the repercussions of these changes. Goods suddenly became unavailable and food rations declined. Quality of life suffered dramatically. What was the Mariel boatlift? In the late 1970s, the Cuban government participated in negotiations with the Cuban American exile community. The government hoped to improve relations with moderate Cuban Americans in order to undermine support for Cuban American groups that still led attacks against the Cuban government. In 1979, the government decided to allow Cuban Americans to visit the island. Prior to this, the government had not allowed people to return once they left, and many émigrés had not seen their relatives on the island for twenty years. In 1979 alone, more than 100,000 Cuban Americans came to Cuba. They brought not only great deals of money, but also magazines, consumer goods, and stories that painted a picture of life that was very different from what most Cubans had ever experienced. As the economic crisis worsened in 1980, many on the island became increasingly desperate to improve their lives. In April 1980, ten thousand Cubans flooded the Peruvian embassy in Havana seeking asylum. Within days, Castro announced that anyone who wanted to Choices for the 21st Century Education Program Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University

29 23 Bettmann/CORBIS. Thousands of Cuban émigrés packed onto the deck of a ship travelling from Mariel Harbor in June The U.S. Coast Guard escorted this and many other boats making the journey to Florida. leave Cuba was free to go. At the same time, U.S. President Carter said that the United States would accept any Cuban who wanted to immigrate. In what became known as the Mariel boatlift, more than 125,000 Cubans left the island between April and October 1980 (many from the port of Mariel, just west of Havana). Most of them travelled to the United States in small boats that Cuban Americans captained south from Miami. At the end of April, close to one thousand boats were making the trip to Cuba daily. The Cuban government forced Cuban Americans to transport not only their friends and relatives but also people that it had classified as "undesirable" from its jails, detention centers, and mental hospitals. In October 1980, the U.S. and Cuban governments negotiated an end to the migration. To many critics outside of Cuba, Mariel was proof that Cubans did not support Castro s government. But unlike the earlier waves of migrants, most of the Mariel migrants left Cuba more for economic opportunity than because of their political views. What was the Rectification of Errors campaign? Cuba underwent a number of significant changes during the 1970s. In 1976, a new constitution created legislative assemblies for local, provincial, and national government. Beginning in the late 1970s, the government also implemented reforms to liberalize, or reduce the government s role in, the economy. The government began allowing businesses to hire their own employees directly. It also allowed business managers to keep some of their profits to reinvest in their workers or in their businesses. Prior to this, all profits had belonged to the state. In 1980, the government also legalized small, private farmers markets. After providing the state with the required amount of produce, farmers could now sell their surplus goods in private markets with unregulated prices. This not only allowed farmers to supplement their incomes, but also made it easier for many Cubans to obtain a variety of fresh fruits and vegetables outside of government stores. The economic crisis that led to the Mariel boatlift eased somewhat in the early 1980s, particularly after the Soviets increased the price they paid for Cuban sugar. But this development pushed Cuba into an even closer economic relationship with the Soviet Union. By the mid-1980s, more than 85 percent of Cuba s trade was with the Soviet trading bloc, and sugar remained the country s main export good. In the mid-1980s, the Cuban government decided to reverse its economic course once again. A number of factors contributed to this decision, including the economic difficulties of the early 1980s and the instability in Cuban society signalled by the Mariel boatlift. Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University Choices for the 21st Century Education Program

30 24 In 1986, the government instituted a program called the Rectification of Errors. The goal of this campaign was to increase the role of the state in the economy. The government claimed that the economic reforms of the 1970s had created corruption. Inequality had also increased in Cuban society. The government banned the private farmers markets. It also removed financial incentives and again called on workers to be motivated by a desire to support the Revolution and the country. As it had in the 1960s, labor productivity plummeted as workers became less motivated to work hard. Another recession wracked Cuba s economy from 1986 until the end of the decade, partly due to these new measures. What gains had Cubans made by the mid-1980s? Overall, the Cuban government struggled to sustain economic growth over the first thirty years of the Revolution. Despite the government s plan to diversify the economy, sugar was still the country s primary export and Cuba still depended on one main trading partner. Some industrialization had occurred, but most of the new industries were inefficient, producing low-quality goods. Many observers argued that the revolutionary government s primary achievement had not been economic growth but improving access to basic goods and services for large portions of Cuba s population. By the mid- 1980s, there was free universal health care throughout the island, free education from primary to graduate school, and universities located in every province. The country s infant mortality rate was comparable to the rates in rich countries, the health sector had eradicated most infectious diseases, and there were more doctors per person than any other country in the world. The government ensured that nearly all Cubans were employed or paid compensation. The government was also successful in reducing some of the inequality that existed among Cubans of different classes and between rural and urban communities. These gains were heralded as triumphs of the Revolution by the Cuban government. In many ways, these successes set Cuba apart from the rest of Latin America and from developing countries around the world. At the same time, many critics contested the positive image that the government promoted. Some argued that the government had targeted its resources towards improving specific indicators, such as infant mortality or literacy, and that these statistics masked other problems that existed. Others claimed that the Cuban government could not have achieved these successes without the significant financial support of the Soviet Union. Still others have argued that the cost of these benefits, in the form of political repression, was too great. In some ways, the government obscured problems that continued to exist throughout the revolutionary period. For example, race and racism became taboo subjects in Cuban politics. After attacking discrimination in the early 1960s, the government claimed to have solved the problems of discrimination and racial inequality. About 37 percent of Cuba s population is of Afro-Cuban or mixed descent. But although the Afro-Cuban population had made gains by the 1980s, there were still some gaps. For instance, Afro-Cubans tended to live in poorer neighborhoods in low-quality housing. Afro-Cubans and women were also underrepresented in the national government and the ruling Communist Party. In Part II of the reading, you have explored the significant changes that the revolutionary government made to Cuba s society, economy, political system, and foreign policy. Although the country made many gains after 1959, the government struggled with a number of issues. Most importantly, it had trouble keeping Cuba s economy growing. In the coming decades, the country s economic woes would threaten not only Cuba s government but the Revolution itself. Choices for the 21st Century Education Program Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University

31 25 Part III: The Special Period and Cuba Today On December 8, 1991, the Soviet Union dissolved, ending its thirty-year support of Cuba and putting the survival of Cuba s regime in jeopardy. Cuba lost its primary trading partner, its provider of aid, assistance, and cheap oil, and its chief foreign ally. Many observers noted that this crisis was similar to one in the early 1960s when the United States and Cuba severed relations. Many did not believe that Castro s government would survive the decade. For the first time since achieving independence from Spain, Cuba was truly independent from the influence of any superpower. Many believed that the Cuban government would crumble within a matter of years or even months without Soviet support. In 1990, Fidel Castro told the country that it would be experiencing a special period in a time of peace. He told Cuba s people to prepare for increasing shortages of essential goods and a growing economic crisis. The government hoped to make a number of economic reforms that would ease the crisis without endangering the country s socialist principles or the social gains Cuban people had made over the previous thirty years. In many ways, the reforms of the 1990s drastically changed the shape of Cuban society. No es facil (It s not easy) As the Soviet Union collapsed, the Cuban economy plummeted. Between 1989 and 1993, Cuba s economy shrank by almost 35 percent. Imports declined by 75 percent, and export earnings dropped from 5.4 billion pesos in 1989 to 1.1 billion pesos in With dramatically shrinking foreign reserves, the Cuban government was unable to import economic essentials such as fuel, machinery, and goods necessary for industry, as well as things like food and medicine. Hundreds of factories Cuba and International Trade in the 1990s Although the U.S. embargo had been in place since 1962, Cuba did not experience the full impact of this policy until the early 1990s. Before the Cuban Revolution, the United States had been a logical trading partner for Cuba. Transportation was inexpensive because the countries were so close together, and there was high demand in U.S. markets for Cuban raw materials such as sugar. The U.S. economy also produced a wide variety of products, which meant that Cuba could get the majority of its imports from a single country. When the United States and Cuba broke relations in the 1960s, the Soviets stepped in to cushion the loss. Soviet markets were farther away but the Soviet government helped pay the cost of transporting Cuban imports and exports. When the Soviet Union disintegrated in the 1990s, Cuba was on its own. It found itself unable to import the goods it needed, and with no markets for its exports. In the 1980s, trade with Eastern Europe had accounted for more than 80 percent of all Cuban trade. When that trade ended, the Cuban government realized it would need to diversify its trading partners. This meant building relationships with a number of different countries, which could be a long and complicated process. There were no easy or quick solutions to help ease the economic crisis. It was also unlikely that Cuba would find partners that would trade on such favorable terms as the Soviets had. This was particularly problematic for Cuba s energy needs. The Soviet Union had provided about 90 percent of the oil and petroleum used in Cuba, all at belowmarket prices. Much of Cuba s economic disruption in the 1990s was caused by the rapid decline in oil imports from the Soviet Union. Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University Choices for the 21st Century Education Program

32 26 Adalberto Roque/GETTY. closed, tens of thousands of workers lost their jobs, and wages declined sharply. Life became increasingly difficult for all Cubans. Unemployment skyrocketed, goods disappeared from the shelves, and many went hungry as the government rationed the food that was available. To address this crisis, the government aimed to restructure Cuba s economy. In the short run, the primary goal of the so-called special period was survival, both of the government and of the Cuban people. What economic changes did the government make in the special period? One of Cuba s biggest problems in the 1990s was a lack of foreign currency, which is necessary for foreign trade. Without foreign currency, the government could not buy the imports it needed to run its economy, nor could it import necessary goods such as medical supplies and food. So the government directed most of its economic reforms towards increasing its foreign currency. These reforms mixed elements of capitalism with the government s socialist policies. The changes also loosened the government s control over parts of the economy. Cubans wave to European tourists aboard an Italian cruise ship in This was the first tourist ship to dock in Havana since Today we cannot speak of the pure, ideal, perfect socialism of which we dream because life forces us into concessions. Fidel Castro, 1993 One of the main sectors that the government targeted for foreign currency was tourism. This was a major shift in government policy. Before 1959, Cuba had been flooded with rich U.S. and European tourists who fed an industry of crime, prostitution, and gambling. Some neighborhoods and beaches had been reserved for tourists only. After 1959, Cuba s government largely discouraged tourism, arguing that Cuba should be for Cubans alone. But during the special period, tourism became a necessary evil. Foreign tourists brought foreign currency, which the government desperately needed. Cuba quickly became the eighth most popular tourist destination in the Western hemisphere. Revenues from tourism increased from $530 million in 1993 to $1.8 billion in By 1996, tourism had replaced sugar as the country s most important source of income. The government also allowed foreign firms to invest in Cuba for the first time since the early 1960s. The government promoted investment in sectors like mining, oil extraction, utilities, and tourism. Foreign firms could not fully own companies in Cuba, but they could participate in joint ventures (economic projects in which these firms and the Cuban government would work together). The government also created a number of free-trade zones where manufacturing firms could export their products without taxes. By 1999, foreign investment in Cuba totalled more than four billion dollars and came from more than sixty countries. Choices for the 21st Century Education Program Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University

33 27 Why did the government legalize the U.S. dollar? To make foreign investment easier, in 1993 the government legalized the use of U.S. dollars as currency in Cuba. The government passed this measure reluctantly, fearing that the widespread use of dollars would erode the country s socialist values. Prior to 1993, the dollar was used only on the black market, an illegal, informal trading network. Anyone in possession of dollars risked imprisonment. But in the early 1990s, the government recognized that the use of more foreign currency within Cuba would benefit the economy. The government opened new dollar-only stores where tourists and Cubans with foreign currency could buy a variety of goods that were not available elsewhere. The government placed high taxes on all dollar purchases. When the government legalized the dollar, it also allowed Cuban exiles to send remittances (money) to their friends and family on the island. Once the dollar became legal, remittances rose from about 50 million dollars in 1990 to as much as 700 million dollars in These remittances became one of the main sources of foreign currency for the government. They also strengthened relationships between Cubans on the island and Cubans abroad. Most importantly, they allowed many Cubans to survive the harshest living conditions experienced since What was life like during the special period? For most Cubans, life during the special period was a daily struggle. With limited fuel imports, public transportation was greatly reduced and Cubans were forced to wait hours for buses and taxis. Bicycles and horse-drawn wagons became commonplace in city streets. Everything took a long time getting to and from work, waiting in line to shop, scrounging to find necessary goods and supplies that were no longer widely available. Many people struggled to earn enough money to feed their families, let alone to buy other essential items such as soap, diapers, clothes, or pencils and paper. State services struggled to operate as hospitals ran out of medicine and schools ran out of paper. Power outages and water shortages were common. In 1993, homes in Havana had water for only eight hours each day. The dwindling food supply was also a major problem. Much of the agricultural sector declined, as the government was unable to import fertilizers, animal feed, tools, seeds, and replacement parts for machinery. Tractors rusted in the fields and farmers slaughtered their animals because there was no way to feed them. There were shortages of eggs, milk, and meat throughout the decade. The sugar industry also suffered dramatically, and the harvest shrank from 8.1 million tons in 1991 to a fifty-year low of 3.3 million tons in The government cut the monthly ration cards to amounts that would provide food for just two weeks or less. Experts estimated that by 1994, each Cuban had lost an average of twenty pounds in weight. Additionally, for the first time since 1959, a significant number of Cubans were unemployed. The government could no longer provide jobs for every worker. Many Cubans began to participate in illegal activities, selling goods and services outside of government control. The black market flourished as people found new ways to access goods that they could no longer buy in government stores. Every day, almost every Cuban I know does something illegal just to get by. They may buy black market coffee or shoes for their kids, call in sick at work so they can have time to shop for food, swipe supplies from the office to use at home, or get their toilet fixed by a plumber working illegally. They might be...staunch supporters of the revolution, but they break the law as a matter of course. Resident of Havana, 1990 Above all else, Cubans needed access to dollars. Cuban pesos alone were no longer enough to buy everything one needed. Even those who had jobs often worked illegally for dollars on the side. Most of these illegal activities were forms of self-employment, such as Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University Choices for the 21st Century Education Program

34 28 Stephen Ferry/GETTY. Because fuel was scarce during the special period, many Cubans depended on bicycles for transportation. selling fruits and vegetables on the street or opening one s home as a restaurant. Many Cubans became involved in the tourism industry, earning dollars as waiters, taxi drivers, informal tour guides, street performers, or even prostitutes. Why did the government legalize some forms of self-employment? The government tolerated many of these illegal activities because it knew that they were necessary for the survival of many people. In 1993, the government decided to make more than one hundred kinds of small, private businesses legal in order to better regulate them. This list included activities such as driving taxis, renting out rooms, programming computers, and styling hair. The government also legalized farmers markets and home-based restaurants known as paladares. By 1995, more than 200,000 Cubans had licenses for these types of jobs. These activities were not without their costs. The government placed many restrictions on how private businesses could operate. For example, families who rented rooms in their homes could not serve meals to guests. Paladar owners could only serve twelve customers at a time, could only serve certain foods, and could only employ members of their own families. The government required all businesses to pay steep fees to obtain licenses before they could open. Private businesses were also subject to unannounced visits from government inspectors who would fine owners for any violations of these laws. Additionally, the government taxed all private enterprise. This was the first time the government had taxed its citizens since the early 1960s and many Cubans resented the change in government policy. These restrictions made it very difficult for small businesses to stay afloat. Many found ways to get around the laws in order to make money. Observers noted that for every government restriction, there was a matching, often illegal, survival strategy to get around it. For example, paladar owners often had hidden rooms with extra tables, served items that did not appear on their official menus, and invented fictional cousins to work as waiters and waitresses. The system is set up such that it obliges us to lie... In order to survive, everyone is forced to become a criminal. Owner of a paladar, 2001 At various points during the 1990s, the government led mass arrests of anyone engaged in illegal activity. The police often demanded receipts from shoppers and licenses from businesses to prove legality. Violators were fined or imprisoned. Nevertheless, illegal activity persisted. Many continued to run their businesses illegally to avoid government taxes and restrictions. Others hustled for dollars on the street. Corruption and stealing were Choices for the 21st Century Education Program Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University

35 29 widespread, especially by government workers with access to goods that could be sold on the black market. How did dissent grow during the special period? For many people, meeting the basic needs of their families day after day took all of their time. Most people had little energy to spend actively opposing the government. Nevertheless, as life got harder in Cuba, dissatisfaction among the population began to grow. The government s inability to ease the crisis frustrated many. Cubans became disenchanted with the Revolution itself. Some have argued that the Cuban government s greatest achievement had been meeting people s basic needs, providing things like food, employment, education, and health care. When the government became unable to meet these needs, popular support began to weaken. For its part, the government attempted to renew feelings of nationalism to maintain popularity. In speeches and slogans, government officials emphasized sacrifice, heroism, and courage in the face of hardship. The United States and Cuba in the 1990s Although relations between Cuba and the United States had eased somewhat in the late 1970s under President Carter, the U.S. government increased its pressure on the Cuban government in the 1990s. This was partly due to the successful lobbying of Cuban American organizations. The U.S. government wanted to tighten the trade embargo and squeeze Cuba in order to encourage democratic change. The U.S. government hoped that by increasing misery and discontent in Cuba, the people would rise up and overthrow the Castro government. At the same time, it hoped to isolate Cuba internationally by putting pressure on other nations to limit their relations with Cuba. Throughout the 1990s, the U.S. Congress passed a series of measures to toughen U.S. policy towards Cuba. The Cuban Liberty and Democracy Act of 1992 and the Libertad Act of 1996 both listed stringent repercussions for companies and governments doing business with Cuba. Both acts provided U.S. financial support for pro-democracy groups in Cuba and in Cuban exile communities. The Libertad Act also stipulated that the U.S. trade embargo would not be repealed until a transition government, with neither Castro brother in power, was established in Cuba. These laws had a mixed effect. U.S. threats and intimidation had some influence in limiting the involvement of some companies and governments in Cuba. This consequently slowed Cuba s economic recovery and prolonged the suffering of the people. At the same time, countries around the world condemned the U.S. government for these laws. Many argued that the United States was imposing its own laws on businesses from other countries, which is a violation of international law. As a result, beginning in 1991, the UN General Assembly has voted yearly to condemn the U.S. embargo against Cuba. An incident in 1998 in which the U.S. Coast Guard found a young Cuban boy named Elián González floating near the coast of Florida and brought him to Miami also sparked controversy within the United States about the Cuban American community and U.S. policies towards Cuba. Some argue that U.S. legislation, in fact, made change in Cuba more difficult. With fresh memories of prior U.S. interventions, the Cuban government increased its repression of dissidents. The government labelled opposition with ties or suspected ties to the United States as treasonous and gave out harsh prison sentences. The Cuban government also claimed that the U.S. embargo was the cause of much of the suffering of the special period. To deflect criticism of itself, the government often blamed the constant shortages of goods and money on the United States rather than on its own economic policies. Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University Choices for the 21st Century Education Program

36 30 We are alone all alone in this ocean of capitalism that surrounds us. Fidel Castro, 1991 The government connected the country s current problems to past struggles for independence. The special period was portrayed as one more instance in which Cuba had to struggle to survive as an independent nation. Many Cubans, especially the younger generation, no longer saw any point in struggling. Many believed that there were no opportunities in Cuba and began to look elsewhere. In the early 1990s, the government loosened travel restrictions, partly to allow potential dissidents to leave the country. Thousands migrated, mostly headed for the United States. U.S. immigration from Cuba increased from a few hundred people in 1990 to nearly four thousand in Why did the U.S. government restrict Cuban immigration in 1994? The U.S. government welcomed illegal Cuban migration because it believed that mass migration was evidence of the failure of the Castro government. Many Cubans grew increasingly desperate and some even hijacked planes and boats headed to the United States. The U.S. government granted Cuban migrants automatic asylum. In the summer of 1994, frustration in Cuba peaked. A series of attempted hijackings led to the deaths of a number of Cuban officials, and a riot against the police broke out in Havana. In mid-august, Castro announced that anyone who wanted to leave Cuba was free to go. Immediately, hundreds upon hundreds took to the sea in anything capable of floating, including inner tubes and rafts. Often, as many as one thousand migrants left each day, almost all headed for the United States. The Family members wave goodbye as their relatives head to Florida on a makeshift raft, August U.S. government, afraid of a repeat of the 1980 Mariel boatlift, revoked its policy of automatic asylum. The U.S. Coast Guard began intercepting would-be immigrants and sending them to the U.S. naval base in Guantánamo. Within a month, more than twenty-one thousand Cubans were living in makeshift tents at the base. The crisis finally subsided in late September. The Cuban government agreed to do its best to prevent illegal migration from the island in return for a U.S. pledge to grant twenty thousand visas to Cuban immigrants each year. A year later, the Cubans detained in Guantánamo about thirty thousand people were allowed to enter the United States. What were the effects of the special period? By the late 1990s, the economic crisis had eased. To be sure, the government had achieved its primary aim. The Cuban people had survived the crisis and the Castro government had endured. But this survival came at a high cost. We have gone down this road basically because it was the only alternative for saving the revolution. Fidel Castro, 1995 Najlah Feanny-Hicks/CORBIS. Choices for the 21st Century Education Program Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University

37 31 Many of the principles on which the government had based its revolution began to erode. Although the government put many resources towards maintaining free and high quality health care and education in the 1990s, the special period had taken its toll. In 1993, UNICEF estimated that 50 percent of Cuban infants aged six to twelve months were malnourished. Disease and infections from parasites became widespread due to malnutrition and lack of medicines. School attendance dropped as education was no longer the only means by which one could secure a well-paying job. The proportion of students continuing their education after high school also declined. Economic inequality increased markedly during the special period. Above all, a person s economic situation depended on his or her ability to access dollars. Those who earned dollars or received remittances from relatives abroad were relatively well-off while those who only earned pesos fared the worst. Many left their government jobs in order to earn dollars in the private sector, particularly in the tourist industry. Professionals left Cuba and the Cuban American Community Over the years, thousands of Cubans have left the island to live in countries across Europe, Latin America, and North America, particularly the United States. In 2011, there were more than 1.5 million Cubans and their descendants living in the United States, more than in any other country besides Cuba. Many live in southern Florida and New Jersey. Although the Cuban American community has a reputation for uncompromising, anti-castro politics, it is actually host to a diverse array of politics and opinions about the Cuban Revolution and U.S.-Cuba relations. Some Cubans migrated to the United States for explicitly political reasons in the years after These early migrants were primarily middle-class and wealthy white Cubans. Many refer to themselves as exiles because they argue that they were forced out of Cuba by Castro s policies. This generation tends to express strong anti-castro sentiments. Some were instrumental in the 1980s and 1990s in forming organizations to work for regime change in Cuba both by lobbying the U.S. government for harsher policies towards Cuba and by working for change on the island. There have also been some groups and individuals who have committed terrorist acts against Cuba. The majority of Cuban Americans are more moderate in their politics. Many recent Cuban migrants left the island primarily in search of economic opportunities in the United States. Recent migrants have tended to be poorer and more representative of Cuba s population in terms of race. Most of them left Cuba in the 1980s and 1990s and thus lived for many years under the revolutionary government. Many retain strong links with their families remaining in Cuba and send back remittances. While most hope for changes on the island, they tend to not be as strongly anti-castro as the older generation. Despite the U.S. embargo, Cubans on the island have built strong relationships with their relatives living abroad. These ties became essential for many who depended on remittances during the special period. At the same time, many on the island are fearful about what Cubans abroad will do once both Castro brothers are no longer in power. Many older Cuban Americans still demand payment for the properties they used to own on the island. Many others in the older generation have vowed to return to Cuba once Fidel is gone. But all of the homes and property that these émigrés used to own in Cuba are now used for other purposes. Many on the island are also concerned that the return of these émigrés, many of whom now support U.S. values such as private property and a smaller role for government, might threaten other changes brought about by the Revolution such as free health care and education. Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University Choices for the 21st Century Education Program

38 32 Najlah Feanny-Hicks/CORBIS. their jobs as doctors, teachers, and engineers to work as waiters, taxi drivers, or cashiers in tourist shops. A hotel bellhop could often earn ten times the monthly salary of a brain surgeon, and a waiter, in two weeks, could earn the yearly salary of a doctor. Inequality led to other problems in Cuba. Petty crime, including robbery, muggings of tourists, and cattle rustling increased during the 1990s. Corruption among state employees was also widespread. Why did racial inequality increase during the special period? Racial inequality also increased during the 1990s. Afro-Cubans, in general, had a more difficult time accessing dollars than white Cubans during the special period. For example, although many Afro-Cubans had emigrated in the 1980s and 1990s, overall most Cuban exiles were white and so most Cubans receiving remittances were also white. Racism and discrimination, which had existed in some form throughout the revolutionary period, also intensified in the 1990s. Overall, Afro-Cubans became disproportionately poor during the special period. The tourist industry in Cuba also added to racial inequality. There was a widespread perception that tourists preferred lighter-skinned With few resources put towards maintenance, many of Cuba s buildings have collapsed or fallen into disrepair. This has added pressure to an ongoing housing crisis that forces families to live in cramped, intergenerational households. This picture was taken in Havana in August Cubans as workers in hotels and restaurants. Businesses that catered to tourists often discriminated against Afro-Cubans when hiring for these positions. Tourism created other inequalities in Cuban society. In a policy similar to those of the 1950s, the government prevented most Cubans from entering tourist hotels, clubs, or even certain beaches and neighborhoods. Before 1990, we would share the hotels with the foreigners. They would pay in dollars and we would pay in pesos. There were never any problems. But now we can t even look in the windows without the police giving us a hard time. Resident of Havana, 1998 Police would often ask for identification from those found within tourist areas, particularly people of color. Fearful of the possible negative influence of foreigners, the government also encouraged ordinary Cubans not to interact with foreigners (many continued to do so, both legally and illegally). The government did this partly to protect what it believed were the values of the Revolution but also to ensure that all foreign currency was spent in government-owned businesses. The presence of foreigners in Cuba fueled a great deal of resentment. Tourists in Cuba had access to foods, clothing, transportation, and places that many Cubans did not. The government, strapped for cash, spent money restoring sections of Havana frequented by tourists while other parts of the city fell into decay. Between 1993 and 1996, more than 5,300 city buildings in Havana collapsed due to old age and neglect. Many Cubans were frustrated by the clear differences between their own lives and those of the foreigners visiting their country. This is my Havana, the Havana you don t know. The Cuban capital after midnight. Enjoy it Choices for the 21st Century Education Program Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University

39 33 if you re foreign, struggle if you re from here... Lyrics to Cuban hip hop song La Habana Que No Concoes ( The Havana You Don t Know ) by Papá Humbertico In many ways, the reforms of the special period directly threatened the very parts of Cuban society that the government claimed it was trying to protect. Cuba Today By 2000, the special period had officially ended. But life continues to be difficult for ordinary Cubans. Shortages of food, housing, and transportation still plague the country. Economic inequality continues to exist and Cubans, on average, experience a lower standard of living than they did before The special period left a clear mark on Cuban society. The struggles of the 1990s highlighted the sharp contradictions between the government s revolutionary language and the reality of life in Cuba. Many Cubans are disillusioned and in recent years there have been more incidences of organized opposition to the government. Others continue to leave the island in search of opportunity elsewhere. How has leadership changed since 2006? In late July 2006, Fidel Castro was admitted to the hospital for emergency intestinal surgery. On July 31, he named his brother Raúl the temporary president of Cuba until he recovered. For the next year and a half, Fidel stayed behind the scenes, writing regular articles for Granma, the Cuban Communist Party s daily newspaper. Many international observers believed that Fidel s absence would result in the collapse of Cuba s revolutionary Baseball has been Cuba s national sport since First played on the island at the end of the nineteenth century, baseball has provided a longlasting, positive link between Cubans and people from the United States. For example, in a form of baseball diplomacy, the Baltimore Orioles went to Havana in 1999 to play against the Cuban national baseball team. Cuba lost the game but won in a second game held later that year in Baltimore. government, but little changed in Cuba during that period. These have truly been very difficult months, although with the opposite effect that our enemies expected, those who dreamed chaos would erupt and Cuban Socialism would end up collapsing. Raúl Castro, July 2007 In February 2008, Fidel Castro announced that he would not run for the presidency in the coming election. In a message published in Granma, Castro told the public that he would continue to write articles and "fight as a soldier in the battle of ideas." Later that month, the National Assembly elected Raúl as Cuba s president. While Raúl has been more open to economic and political reform than Fidel, many believe that Raúl s presidency will not be very different from his brother s. Les Stone/CORBIS. Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University Choices for the 21st Century Education Program

40 34 Changes in the Sugar Industry There is a Cuban saying that without sugar, there is no country. Sugar has been an integral part of Cuban life since the days of Spanish rule. At the start of the twenty-first century, the sugar industry employed nearly 20 percent of all Cuban workers. But in the years after the special period, the government enacted a number of policies to reform this sector. Between 1989 and 2002, sugar production in Cuba had declined by 56 percent, and the country dropped from the third to the tenth largest cane producer in the world. In 2002, as the world price for sugar dropped, the government decided to scale back sugar production significantly in order to increase efficiency. The government transferred approximately 50 percent of the land used in sugar production to other crops and closed nearly half of all sugar mills. Despite government-sponsored training programs, many former sugar workers have struggled to find new jobs. How did the government change its economic policies after the special period? As the economy began to recover in the mid-1990s, the government passed a series of new laws to reverse many of the special period s reforms and bring the economy back under state control. For example, the government worked to discourage private and self-employment. In 1996, it placed new, higher taxes on self-employed workers. It stopped granting new licenses for a number of different self-employed activities, arguing that they were no longer necessary now that the state was able to provide those services again. The number of private businesses shrunk dramatically. For example, the number of licensed paladares decreased from more than fifteen hundred in 1996 to fewer than two hundred in Most Cuban workers who were self-employed in the 1990s were either reenlisted into government jobs or forced to carry on their businesses illegally. In the years after the special period, the economy experienced high growth rates. These were fueled largely by tourism, which grew by nearly 20 percent each year between 2000 and But due to a succession of devastating hurricanes and a global economic crisis, the Cuban economy has struggled in recent years. Since coming to power, Raúl Castro has passed a number of significant reforms. For example, his government has made plans to cut half a million government jobs approximately 10 percent of the workforce across the island in order to increase efficiency. At the same time, he has re-legalized nearly two hundred forms of limited private enterprise with the expectation that many unemployed workers will become self-employed. The government has also made it legal to buy certain consumer goods DVD players, microwaves, and cell phones that were previously banned in Cuba. And in 2011, the government announced plans to allow Cubans to buy and sell homes for the first time since These changes have so far done little to improve life for most people. For example, although consumer goods are now available, most Cubans cannot afford them. Resistance to mass layoffs and frustration about the lack of alternative jobs have slowed government plans for eliminating government positions. The long-term effects of Raúl Castro's economic reforms still remain to be seen. What was the Varela project? Recent years have also witnessed some of the most significant political opposition in Cuba since the early 1960s. According to the Cuban constitution, citizens can suggest new laws if ten thousand or more voters sign a petition in favor of these laws. In 1998, a number of pro-democracy activists initiated a movement to force the government to hold a national vote on a number of issues. This movement, known as the Varela Project, proposed reforms including free speech, free assembly, multiparty elections, more private employment, and freedom for political prisoners. Choices for the 21st Century Education Program Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University

41 35 We must reject the myth that we Cubans have to live without rights in order to support our country s independence and sovereignty. Oswaldo Payá, leader of the Varela Project, 2002 By 2002, the project had accumulated more than eleven thousand signatures on petitions from across the island. But rather than entertain the suggestions of the Varela Project, the government counterattacked. It proposed to amend the Cuban constitution in order to make Cuba s socialism irrevocable. In 2002, the government held a national vote in which it reported that 99 percent of voters supported the measure. At the same time, it began to crack down on dissidents, particularly members of the Varela Project. In March 2003, the government arrested seventy-five dissidents, activists, and journalists, charging that they had accepted money and support from James Cason, head of the U.S. Interests Section in Havana. (Because Cuba and the United States do not have diplomatic relations, the U.S. Interests Section represents the U.S. government in Cuba.) Fifty of those arrested in the so-called Cason Affair were members of the Varela Project. Charged with treason, these dissidents were given harsh sentences ranging from six to twenty-eight years in prison. In recent years, the government has released nearly all of the prisoners from the Cason Affair, but has forced them to leave Cuba and go into exile. Who are Cuba s important trading partners today? The Cuban government s treatment of political dissidents has long been a sore point among many of its trading partners. In addition to periodic mass arrests, the government does not allow international monitors or watchdog groups access to its prisons. The government also has expelled foreign journalists from the country on various occasions. Cuba s trading partners in the European Union and Canada have put pressure on Cuba to release political prisoners and begin making democratic changes. Nevertheless, many of these countries continue to trade with Cuba. Spain in particular has long been an important trading partner. Cuba has also increased trade with China, and China has made large investments in Cuba s nickel industry. But Cuba s most important trade partner in recent years has been Venezuela. Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez is a strong supporter of Cuba and has negotiated a number of preferential trade agreements with the Cuban government. Venezuela provides the bulk of Cuba s crude oil in return for Cuban support in Venezuelan services such as public health and education. Most often, this support takes the form of Cuban doctors, nurses, and teachers who are sent to work for the Venezuelan government. What is the relationship like between Cuba and the United States today? In 2001, the U.S. embargo was slightly relaxed when the U.S. government passed legislation permitting Cuba to purchase food and medicines from U.S. producers. This decision was largely due to successful appeals by many U.S. businesses that wished to trade with Cuba. It was the first time Cuba and the United States had engaged in commercial relations in almost forty years. Today, U.S. producers provide about 7 percent of all Cuban imports. Nevertheless, the relationship between the Cuban and U.S. governments is still fraught with problems. The U.S. government claims that Cuba owes billions of dollars for the land and businesses of U.S. citizens that were nationalized in the 1960s. The Cuban government has worked out debt repayments with every country it owes for the nationalizations except the United States. The U.S. government still spends millions of dollars each year on programs to destabilize the Cuban government, including providing money to exile organizations, support to dissidents and families of political prisoners in Cuba, and funding for anti-castro TV and radio channels (called TV Martí and Radio Martí) broadcast from southern Florida. The Cuban government, for its part, claims that the U.S. government owes $25 billion Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University Choices for the 21st Century Education Program

42 36 for harm inflicted on Cuba by U.S.-sponsored terrorism and the embargo. The Cuban government also claims that it remains fearful of a U.S. invasion. This fear was particularly strong in the years after the U.S. invasion of Iraq. U.S. policy towards Cuba has loosened somewhat since 2008, when Barack Obama became president of the United States. His administration relaxed restrictions on Cuban Americans. They can now visit Cuba as frequently as they would like, and there are no more limitations on the amount of money they can send to family members on the island. Nevertheless, the U.S. trade embargo is still in place. Although Cuba can buy certain goods from the United States, U.S. businesses can not purchase any goods from Cuba. According to the Libertad Act of 1996, the United States cannot lift the embargo until Cuba begins a democratic transition. In the coming days, you will have an opportunity to consider a range of alternatives for Cuba s future. As you do, keep in mind what you have learned from the reading. You should strive to put yourselves in the shoes of ordinary Cubans and consider how their history might shape their views of the future. Most Cubans today are more concerned with improving their day-to-day lives than with abstract political ideas such as "socialism" and "capitalism." You should think about what kinds of changes will make life better for the Cuban people. The three viewpoints, or options, that you will explore are written from the perspective of Cubans on the island. Each is based on a distinct set of values and beliefs about the appropriate economic system, political structure, and social priorities for Cuba. Eventually, you will be asked to create an option about what direction Cuba should take, as if you were a Cuban thinking about the future of your country. You may borrow heavily from one option, combine ideas from several options, or take a new approach altogether. Choices for the 21st Century Education Program Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University

43 37 Options in Brief Option 1: Safeguard the Revolution Our history has been one of foreign domination and influence. We must not risk our sovereignty or the advances we have made over the last fifty years for false promises of material gain. Today, we have adjusted to the end of our relationship with the Soviet Union, we have new trade partners and alliances, our economy has improved markedly, and we can safely return to the values and policies that enabled our success after The state is capable of running all sectors of the economy in the best interests of the Cuban people. Allowing free expression and dissenting opinions creates division and weakness. Now, more than ever, we must remain unified behind a strong government. Option 3: Embrace Political Freedom Throughout Cuba s history, the Cuban people have fought ceaselessly for freedom. Yet each time we are on the verge of achieving it, a new repressive government comes to power and prevents ordinary Cubans from determining the fate of the country. We must build a new Cuba that is based upon respect for human rights and on the right of people to dissent. With political freedom should also come more economic freedom. The Revolution brought us many things, but it did not make Cuba for Cubans. We must continue to fight for the freedoms promised by José Martí more than a century ago. Our struggle for independence is not over. Option 2: Build a New Economy The Cuban people have suffered enough in the defense of socialism. The government must be more responsive to the needs of the people. At the same time, significant economic reform coupled with political reform could bring our country to its knees. In the 1990s, we watched the Soviet Union, our former ally against global capitalism, collapse under the strain of major political and economic changes. Our people cannot endure that kind of dislocation. We must remain united behind a strong government that can implement some capitalist reforms while at the same time limiting inequality and corruption and protecting our Revolution. Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University Choices for the 21st Century Education Program

44 38 Option 1: Safeguard the Revolution We in Cuba are at a critical juncture. Events that threaten to topple our government and erase our revolutionary gains have been building since With Fidel no longer leading the country, we must remain vigilant to preserve our Revolution. The United States is all too eager to step in and remake Cuba in its own image an aspiration it has nurtured for nearly two hundred years. We must remain united to retain our sovereignty! For too long our fate has been determined by non-cubans. Our history has been one of foreign domination and influence. We must not risk our sovereignty or the advances we have made over the last fifty years for false promises of material gain. Poor countries around the world have suffered from globalization; Cuba s experience would be no different. Cuba was a success story until the late 1980s when we lost our major trading partner. The 1990s were difficult years in which we were forced to make adjustments to survive. The temporary economic reforms brought inequality and corruption into our country. Today, we have adjusted to the end of our relationship with the Soviet Union, we have new trade partners and alliances, our economy has improved, and we can safely return to the values and policies that enabled our success after There is no need for political or economic reform. The state is capable of running all sectors of the economy in the best interests of the Cuban people. Now, more than ever, we must remain unified behind a strong government. Allowing free expression and dissenting opinions creates division and weakness. We must recognize that we can only depend upon ourselves. The days of foreign dependence and compromise are over. Lessons from History Cuban history is a story of foreign domination and the subordination of the interests of Cuban people in favor of foreigners and foreign powers. We Cubans fought long and hard for our independence from Spain. In the end, the United States stepped in and our country became a playground for rich, foreign businessmen and the mafia. Fidel Castro and the M-26-7 freed us from the shackles of foreign imperialism and committed the government to the betterment of the Cuban people. Since the 1960s, Cuban gains in health, education, economic equality, and in ending racial discrimination have been the envy of rich and poor countries alike. But dependence on the Soviet Union was our weakness. After surviving the crisis of the 1990s, we know that the only way to protect our sovereignty and survive in a hostile world is to depend on ourselves and the Revolution. Choices for the 21st Century Education Program Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University

45 39 What policies should we pursue? The Cuban government should undo recent reforms and bring the Cuban economy back under full state control. The government should end self-employment and take a firm stance against corruption and illegal activity. Cuba should place strict restrictions on foreign investment, require foreign businesses to hire workers through the government, and limit the number of tourists that enter the country each year. Cuba should maintain a centralized, one-party government. We must rely on the Communist Party to know what is best for our country. This will also protect us from minority interest groups who are supported by the United States and who wish to overthrow the Revolution. Arguments for 1. Bringing the economy back under state control will help reverse the class and racial divisions that plagued the special period. It will also help to protect the gains we have made in health care and education that have earned us the admiration of countries around the world. 2. Limiting foreign involvement in our country will keep Cuba for the Cuban people and will not allow it to become a playground for rich Western tourists and businesspeople. 3. Maintaining our country s political unity will protect us from U.S. involvement in our domestic affairs. Cuba should build strategic relationships with a few nations like Spain, Venezuela, and China, who do not threaten our sovereignty. We must steer clear of relationships with rich countries who believe they have the right to dictate our domestic policies. The Cuban government should continue to promote the values of the Revolution by providing things like free health care and education, and by committing itself to ending the problems of the special period like inequality and discrimination. Arguments against 1. If the government limits foreign investment and tourism, our economy will lack the hard currency we need to import necessities such as food, machinery, and supplies. This will slow our economic growth and lower the standard of living. 2. The government will not be able to afford social services without the badly needed revenues from taxes on private and foreign businesses. 3. Pursuing strategic trade relations will put us at risk of becoming dependent on only one or two countries. 4. Without democratic changes and a commitment to human rights, Cuba will continue to antagonize other nations and will not have the international support it needs to counter any hostility from the United States. 5. Preventing political reform denies the Cuban people their rights and does not give them the ability to determine their own destiny. 6. The Cuban people will continue to suffer if the government does not make changes to the economy. Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University Choices for the 21st Century Education Program

46 40 Option 2: Build a New Economy The Cuban people have suffered enough in the defense of socialism. A purely socialist country cannot exist in the world today without endangering the survival of its people. The Cuban people cannot endure without food and they cannot obtain food without economic opportunity. We must be willing to reform our socialist economy in order to allow our people not only to survive but to prosper in Cuba. The government must be more responsive to the needs of the people. Cuba s present economic growth is not enough. We have one of the most highly educated workforces in the world, and yet people are still forced to participate in illegal activities to survive. The government must ensure that the Cuban people have opportunities to improve their lives. We must open ourselves up to more foreign investment and improve relations with rich nations that can help boost our economy. At the same time, significant economic reform coupled with political reform could bring our country to its knees. In the 1990s, we watched the Soviet Union, our former ally against global capitalism, collapse under the strain of major political and economic changes. It took Russia ten long years to recover. Our people cannot endure that kind of dislocation and we cannot risk showing weakness when there are officials in the United States making plans for our future. We must not give the United States any opportunity to threaten the sovereignty that we fought so hard to achieve. We must remain united behind a strong government that can implement some capitalist reforms while at the same time limiting inequality and corruption and protecting our Revolution. Lessons from History Throughout our history, our people have struggled for economic opportunity. Before 1959, we suffered first when the Spanish and then foreign businesses refused to hire Cuban workers. The Revolution has brought us many things but we know that the people still strive for opportunity. Stifling economic opportunity breeds discontent and opposition and, in periods of severe economic disruption, mass protest and migration. We saw this most clearly in 1980 and again in 1994 when thousands fled our shores. In the past, political divisions have also made us vulnerable to foreign intervention. We know that the United States will always be eager to exploit any opportunity to become involved in Cuba s domestic affairs and will provide assistance to any group that expresses dissatisfaction with our government. If our country and our Revolution are to endure, the people must have opportunities to better their lives. Choices for the 21st Century Education Program Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University

47 41 What policies should we pursue? Cuba should allow limited foreign investment to create jobs and help diversify the economy. The Cuban government should allow small, private businesses such as paladares and farmers markets, as well as self-employment. This sector should be well-regulated in order to prevent corruption and illegality. The government should seek to tax this sector effectively in order to provide funds for other important government programs. Cuba should release all political prisoners in order to build better relationships with important trading partners, such as the EU, that are concerned about human rights. Arguments for 1. Providing economic opportunity will reduce public frustration and will limit discontent, protest, and migration. 2. Economic reform enacted by a strong government will improve the standard of living without threatening the gains of the Revolution like health care, education, and economic equity. 3. Building closer relationships with powerful countries in Western Europe will deter any U.S. plans to destabilize or invade Cuba. The Cuban government should continue to play a role in the economy and make sure that the gains from economic growth are distributed evenly among all Cubans. Cuba should maintain a strong, centralized, one-party state. This will help us protect the gains of the Revolution while our country undergoes major economic changes. Cuba should allow Cubans living abroad to invest in the economy. This will strengthen links with our relatives overseas. Arguments against 1. Capitalist economic reforms will increase inequality and poverty in Cuban society. 2. Allowing foreigners to own businesses in Cuba but not allowing Cubans to do the same is unfair and will foster discontent among the population. 3. Releasing political prisoners will show the international community that it can influence Cuba s domestic affairs. This threatens our sovereignty. 4. Cuba s undemocratic government and its violations of human rights will continue to be sore points among many of our trading partners and will create further discontent among the population. 5. Taking this capitalist route violates our history and disgraces the Revolution. 6. We ve tried economic reforms in the past and they have never solved our country s major economic problems. Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University Choices for the 21st Century Education Program

48 42 Option 3: Embrace Political Freedom Throughout Cuba s history, the Cuban people have fought ceaselessly for freedom. Yet each time we are on the verge of achieving it, a new repressive government comes to power and prevents ordinary Cubans from determining the fate of the country. Our government speaks of sovereignty, but sovereignty does not just mean freedom from foreign influence. It means the right of the people to participate in their nation and society, and the policy decisions of the government. For too long have we suffered under a regime that silences and imprisons us. We must build a new Cuba that is based upon respect for human rights and on the right of people to dissent. We must build a political system that will allow the expression of the diversity that exists within Cuba. Political freedom is also necessary if we want to become full members of the international system. With an open political system, we can cultivate better relationships with European countries, nations that have long advocated for our freedoms and human rights. It might even be possible to improve relations with the United States. With political freedom should also come more economic freedom. We Cubans suffer while our government flip-flops from one economic policy to the next. We should have the freedom to determine our own economic destinies. We should be free to own property and start our own businesses. The Revolution brought us many things, but it did not make Cuba for Cubans. We have never truly had a say in our destiny nor the ability to transform our own realities. Instead, we just follow the policies that others dictate to us. We must continue to fight for the freedoms promised by José Martí more than a century ago. Our struggle for independence is not over. Lessons from History Our political repression began with the Spanish in the sixteenth century, and continued in the twentieth century with puppet governments backed by the United States and then with Castro and the Communist Party. We have yet to achieve such basic rights as freedom of expression, assembly, and movement. We Cubans know that socialism has not worked. We have remained poor for the last five decades, unable to afford basic goods and sometimes unable even to afford food. Thousands upon thousands have been imprisoned by our repressive government. We have been silenced for too long. If our history has taught us anything, we know that the struggle is not over. Choices for the 21st Century Education Program Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University

49 43 What policies should we pursue? The country should hold elections in which there are multiple candidates from different political platforms for each position. Cuba s government should ensure political rights for all citizens, including freedom of association, freedom of speech, freedom of the press, and freedom of religion. Cuba should strive to build stronger economic relationships with countries around the world. This means opening ourselves up to foreign investment and tourism in order to promote economic growth. Cuba should take steps to improve relations with the United States in order to end the embargo. This will include asking our allies to continue to pressure the U.S. government. It will also depend on the willingness of the U.S. government to repair relations with us. Arguments for 1. Multiparty elections will allow the expression of alternative viewpoints and will lead to better representation of the people in Cuba s government. 2. Pursuing political reforms will remove international hostility and opposition to Cuba s government. It will also allow Cuba to pursue trade relations with powerful countries, possibly including the United States, which will be a boon to Cuba s economy. 3. Cubans are hard workers. Allowing the people to own their own property and businesses will create incentives and strengthen the economy. The state and foreign companies should not have a monopoly on business in Cuba. Cuban people should have the right to start their own businesses and contribute their skills and education to the economic growth of the country. This will earn the government money in taxes that then can be put toward things like health and education. Cuban people should be allowed to own property. Cuba should strive to reunify Cuban families by reconciling Cubans on the island with Cuban emigrants in the United States and elsewhere. This includes allowing Cuban exiles and émigrés to return to live on the island. Arguments against 1. Capitalism and globalization have increased poverty and misery in countries around the world; they will do the same in Cuba. 2. Economic reforms will create massive inequality in Cuban society. Without government control of the economy there is no way to protect the poor. 3. Significant political reform coupled with economic reform will lead to instability in Cuban society, as it did in Russia. It will also make Cuba vulnerable to foreign intervention. 4. Opening our political system will allow the United States to manipulate our media and intervene in our domestic affairs. This threatens our sovereignty. 5. Allowing Cuban émigrés to return to Cuba will displace those who stayed behind and were loyal to the Revolution. 6. These reforms will end a revolution that has brought our people so much over the last fifty years. We shouldn t be so quick to discard it. Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University Choices for the 21st Century Education Program

50 44 Supplementary Resources Books Bethel, Leslie (ed.). Cuba: A Short History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993). 172 pages. Blight, James G. and Brenner, Philip. Sad and Luminous Days: Cuba s Struggle with Superpowers after the Missile Crisis (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2002). 324 pages. Brenner, Philip, Marguerite Rose Jiménez, John M. Kirk, and William M. LeoGrande (eds.). A Contemporary Cuba Reader: Reinventing the Revolution (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2008). 413 pages. Chávez, Lydia (ed.). Capitalism, God, and a Good Cigar: Cuba Enters the Twenty-First Century (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2005). 253 pages. Gleijeses, Piero. Conflicting Missions: Havana, Washington, and Africa, (Chapel Hill, NC: The University of North Carolina Press, 2002). 552 pages. Sweig, Julia E. Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know (New York : Oxford University Press, 2009). 304 pages. World Wide Web English version of Granma < granma.cu/ingles/index.html> The official newspaper of the Cuban Communist Government. BBC country profile for Cuba < bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/country_ profiles/ stm> Includes timelines, video clips, and links to articles. Generation Y < generationy/> The blog of a Cuban woman in Havana, available in English, Spanish, and German. PBS Wide Angle's "Victory is Your Duty" < shows/cuba/index.html> Website for the PBS Wide Angle documentary "Victory is Your Duty" about Cuban boys training to be boxers. The film gives a good portrait of life in Cuba today. Website includes the entire film (about 45 minutes) as well as interviews, timelines, photos of political posters, and links to other resources. Cuban National Reconciliation Task Force on Memory, Truth, and Justice < memoria.fiu.edu/memoria/voices.htm> The task force, made up of scholars and activists from both Cuba and the Cuban émigré community, met in Miami and Mexico from 2001 to The site includes numerous primary sources from activists on the island as well as the task force report and links to a variety of other Cuba-related websites. Choices for the 21st Century Education Program Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University

51 Engage Students in Real-World Issues Choices' inquiry-based approach to real-world issues promotes the skills required by Common Core and state standards. Critical Thinking Students examine historical context, analyze case studies, consider contrasting policy options, and explore the underlying values and interests that drive different perspectives. Textual Analysis Students examine primary and secondary sources to assess multiple perspectives on complex international issues. Media and Digital Literacy Students critique editorials, audio and video sources, maps, and other visuals to identify perspective and bias. Video clips help students gather and assess information from leading scholars. Communication Students engage in collaborative discussions, build on each other s ideas, formulate persuasive arguments, and express their own viewpoints. Creativity and Innovation Students express themselves by creating political cartoons, memorializing historical events artistically, and developing original policy options. Civic Literacy Choices materials empower students with the skills and habits to actively engage with their communities and the world.

52 explores Cuba s history from the country s precolonial past to its most recent economic, social, and political changes. Students recreate the discussions Cubans on the island are having about their future. is part of a continuing series on current and historical international issues published by the Choices for the 21st Century Education Program at Brown University. Choices materials place special emphasis on the importance of educating students in their participatory role as citizens.

53 TEACHER RESOURCE BOOK TEACHER RESOURCE BOOK TEACHER RESOURCE BOOK T E A C H E R R E S O U R C E B O O K T E A C H E R R E S O U R C E B O O K TEACHER RESOURCE BOOK

54 Acknowledgments CHOICES for the 21st Century Education Program October 2011 Director Susan Graseck Communications & Marketing Jillian McGuire Turbitt Curriculum Development Director Andy Blackadar Curriculum Writer Susannah Bechtel Curriculum Writer Sarah Massey Professional Development Director Mimi Stephens Program Associate Emmett Starr FitzGerald Program Coordinator Kathleen Magiera Video & New Media Producer Tanya Waldburger The Choices for the 21st Century Education Program is a program of the Thomas J. Watson Jr. Institute for International Studies and the Office of Continuing Education at Brown University. The Choices Program develops curricula on current and historical international issues and offers workshops, institutes, and in-service programs for high school teachers. Course materials place special emphasis on the importance of educating students in their participatory role as citizens. was developed by the Choices for the 21st Century Education Program with the assistance of the research staff at the Thomas J. Watson Jr. Institute for International Studies, scholars at Brown University, and several other experts in the field. We wish to thank the following researchers for their invaluable input: James G. Blight CIGI Chair in Foreign Policy Development, Professor Balsillie School of International Affairs, University of Waterloo Philip Brenner Professor of International Relations American University Michael Bustamante Former Project Manager, U.S. Policy Toward a Cuba in Transition Brookings Institution janet Lang Research Professor Balsillie School of International Affairs, University of Waterloo Adrián López Denis Assistant Professor University of Delaware Julia E. Sweig Nelson and David Rockefeller Senior Fellow for Latin America Studies Director of Latin America Studies Council on Foreign Relations Esther Whitfield Associate Professor of Comparative Literature, Brown University We wish to thank Philip Benson, International Baccalaureate history teacher, and Kelly Keogh, a social studies teacher at Normal Community School, Normal, Illinois, for their contributions. Cover photo courtesy of Koldo Cepeda. All maps by Alexander Sayer Gard-Murray. We wish to thank the United States Institute of Peace for its support of. The opinions, findings, and conclusions or recommendations expressed are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the United States Institute of Peace. is part of a continuing series on international public policy issues. New units are published each academic year and all units are updated regularly. Visit us on the World Wide Web

55 Contents The Choices Approach to Current Issues ii Note to Teachers 1 Integrating this Unit into your Curriculum 2 Reading Strategies and Suggestions 3 Day One: José Martí and His Legacy 4 Day One Alternative: The Dance of the Millions 15 Day Two: Operation Carlota 18 Optional Lesson: The Special Period 30 Day Three: Role-Playing the Three Options: Organization and Preparation 36 Day Four: Role-Playing the Three Options: Debate and Discussion 45 Day Five: Cuban Government 49 Day Five Alternative: Cuban American Experiences 56 Assessment Using Documents 68 Key Terms 73 Issues Toolbox 74 Making Choices Work in Your Classroom 75 Assessment Guide for Oral Presentations 77 Alternative Three-Day Lesson Plan 78 The Choices for the 21st Century Education Program is a program of the Watson Institute for International Studies at Brown University. Choices was established to help citizens think constructively about foreign policy issues, to improve participatory citizenship skills, and to encourage public judgement on policy issues. The Watson Institute for International Studies was established at Brown University in 1986 to serve as a forum for students, faculty, visiting scholars, and policy practitioners who are committed to analyzing contemporary global problems and developing initiatives to address them. Copyright October Second edition. Choices for the 21st Century Education Program. All rights reserved. ISBN Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University Choices for the 21st Century Education Program

56 ii The Choices Approach to Current Issues Choices curricula are designed to make complex international issues understandable and meaningful for students. Using a student-centered approach, Choices units develop critical thinking and an understanding of the significance of history in our lives today essential ingredients of responsible citizenship. Teachers say the collaboration and interaction in Choices units are highly motivating for students. Studies consistently demonstrate that students of all abilities learn best when they are actively engaged with the material. Cooperative learning invites students to take pride in their own contributions and in the group product, enhancing students confidence as learners. Research demonstrates that students using the Choices approach learn the factual information presented as well as or better than those using a lecture-discussion format. Choices units offer students with diverse abilities and learning styles the opportunity to contribute, collaborate, and achieve. Choices units on current issues include student readings, a framework of policy options, suggested lesson plans, and resources for structuring cooperative learning, role plays, and simulations. Students are challenged to: recognize relationships between history and current issues analyze and evaluate multiple perspectives on an issue understand the internal logic of a viewpoint identify and weigh the conflicting values represented by different points of view engage in informed discussion develop and articulate original viewpoints on an issue communicate in written and oral presentations collaborate with peers Choices curricula offer teachers a flexible resource for covering course material while actively engaging students and developing skills in critical thinking, deliberative discourse, persuasive writing, and informed civic participation. The instructional activities that are central to Choices units can be valuable components in any teacher s repertoire of effective teaching strategies. Introducing the Background: Each Choices curriculum resource provides historical background and student-centered lesson plans that explore critical issues. This historical foundation prepares students to analyze a range of perspectives and then to deliberate about possible approaches to contentious policy issues. Exploring Policy Alternatives: Each Choices unit has a framework of three or four divergent policy options that challenges students to consider multiple perspectives. Students understand and analyze the options through a role play and the dialogue that follows. Role Play: The setting of the role play varies, and may be a Congressional hearing, a meeting of the National Security Council, or an election campaign forum. In groups, students explore their assigned options and plan short presentations. Each group, in turn, is challenged with questions from classmates. The Organization of a Choices Unit Deliberation: After the options have been presented and students clearly understand the differences among them, students enter into deliberative dialogue in which they analyze together the merits and trade-offs of the alternatives presented; explore shared concerns as well as conflicting values, interests, and priorities; and begin to articulate their own views. For further information see < edu/deliberation>. Exercising Citizenship: Armed with fresh insights from the role play and the deliberation, students articulate original, coherent policy options that reflect their own values and goals. Students views can be expressed in letters to Congress or the White House, editorials for the school or community newspaper, persuasive speeches, or visual presentations. Choices for the 21st Century Education Program Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University

57 1 Note to Teachers Fidel Castro s decision to step down as the leader of Cuba after nearly fifty years didn t come exactly as a surprise. Cuba, often at center stage in international affairs, found world attention focused on it again. What will Cuba s future be without Fidel? The debate highlights the diverging views that outsiders have of Cuba and its history, particularly since Castro came to power. Often overlooked in the debate, Cubans also have very different opinions about their country and its history, and this affects how they think about the future. Past and Future helps students step into the shoes of ordinary Cubans and consider Cuba s future in the post-castro era. The readings trace Cuba s history from the country s precolonial past to its most recent economic, social, and political changes. A central activity helps students recreate the discussions Cubans on the island are having about their future. Suggested Five-Day Lesson Plan: The Teacher Resource Book accompanying Contesting Cuba s contains a day-by-day lesson plan and student activities that use primary source documents and help build critical-thinking skills. Alternative Study Guides: Each section of reading has two distinct study guides. The standard study guide helps students gather the information in the readings in preparation for analysis and synthesis in class. It also lists key terms that students will encounter in the reading. The advanced study guide requires that students analyze and synthesize material prior to class activities. Vocabulary and Concepts: The reading in addresses subjects that are complex and challenging. To help your students get the most out of the text, you may want to review with them the Key Terms found in the Teacher Resource Book () on page -73 before they begin their assignment. An Issues Toolbox is also included on page -74. This provides additional information on key concepts. Assessment: A documents-based exercise ( 68-72) is provided to help teachers assess students comprehension, analysis, evaluation, and synthesis of relevant sources. The exercise is modeled closely on those used by the International Baccalaureate Program. The assessment could also be used as a lesson. Primary Source Documents: Materials are included as parts of lessons throughout the Teacher Resource Book. Additional Resources: More resources, including videos, lessons, maps, and additional primary source materials are available for free at < The lesson plans offered here are provided as a guide. Many teachers choose to devote additional time to certain activities. We hope that these suggestions help you tailor the unit to fit the needs of your classroom. Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University Choices for the 21st Century Education Program

58 2 Integrating this Unit into your Curriculum Units produced by the Choices Education Program are designed to be integrated into a variety of social studies courses. Below are a few ideas about where Past and Future might fit into your curriculum. Teachers should note that the Spanish- American War and the Cuban Missile Crisis each have a Choices curriculum devoted to them. These two topics are covered more briefly in. World History: When the battle lines of the Cold War extended beyond Europe in the 1950s, the Caribbean and Central America increasingly became a region of superpower confrontation. Cuba, in particular, emerged as an international flashpoint and an object of almost obsessive concern for many U.S. policy makers. This curriculum helps students gain a broader understanding of the country that has often occupied the attention of the world since Besides offering an overview of Cuban history, the unit focuses on the legacies of Cuba s relationships with Spain, the United States, and the Soviet Union. Although most recognize Cuba s role in the Cold War, recent research suggests that Cuba often marched to its own drum, and not that of the Soviet Union. Today, twenty years after the end of the Cold War, Cuba clings to its revolutionary ideals and remains in confrontation with the United States. Current Issues: Even at the moment of his departure, Castro told Cubans he would continue to be a soldier in the battle of ideas. Leaders in Latin America express admiration for the achievements of the Cuban Revolution. Nevertheless, life for most people in Cuba is not easy. Cuba s change of leadership, its historical relationship with the United States, and the large number of Cubans living abroad suggest that more change is inevitable. Will Cuba change rapidly like the former Soviet Union did, will it evolve more slowly like China, or will it take a different path altogether? Political Science/Government: Why do transitions of government vary from case to case? Students can consider how Cuba s historical tradition of change and governance might affect it in the coming years. Additionally, students can examine the role leadership styles play in national stewardship. Cuba s leaders have had a profound effect on their country. Why are some executives more successful than others? What is the relationship between leadership and the citizenry? Economics: Cuba s shift from a capitalist to socialist economy illustrates the challenges of a command economy, and introduces students to the consequences of economic decisionmaking. Students also consider how economic policy affects everyday life and how Cuba s heavy reliance on sugar affected the country s development. Choices for the 21st Century Education Program Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University

59 3 Reading Strategies and Suggestions This unit covers a range of issues over a long period of time. Your students may find the readings complex. It might also be difficult for them to synthesize such a large amount of information. The following are suggestions to help your students better understand the readings. Pre-reading strategies: Help students to prepare for the reading. 1. You might create a Know/Want to Know/Learned (K-W-L) worksheet for students to record what they already know about Cuba and what they want to know. As they read they can fill out the learned section of the worksheet. Alternatively, brainstorm their current knowledge and then create visual maps in which students link the concepts and ideas they have about the topic. 2. Use the questions in the text to introduce students to the topic. Ask them to scan the reading for major headings, images, and questions so they can gain familiarity with the structure and organization of the text. 3. Preview the vocabulary and key concepts listed on each study guide and in the back of the with students. The study guide asks students to identify key terms from the reading. Establish a system to help students find definitions for these key terms and others they do not know. 4. Since studies show that most students are visual learners, use a visual introduction, such as photographs, an internet site, or a short film to orient your students. 5. Be sure that students understand the purpose for their reading the text. Will you have a debate later, and they need to know the information to formulate arguments? Will students communicate with students in Cuba or other states about these topics over the internet? Will they create a class podcast or blog? Split up readings into smaller chunks: Assign students readings over a longer period of time or divide readings among groups of students. Graphic organizers: You may also wish to use graphic organizers to help your students better understand the information that they are given. We have included three organizers for this unit, located on -8, -22, and Students can complete the organizers in class in groups or as part of their homework, or you can use them as reading checks or quizzes. Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University Choices for the 21st Century Education Program

60 4 Day One José Martí and His Legacy Objectives: Students will: Explore the history and legacy of José Martí. Consider contested interpretations of history. Analyze the writings of Martí. Identify geographical landmarks related to the reading and Martí s life. Required Reading: Before beginning the lesson, students should have read the Introduction and Part I of the student text (pages 1-10) and completed Study Guide Part I ( 5-6) or Advanced Study Guide Part I (-7). Scholars Online: Short, free videos that you may find useful in this lesson are available at < choices.edu/resources/scholars_cuba_lesson. php>. Note: Colored pencils might be helpful for each group as students fill in their maps. Have students read all the directions carefully before beginning the exercise. Handouts: The Life and Travels of José Martí (-9) for each group (A Powerpoint file of this map is available for download at <www. choices.edu/cubamaterials>.) Timeline of José Martí s Life (-10) for each group I Cultivate a White Rose (-11) for each student Two Political Writings of Martí (-12) for each student Remembering José Martí ( 13-14) for each student In the Classroom: 1. Focus Question Write the question Why is José Martí a national hero to many Cubans? on the board. Ask students to consider what makes someone a national hero. Write student ideas on the board. Have students give a few examples of national heroes and the qualities or actions that made them heroes. 2. Forming Small Groups Divide the class into groups of 3-4. Distribute handouts to each group. Each group should read and follow the instructions. (Note: Teachers could also choose to give each group only one of the handouts and have groups report back to the class in jigsaw fashion.) 3. Sharing Conclusions After about thirty minutes, call on students to share their findings. Why do students think Martí is a Cuban national hero? What reasons can they give for different political groups arguing about Martí s legacy? 4. Making Connections Ask students to consider the significance of the white rose in Martí s poem. Can they think of political symbols of significance from their own or another country? Can they think of another historical figure whose legacy is contested? Ask students why they think people argue about the meaning of the past. What reasons might there be to argue about Cuba s past? Ask students to consider this quotation: Who controls the past controls the future. Who controls the present controls the past. George Orwell, 1984 Ask students to explain the quotation in their own words. Who might want to control the past or future? Do students agree or disagree with Orwell? Homework: Students should read Part II (pages 11-24) of the student text and complete Study Guide Part II ( 19-20) or Advanced Study Guide Part II (-21). Choices for the 21st Century Education Program Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University

61 Name: Study Guide Part I Day One 5 Vocabulary: Be sure that you understand these key terms from Part I of your reading. Circle ones that you do not know. social indicators industrialized countries developing countries indigenous communities colonists slave labor strategically important plantation export crop slave economies racial discrimination naturalized U.S. citizen gradual emancipation martial law elites trade policy sovereignty social injustice economic injustice humanitarian land redistribution class structure constitutional convention contract labor coup domestic politics nationalism 1. What happened to the indigenous population when the Spanish arrived in Cuba? 2. List three ways the sugar industry affected Cuba by the middle of the nineteenth century. a. b. c. 3. Why were many people in the United States interested in acquiring Cuba in the 1820s? Give two reasons. a. b. 4. Fill in the chart below about the independence movements in Cuba. Revolts and Rebellions, Ten Years War, War for Independence, What were the goals? What were the results? Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University Choices for the 21st Century Education Program

62 6 Day One Name: 5. How did the Spanish respond to the rebellions in the 1895 war for independence? 6. List four reasons historians give for U.S. involvement in Cuba s war for independence. a. b. c. d. 7. Complete the following sentence in your own words: The Platt Amendment gave the U.S. government What was the PIC? 9. Cuba s share of worldwide sugar production in 1925 was 23 percent. Why was this a problem for Cuba? 10. Many of Cuba s governments in the early twentieth century suffered from a similar problem. What was it, and how did Cubans eventually respond in the 1930s? Problem: Cuban response: Choices for the 21st Century Education Program Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University

63 Name: Advanced Study Guide Part I Day One 7 1. What motivated Spain to colonize Cuba? 2. In what ways did U.S. citizens and companies gain land and interests in Cuba? List the events that made that possible and how property was gained as a result of the event. 3. On the whole, do you think the sugar industry helped or hindered Cuba in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries? Explain with evidence. 4. Why is José Martí important to Cubans? 5. What were the different ethnic groups living in Cuba by the nineteenth century? Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University Choices for the 21st Century Education Program

64 8 Graphic Organizer Name: Trends in Cuba s History Instructions: In the boxes below, summarize the major ideas for each period (the first one is done for you as an example). Next, answer the questions about sugar, race relations, and connections to the United States during the period. Finally, consider the extra challenge question at the bottom. Struggle for Independence major topics: What happened with the sugar industry during this period? Spanish Rule major topics: 1. Cuba useful as safe port for Spanish Empire, but little gold What happened with race relations during this period? How was the United States connected to Cuban events in this period? What happened with the sugar industry during this period? What happened with race relations during this period? Cuban Republic major topics: What happened with the sugar industry during this period? How was the United States connected to Cuban events in this period? What happened with race relations during this period? How was the United States connected to Cuban events in this period? Extra challenge: How might Cubans differing understandings of this history affect their views of the present, and of a future without Fidel? Choices for the 21st Century Education Program Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University

65 Name: The Life and Travels of José Martí Day One 9 Instructions: On the map below record major events and travels in the life of José Martí. Refer to the timeline for information. Circle the countries where Martí lived, and note what he did and the dates he was there. Draw lines to indicate his travels. Mark them with dates as well. You may want to use different colored pencils. CANADA Ottawa New York UNITED STATES OF AMERICA Washington D. C. ATLANTIC THE BAHAMAS MEXICO Havana OCEAN Mexico City Belmopan Guatemala City EL SALVADOR GUATEMALA San Salvador CUBA DOMINICAN REPUBLIC JAMAICA HAITI PUERTO RICO BELIZE HONDURAS Kingston Port-au- Santo Prince Domingo Tegucigalpa NICARAGUA Managua San Jose COSTA RICA Panama City PANAMA Bogota Caracas VENEZUELA Georgetown Paramaribo FRENCH GUIANA SURINAME GUYANA ECUADOR Quito COLOMBIA PERU BRAZIL NORWAY Dublin IRELAND NETHERLANDS U. K. London BELGIUM Paris FRANCE Madrid PORTUGAL SPAIN Lisbon Gibraltar Algiers Rabat MOROCCO Canary Islands ALGERIA WESTERN SAHARA MAURITANIA CAPE VERDE Nouakchott Praia SENEGAL Dakar THE GAMBIA GUINEA BISSAU GUINEA Conakry Freetown SIERRA LEONE Monrovia LIBERIA Bamako IVORY COAST Abidjan MALI Niamey BURKINA NIGERIA BENIN TOGO Abuja GHANA Porto Novo Accra Lome SAO TOME & PRINCIPE Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University Choices for the 21st Century Education Program

66 10 Day One Name: Timeline of José Martí s Life 1853 José Martí is born in Havana. His father is a sergeant in the Spanish army Martí s family moves back to Spain Martí s family moves back to Cuba Martí founds his own newspaper, La Patria Libre. He publishes one issue, and writes about politics. Spanish colonial authorities arrest him He is sentenced to hard labor, but is freed and deported to Spain In Spain Martí publishes Political Prison in Cuba Graduates from a Spanish University. Moves to Mexico to be with his family Works as teacher and journalist in Mexico City Enters Cuba under a false name, but leaves for Guatemala after two months. Becomes a professor in a university and gets married Moves to Havana with his pregnant wife Arrested for plotting against Spain and is deported to Spain Moves to New York City. He becomes president of the Cuban Revolutionary Committee of New York Martí goes to Venezuela but returns to New York after publishing an article that upsets Venezuelan political authorities. While in New York, he publishes his first poems and writes for newspapers in Mexico, Uruguay, and Argentina. He also writes for English and Spanish 1882 magazines and newspapers in New York. Works for the Uruguayan government in New York. Establishes reputation as speaker and organizer of Cubans living in the United States Martí publishes his only novel. Establishes a school for black Cubans and Puerto Ricans living in New York Becomes a diplomatic representative for Argentina and Paraguay in New York. Publishes Simple Verses, a second collection of poems. Resigns from his 1891 diplomatic and newspaper positions so that he can concentrate on working for Cuban independence. At a meeting in Florida he helps form and is elected leader of the Cuban 1892 Revolutionary Party. Travels to Haiti, Dominican Republic, Jamaica and around the United States raising support for Cuban independence Continues his travels in the region in support of Cuban independence efforts. Martí helps write The Montecristi Manifesto, which lays out the goals of 1895 Cuban rebel forces. He returns to Cuba and is killed fighting Spanish troops on May 18. Choices for the 21st Century Education Program Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University

67 Name: I Cultivate a White Rose Day One 11 Instructions: José Martí is well known for his poetry. Some say that he wrote the poem below for a friend who had turned him in to the secret police. Read the poem silently to yourself. Mark words or phrases that you think are important or have questions about. Then read the poem aloud with your group. Martí wrote this poem in Spanish. If anyone in your group can read Spanish, he or she can read it aloud to your group as well. Answer the questions below and be prepared to report back to the class. I Cultivate a White Rose I cultivate a white rose In July as in January For the sincere friend Who gives me his hand frankly. Cultivo Una Rosa Blanca Cultivo una rosa blanca En julio como en enero, Para el amigo sincero Que me da su mano franca. And for the cruel person who tears out the heart with which I live, I cultivate neither nettles nor thorns, I cultivate a white rose. Y para el cruel que me arranca El corazón con que vivo, Cardo ni ortiga cultivo, Cultivo una rosa blanca. 1. What is the narrator of this poem doing? 2. Why might Martí have chosen the word cultivate instead of the word grow? 3. What does the second stanza of the poem tell us about the narrator of the poem? 4. A symbol is something that represents something else, often a larger idea or concept. For example, the cross is a symbol of Christianity; a flag is a symbol of a country. What symbol does Martí use in this poem? What might it represent? Could it represent more than one thing? Extra Challenge: Besides being in a different language, how does the Spanish version of the poem sound (and look) different from the English version? Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University Choices for the 21st Century Education Program

68 12 Day One Name: Two Political Writings of Martí Instructions: José Martí is also well known for his political writings. Fidel Castro has cited Martí more than any other Cuban in his speeches. At the same time, those opposed to Castro frequently cite Martí s writings and ideas, and claim Martí wouldn t have supported Castro s government. Read the selections below silently to yourself. Mark words or phrases that you think are important or have questions about. Work with your group to answer the questions below each selection. Be prepared to report your answers back to your class. 1. Letter to Manuel Mercado, May 18, 1895, the day before Martí was killed...i am in daily danger of giving my life for my country and duty, for I understand that duty and have the courage to carry it out the duty of preventing the United States from spreading through the Antilles [Caribbean islands including Cuba], and from overpowering with additional strength our American lands [Martí means all of the countries of the Americas]. All I have done thus far, and all I will do, is for this purpose... I have lived inside the monster and know its guts; and my sling is the sling of David. 1. What does Martí see as his duty? 2. What do you think the monster is that Martí says he has lived inside? 2. The Third Year of the Cuban Revolutionary Party: The Spirit of the Revolution and Cuba s Duty to America, April 17, 1894 The responsibility of our goals will give the Cuban people the stability to achieve freedom without hate and to direct their enthusiasms with moderation. A mistake in Cuba is a mistake in America [meaning all of the countries of the Americas], a mistake in present day humanity. Whoever rebels with Cuba today, rebels for all time. Since Cuba is our sacred homeland, it requires special thought; serving it in so glorious and difficult a time, fills a man with dignity and nobility. This worthy obligation fortifies us with strength of heart, guides us like a perennial star, and will shine from our graves like a light of eternal warning. [T]he Cuban Revolutionary Party is entering its third year of life, firm and compassionate, convinced that the independence of Cuba and Puerto Rico is not only the means of assuring both islands of the decent well-being that free men ought to have in their legitimate work, but also that this is the one historic event essential to save the threatened independence of a free Antilles, a free America, and the dignity of the North American republic. Weaklings, show respect. Great men, march on! This is a task for the great. 1. What goal does Martí express in this selection? 2. What words does Martí use to describe Cuba and serving Cuba? Extra challenge: Which of these writings would you guess that Fidel Castro quoted in one of his speeches? Explain. Choices for the 21st Century Education Program Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University

69 Name: Remembering José Martí Day One 13 Instructions: Following Castro s assumption of power in Cuba, José Martí became a hotly contested historical figure. Below are three selections from The New York Times that describe how this contest played out over a statue in Central Park in New York City. Read the selections below silently to yourself. Be sure to note the date of each article. Mark words or phrases that you think are important or have questions about. Work with your group to answer the questions below each selection. Be prepared to report your answers back to your class. 1. The New York Times, July 29, 1956 New Statue for City: Monument of Cuban Patriot to Go Up in Central Park The Parks Department has accepted an offer of the Cuban government to erect an equestrian statue of José Martí, Cuban patriot, author, and poet. It will be erected in the plaza in Central Park, at the head of the Avenue of the Americas and Central Park South. The bronze monument will face south and will be between the statues of Bolivar, the Venezuelan liberator, and San Martín, the hero of Argentina. It will be a gift to the Cuban Government from Anna Hyatt Huntington, sculptor, who has estimated her work will take more than two years to complete. 1. How is Martí described in this passage? 2. How long does the sculptor think it will take to finish her work? 2. The New York Times, January 29, 1960 Ceremony Here for Cuban Hero Erupts into Riot Over Castro A riot raged for thirty-five minutes on Central Park South at the Avenue of the Americas yesterday afternoon as pro-castro and anti-castro Cubans disputed the right to honor the birthday of José Martí, Cuba s national liberator. Three persons were injured and twelve arrested, six from each side, before police riot squads could disperse the demonstrators. To save forty anti-castro Cubans, some of them women and children, from the fury of the mob, the police commandeered a bus, evicted four passengers and transported the beleaguered group to Ninetieth Street and Fifth Avenue. Mostly the rioting consisted of fist fights and free-for-alls, with the participants screaming angry imprecations in Spanish. The Castro supporters yelled assassins, murderers, and the anti-castro group replied Communists and godless blackguards. In one case, a group grabbed a man, beat him and attempted to throw him under the wheels of an automobile going west on Central Park South. A month ago, the Twenty-sixth of July Movement, a pro-castro group with headquarters at the Belvedere Hotel, applied for a permit to hold a birthday meeting at the statue. The request was denied on the ground that only the pedestal has been erected; the statue has yet to be put up or dedicated. Then the pro-castro group read that a permit had been granted to an anti-castro group, the White Rose Organization, to place a wreath at 3 P.M. The white rose was a symbol used by Martí. 1. What is cause of the dispute in New York? 2. What words would you use to describe the demonstration? Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University Choices for the 21st Century Education Program

70 14 Day One Name: 3. The New York Times, May 19, 1965 Martí Statue Unveiled After 7-Year Wait The José Martí statue that has been at the center of pro-castro controversy was quietly unveiled at a simple ceremony yesterday morning....the 18-foot-tall bronze equestrian statue atop a 19-foot marble pedestal is just inside Central Park at Avenue of the Americas and Central Park South. It depicts the moment that the Cuban liberator was hit by a Spanish bullet 70 years ago today. The statue of José Martí in New York City. As the dedication ended a broad-shouldered Cuban tie askew and in need of a shave quietly placed a single white rose at the base of the pedestal and swiftly left. He wouldn t give his name. 1. How much longer did it take to put up this statue than expected? Image courtesy of Wikimedia. 2. Why do you think the Cuban man put a white rose at the foot of the statue? Is he supporting one side of the dispute? Choices for the 21st Century Education Program Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University

71 Day One - Alternative 15 The Dance of the Millions Objectives: Students will: Analyze and graph economic data. Weigh the risks and benefits of a monoexport economy. Work collaboratively with classmates. Required Reading: Before beginning the lesson, students should have read the Introduction and Part I of the student text (pages 1-10) and completed Study Guide Part I ( 5-6) or Advanced Study Guide Part I (-7). Scholars Online: Short, free videos that you may find useful in this lesson are available at < choices.edu/resources/scholars_cuba_lesson. php>. Handouts: Cuban Sugar in 1920 ( 16-17) for each group Students may find colored pencils for graphing and copies of the previous night s reading helpful. In the Classroom: 1. Focus Question Put the following question on the board. Why do prices rise and fall? Have the class brainstorm; record their ideas. 2. Working in Groups Divide the class into groups of 3-4 students and distribute the handout to each group. Groups should work through and discuss the questions pertaining to each set of data. Have one member of each group record their group s responses on the worksheet. Emphasize to students that the graphs they are making need not be overly precise. Rather they should roughly indicate trends. Emphasize the importance of labeling the graphs clearly. 3. Sharing Conclusions and Discussion Ask groups to share their findings and compare answers with the other groups. What did the data tell them about Cuba s economy in 1920? From the reading, what reasons can students give for why Cuba relied so much on sugar? Tell students that 1920 was known as the dance of the millions in Cuba because of the unprecedented money that came into the Cuban economy in the first half of the year. When sugar prices fell, fortunes were lost as fast as they had been made. Many Cuban mill owners, unable to repay loans, were bought out by U.S.-based individuals or businesses. Compare Cuba s experience to another country or city s economic reliance on a single crop or export item. You might consider Saudi Arabia and oil, Ireland and potatoes, fishing in the U.S. northwest, textiles in the U.S. south, or the auto industry in Michigan. How did the economic situation affect the political situation in these areas? What are the risks of relying heavily on a single good? Can there be benefits? Ask students if governments should try to guard against uncertain economic markets and rapidly rising or falling prices. What kinds of things can governments do? Are there policies that should be avoided? Why? Do students believe that small countries can avoid the risks that come with economic volatility or changing demand? Homework: Students should read Part II (pages 11-24) of the student text and complete Study Guide Part II ( 19-20) or Advanced Study Guide Part II (-21). Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University Choices for the 21st Century Education Program

72 16 Day One - Alternative Name: Cuban Sugar in 1920 Instructions: With your group, review each chart and answer the questions that follow. Be prepared to share your findings with the rest of the class. Chart 1 Chart 1 shows the prices paid for Cuban sugar during the months of Sugar made up between 70 and 90 percent of Cuba s exports in the early twentieth century. Sugar has played a dominant role in Cuba s economy for much of its history. Month Price of Sugar, in U.S. Cents per Pound Percent Change from Previous Month* Percent Change in Price for Year** January February 9-25% -25% March 10 11% -20% April % 8% April % 50% May % 88% June % 45% July % 4% August 11-12% -8% September 8-27% -33% October % -43% November % -60% December % -68% Chart 2 Chart 2 is a weighted index of German commodity prices in (An index is a mathematical tool used by economists to represent many prices with one number.) The index is based on sixty-seven goods including food products, textiles, and minerals. Month Index of Commodity Prices Percent Change from Previous Month* Percent Change in Prices for Year** January February % 31% March % 47% April % 46% May % 42% June % 49% July % 44% August % 46% September % 44% October % 49% November % 52% December % 56% *Difference (in percent) between month s price/index and the previous month s price/index. **Difference (in percent) between month s price/index and January s price/index. Choices for the 21st Century Education Program Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University

73 Name: Day One - Alternative 17 Questions: 1. For each month of 1920, graph the information in column four (Percent Change in Price(s) for Year) of both charts. Focus on general trends, not precisely graphing the numbers. Be sure to label your graph. Percent change in price(s) for year Months 2. Economic volatility refers to sharp and unpredictable fluctuations in market prices. Which market was more volatile in 1920, Cuban sugar or the group of German commodities? Explain. 3. If you had to earn a living in 1920, would you prefer to be selling the sixty-seven German commodities or Cuban sugar? Explain. 4. Cuba was a mono-export economy based mostly on sugar. What do you think the risks and benefits of such an economy might be? Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University Choices for the 21st Century Education Program

74 18 Day Two Operation Carlota Objectives: Students will: Review the role of sources in examining historical questions. Assess the different political interpretations of the Cuban role in Angola. Analyze primary source documents and weigh evidence. Note: Cuban foreign policy is a contested subject. Historians have only begun to explore Cuba s role in Angola. The issue remains controversial and many questions are unresolved due to a scarcity of reliable sources. Required Reading: Before beginning the lesson, students should have read Part II of the student text (pages 11-24) and completed Study Guide Part II ( 19-20) or Advanced Study Guide Part II (-21). Scholars Online: Short, free videos that you may find useful in this lesson are available at < choices.edu/resources/scholars_cuba_lesson. php>. Handouts: Overview: Operation Carlota (-23) Cartoon Analysis: Identifying a Point of View (-24) Using Sources to Answer Questions about History ( 25-28) Perspectives of Cuban Involvement in Angola (-29) In the Classroom: 1. Focus Question Write the question Were Cuban military forces sent to Angola at the request of the Soviet Union? on the board. 2. Using Sources Review with students the role of primary and secondary sources in answering questions about history. Tell students that they are going to use primary and secondary sources to try to answer the focus question. Remind students that historians question the reliability of sources when doing research. Here are a few questions that historians and students should ask: 1. Does the source contain facts or opinions? 2. Is the source biased? (Many, if not most, sources have a bias, but can still be useful in understanding events.) 3. Who has written or created the source? 4. Is the source reliable? Challenge students to keep these questions in mind as they examine the sources on the following pages. 3. Examining Operation Carlota Divide the class into groups of 3-4. Give each group the handouts and ask them to complete the worksheet. 4. Identifying Perspectives After the groups have finished, call on students to identify the political perspective of the cartoon by Wright. Which documents support Wright s perspective? Which do not? Ask students to summarize, in a short phrase, the different Angolan, Cuban, South African, and U.S. motivations in this conflict. Ask students to identify sources that contradict each other. Which contradictions do they find interesting or important? Tell them that contradictory sources indicate to historians that they need to cross-check information with other sources, look for additional evidence, and consider the origin and author of the source for bias. Homework: Students should read Part III (pages 25-36) of the student text and complete Study Guide Part III (-37) or Advanced Study Guide Part III (-38). Choices for the 21st Century Education Program Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University

75 Name: Study Guide Part II Day Two 19 Vocabulary: Be sure that you understand these key terms from Part II of your reading. Circle ones that you do not know. land reform puppet president economic recession guerrilla army market forces supply and demand dissent dissident embargo naval exercises censorship recession émigrés 1. In 1940 Batista won elections by a wide margin. Why were Cubans frustrated and disillusioned with him by 1953? 2. a. What was the 26th of July Movement? b. Who was its leader? c. How did Batista respond to the M-26-7? 3. List two goals of the Cuban Revolution. a. b. 4. a. What was the Agrarian Reform Act? b. Why were U.S. business owners opposed to it? 5. In the early 1960s the CIA attempted to overthrow the Castro government. Name the two main attempts. a. b. Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University Choices for the 21st Century Education Program

76 20 Day Two Name: 6. Why did Cuba develop a strong economic relationship with the Soviet Union? 7. In the chart below list the main policy changes the revolutionary government implemented. Economic Social Foreign Affairs 8. What are CDRs? 9. List three causes of the Mariel boatlift. a. b. c. 10. What was the Rectification of Errors campaign? 11. Fill in the chart below, showing positive and negative changes in Cuban society and economy in the 1980s. positives existing in 1980s negatives existing in 1980s a. b. c. d. a. b. c. d. Choices for the 21st Century Education Program Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University

77 Name: Advanced Study Guide Part II Day Two What did Castro mean when he called José Martí the intellectual author of the 26th of July Movement? What does this say about Castro s understanding of Cuban history? 2. Why was there opposition to the Revolution, both in Cuba and abroad? 3. How did the United States attempt to bring down Castro and his government? 4. How did the Soviet Union assist Cuba during the Cold War? 5. Describe the economic and social changes Cuba s revolutionary government imposed. 6. What does the sentence Cuba is a little country with a big country s foreign policy mean? Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University Choices for the 21st Century Education Program

78 22 Graphic Organizer Name: Cuba s Revolution Instructions: Use your reading to fill in the boxes. First write the goals of the Revolution. Then, on the top of each grey box, list the major reforms or changes the Revolution brought in each category. On the bottom, indicate the effects of those changes for Cuba. Summarize the goals of the Cuban Revolution: Economy Social Structures reforms/changes effects of changes reforms/changes effects of changes Politics Foreign Policy reforms/changes effects of changes reforms/changes effects of changes Choices for the 21st Century Education Program Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University

79 Name: Overview: Operation Carlota Day Two 23 Introduction: Some have described Cuba as a little country with a big country s foreign policy. After 1959, Cuba s foreign policy had two major goals. First, Cuba wanted to ensure that the Cuban Revolution and Castro s leadership would continue. It sought good relations with as many countries as it could around the world in order to obtain international support for Cuba s revolutionary government. This was a challenge because of continuous U.S. efforts to isolate Cuba both diplomatically and economically. Cuba depended on the Soviet Union for economic and military support, but often disagreed with Soviet policies. One reason for the disagreement was that Castro believed that the Soviet Union did not give enough support to revolutionary socialist movements worldwide. A second goal of Cuban foreign policy was to promote socialist revolutions around the world. Throughout the 1960s and 1970s, Cuba actively supported revolutionary movements in Latin America and Africa, sending advisors, troops, and supplies. One famous example of Cuban foreign policy took place in After ruling Angola for nearly four hundred years, Portugal granted Angola independence in 1974 and left the country with no government. Castro decided to send Cuban forces to Angola to help the MPLA (Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola), one of the political-military groups vying for control of Angola, repel an invasion led by the South African military. The Cubans called this Operation Carlota. Carlota was the name of an enslaved Cuban who had died in a revolt in In addition to the South Africans, the MPLA was also fighting two guerilla movements supported by the United States, France, and South Africa for control of Angola. The apartheid government of South Africa saw the MPLA a black nationalist, independence movement as a threat to white rule in South Africa. The United States hoped to prevent the MPLA, whose leaders had some socialist ideas, from taking power because it believed the MPLA was allied with the Soviet Union (USSR) in its Cold War struggle against the United States. The civil war in Angola took place away from the eyes of most journalists and reporters. In addition, the foreign countries involved in Angola wanted their role there to be kept quiet. Castro had made the decision to send forces to Angola in secret after consulting with only a few of his advisers. The exact nature of U.S. involvement was a secret because of the involvement of the CIA. South Africa denied being in Angola for well over a month after invading. For these reasons, it is a challenge to investigate the history of international intervention in Angola. Even professional historians note the scarcity of primary sources about this period. As you try to discover the history of events in Angola, you will face some of the same challenges as professional historians. Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University Choices for the 21st Century Education Program

80 24 Day Two Name: Cartoon Analysis: Identifying a Point of View Instructions: International issues are often the subject of political cartoons. Cartoons not only reflect the events of the times, but they often offer an interpretation or express a strong opinion about these events as well. This cartoon by Don Wright appeared in December 1975 in The Miami News. Answer questions about the cartoon below. Don Wright. Tribune Media Services. Reprinted with permission. Questions 1. Who and what is depicted in the cartoon? 2. What is happening in the cartoon? 3. What political point of view about Castro does the cartoonist express? Choices for the 21st Century Education Program Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University

81 Name: Day Two 25 Using Sources to Answer Questions about History Instructions: Below is a collection of sources from Angola, Cuba, the Soviet Union, South Africa, the United Kingdom, and the United States. In 1975, many believed that Castro was following orders from the Soviet Union when he sent troops to Angola. Use the sources below to test this idea and discover more about the conflict in Angola. As you read, mark what you believe is the most important line in each excerpt. Try to identify what the source tells you about the conflict in Angola in Look for sources that agree with each other and ones that disagree with each other. Fill out the chart on Perspectives of Cuban Involvement in Angola with your group members and be prepared to discuss your findings with your classmates. 1. The Second Declaration of Havana, speech by Fidel Castro, February 4, 1962 The duty of every revolutionary is to make the revolution. It is known that the revolution will triumph in America [meaning all of Latin America] and throughout the world, but it is not for revolutionaries to sit in the doorways of their houses waiting for the corpse of imperialism to pass by. For this great humanity has said enough! and has begun to march. And their great march will not be halted until they conquer true independence. 2. Fidel Castro, January 15, 1966 The imperialists are everywhere in the world. And for Cuban revolutionaries the battleground against imperialists encompasses the whole world. And so our people understand that the enemy is one and the same, the one who attacks our shores and our territory, the same one who attacks everyone else. And so we say and proclaim that the revolutionary movement in every corner of the world can count on Cuban fighters. 3. Che Guevara s African Adventure, U.S. Department of State document, April 19, 1965 Cuba s African strategy is designed to provide new political leverage against the United States and the socialist bloc. The Cubans doubtless hope that their African ties will increase Cuba s stature in the nonaligned world and help to force the major socialist powers to tolerate a considerable measure of Cuban independence and criticism. 4. Meeting between Soviet Foreign Minster Kosygin and Fidel Castro, June 1967 (recollections of Soviet interpreter Oleg Darusenkov) The Kosygin visit was bad from the start. He was badly received. There was no mass rally. The Cubans told Kosygin that they believed he did not want one. But that was a pretext Kosygin did not accept. It was common for there to be mass rallies for major state visitors. Kosygin and Fidel talked for seven hours without a break, though there were others present with Fidel. The conversation was very hard. Fidel was critical of Soviet policies across a large panorama of issues for example, he accused us of abandoning the Arabs in the Middle East War. Kosygin then asked Fidel to stop the support of liberation movements in Latin America. The Soviet Union, he said, did not approve of these activities. Then Kosygin and Fidel had a tough argument over whether real revolution has to emerge from the lower levels from the armed struggle. Kosygin expressed the view that revolution cannot be exported as the Cubans were evidently attempting to do. He said these efforts are not only doomed to failure, but they inevitably bring undesirable reactions. Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University Choices for the 21st Century Education Program

82 26 Day Two 5. Letter to the Cuban government from Agostinho Neto, leader of the MPLA (Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola), January 26, 1975 Dear Comrades, Given the situation on the ground of our movement and our country, and taking into account the results of the exploratory trip of the official Cuban delegation, we are sending you a list of the urgent needs of our organization. We are confident that you will give it immediate consideration. The establishment, organization and maintenance of a military school for cadres. We urgently need to create a company of security personnel, and we need to prepare the members of our military staff. We need to rent a ship to transport the war material that we have in Dar es Salaam to Angola. The delivery in Angola, if this were a Cuban ship, could take place outside of the territorial waters. Weapons and means of transportation for the Brigada de Intervençion that we are planning to organize, as well as light weapons for some infantry battalions. Transmitters and receivers to solve the problem of communication among widely dispersed military units. Uniforms and military equipment for 10,000 men. Two pilots and one flight mechanic. Assistance in training trade union leaders. Cooperation in the organization of schools for the teaching of Marxism (to solve the problems of the party). Publications dealing with political and military subjects, especially instruction manuals. Financial assistance in this phase of establishing and organizing ourselves. We also urge that the Communist Party of Cuba use its influence with other countries that are its friends and allies, especially from the Socialist camp, so that they grant useful and timely aid Name: to our movement, which is the only guarantee of a democratic and progressive Angola in the future. Comrades, accept our revolutionary greetings and convey the good wishes of the combatants of the MPLA and of the new Angola to Prime Minister Fidel Castro. 6. Agostinho Neto, November 12, 1975 In the name of the people of Angola, before Africa and the world, I proclaim the independence of Angola [from Portugal]. 7. Agostinho Neto, January 9, 1976 Just because the Soviet Union supplies us with weapons, it doesn t mean we ve become a satellite. We have never been one. We ve never asked Moscow for advice on how to set up our state. All the major decisions in our country are taken by our movement, our government, and our people. 8. Rand Daily Mail [a white South African newspaper], February 13, 1976 In Angola, Black troops Cubans and Angolans have defeated White troops in military exchanges. Whether the bulk of the offensive was by Cubans or Angolans is immaterial in the color-conscious context of this war s battlefield, for the reality is that they won, and are winning, and are not White; and that psychological edge, that advantage the White man has enjoyed and exploited over 300 years of colonialism and empire is slipping away. White elitism has suffered an irreversible blow in Angola and Whites who have been there know it. 9. The World [a black South African newspaper], February 24, 1976 Black Africa is riding the crest of a wave generated by the Cuban success in Angola... Black Africa is tasting the heady wine of the possibility of realizing the dream of total liberation. Choices for the 21st Century Education Program Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University

83 Name: 10. Agostinho Neto, February 1976 Our independence will not be complete until South Africa is liberated... The struggle is not over with the liberation of Angola. 11. U.S. President Gerald Ford, March 11, 1976 I firmly oppose military adventurism such as the Soviet Union and Castro s Cuba undertook in moving into Angola and the Soviet Union supplying $200 million worth of military hardware and Castro s Cuba providing some 12,000 military personnel to support one of the three factions in Angola that were contesting who or what group ought to be the ruling faction in the country of Angola. The United States, at my direction, felt that the other two groups more nearly represented the majority of the people in Angola. We tried to help those other two factions, the FNLA [National Front for the Liberation of Angola] and the UNITA [National Union for the Total Independence of Angola]. The Soviet Union and Castro were in favor of the MPLA. 12. Fidel Castro, March 15, 1976 If black Africa forms an all-african army to settle accounts once and for all with apartheid because of South Africa s decision to continue to occupy one inch of Angola, the responsibility will be South Africa s... We have helped our Angolan brothers, first of all in response to a revolutionary principle, because we are internationalist, and secondly, because our people are both Latin American and Latin African. 13. South African Defense Minister P.W. Botha, March 25, [T]he government has decided that all our troops will be out of Angola by Saturday, 27 March Fidel Castro, April 19, 1976 On November 5, 1975, at the request of the MPLA, the leadership of our party decided to send with all urgency a battalion of regular Day Two troops with antitank weapons to help the Angolan patriots resist the invasion of the South African racists. 15. Soviet Military Policy in the Third World, U.S. National Intelligence Estimate, October 21, 1976 Cuba is not involved in Africa solely or even primarily because of its relationship with the Soviet Union. Rather, Havana s African policy reflects its activist revolutionary ethos and its determination to expand its own political influence in the Third World at the expense of the West (read U.S.). 16. Jonas Savimbi, leader of UNITA (National Union for the Total Independence of Angola), September 25, 1976 Agostinho Neto came to power in Angola through the Soviet tanks and not through peoples choice. His decisive element of gaining power was the regular army from Cuba made up of 20,000 men who are still keeping Neto in power against the will of the people, against the effective and active guerrillas of UNITA, and even against growing dissatisfaction of the MPLA... In Angola, UNITA is fighting for African freedom against Soviet imperialism. 17. Fidel Castro, April 3, 1977 In Africa we can inflict a heavy defeat to the entire policy of the imperialists. We can free Africa from the influence of the U.S. and the Chinese. 18. British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, June 23, 1978 What at first sight may appear to be an innocuous minority movement in any country or continent can suddenly become a focus for international passions, propaganda or exploitation; as for example with Cuba at the time when Castro came to power. Or Angola after the Portuguese withdrawal. We now know that the Russians and Cubans achieved a decisive victory for the 27 Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University Choices for the 21st Century Education Program

84 28 Day Two Name: Marxist faction there in Angola. Some Western leaders then believed that the Cuban involvement in Africa would stop. But what did we see? We saw the Cuban action repeated in Ethiopia, probably Zaire and they may have designs on Rhodesia and Namibia. 19. U.S. National Security Council memo, September 21, 1979 Let me suggest that we try to use a different term to refer to the Cubans than that of Soviet puppet. The word puppet suggests that the Cubans are engaging in revolutionary activities because the Soviets have instructed them to do it. That, of course, is not the case. 20. Nelson Mandela (leader of South Africa s African National Congress) in Havana, July 1991 We come here with a sense of the great debt that is owed the people of Cuba. What other country can point to a record of greater selflessness than Cuba displayed in its relations with Africa? Choices for the 21st Century Education Program Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University

85 Name: Day Two 29 Perspectives of Cuban Involvement in Angola Cuban Government 1. a. List the numbers of the documents that explain Cuba s outlook on its general foreign policy. b. List the numbers of the documents explaining Cuba s views on its policy in Angola. 2. What do these documents suggest the Cuban government believed its role in Angola was about? 3. Do these documents support or contradict the perspective of the cartoon by Wright? United States Government 1. List the numbers of the documents that give a U.S. perspective on Cuba s role in Angola. 2. What do these documents suggest Cuba s role in Angola was about? (Note: there is more than one perspective.) 3. Are there U.S. documents that contradict each other? Explain. 4. Do these documents support or contradict the perspective of the cartoon by Wright? South Africa 1. List the numbers of the documents that give a South African perspective on events. 2. What do these documents suggest Cuba s role in Angola was about? (Note: there is more than one perspective.) 3. Are there South African documents that contradict each other? Explain. 4. Do these documents support or contradict the perspective of the cartoon by Wright? Cuba in Angola Angola 1. List the numbers of the documents that give an Angolan perspective on events. 2. What do these documents suggest Cuba s role in Angola was about? (Note: there is more than one perspective.) 3. Are there Angolan documents that contradict each other? Explain. 4. Do these documents support or contradict the perspective in the cartoon by Wright? Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University Choices for the 21st Century Education Program

86 30 Optional Lesson The Special Period Objectives: Students will: Explore the relationship between politics and popular culture. Analyze the attitudes expressed in a variety of artistic and cultural sources. Compare the relative value of alternative sources about Cuban culture and history. Required Reading: Students should have read Part III of the student text (pages 25-36) and completed Study Guide Part III (-37) or Advanced Study Guide Part III (-38). Scholars Online: Short, free videos that you may find useful in this lesson are available at < choices.edu/resources/scholars_cuba_lesson. php>. Handouts: Cuban Cultural Expressions ( 31-35) In the Classroom: 1. Discussing the Politics of Art Have students brainstorm songs and musicians that they think are political. Challenge students to recite specific lyrics. What makes these songs or artists political? Pose the question: Are artists politicians? Jot down student answers on the board. What specific things can these songs teach us about our society? What about other cultural sources such as murals, plays, stories, or even jokes? What could a future historian learn about our society by looking at these types of sources? Note: You may wish to come up with examples of songs or lyrics beforehand to prompt students with in class. 2. Analyzing Art During the Special Period Distribute Cuban Cultural Expressions to each student and divide the class into groups of 3-4. Have students recall what they know about the 1990s in Cuba. What caused the special period? What was life like for most Cubans? Tell students that in this lesson they will act as historians, seeing what kinds of information they can gather from a variety of cultural sources. Have students carefully follow the instructions on the handout. 3. Making Connections After small groups have gone through the sources and completed the questions, have everyone come together in a large group. Call on groups to share their responses to the questions. What attitudes were expressed in different selections? What did students learn about Cuba from these sources? What kinds of information were students able to get from each source? Which source do students think provided the most information? The least? Are these types of cultural expression political? Can some of these artists or authors be considered politicians? How might an historian use art and cultural sources such as these? What can art teach us about society? Have students think about the intended audiences for these different pieces. For example, were the different selections produced for friends? strangers? fellow Cubans? foreigners? How might an artist shape a piece according to his or her intended audience? How might the pieces be different if they were for different audiences? Note: The songs Tengo, Guillermo Tell, and Tropicollage, in addition to other songs by Anonimo Consejo, can be found on youtube. Extra Challenge: Assign students a character from Cuban Perspectives ( 42-44) and have students create their own jokes, lyrics, stories, or art pieces from the perspective of their characters. What information would their characters want to express? What issues would concern them most? What would be their characters political views? Choices for the 21st Century Education Program Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University

87 Name: Cuban Cultural Expressions Optional Lesson 31 Instructions: In this activity, you will read and/or interpret five different kinds of sources that will give you a better understanding of Cuban attitudes and concerns during the special period. Imagine that you are an historian looking to gather as much information as you can from the sources. Go through each set of sources carefully with your group and underline sections that you think are important or interesting. (For the art piece, jot down notes about what you and your group members think is important or interesting.) After going through each set of sources, answer any questions that follow in addition to the following two questions for each individual source: 1. What is the tone of this piece? In other words, what attitude is expressed? For example, is it angry, sad, hopeful, sarcastic, proud, etc.? 2. What did you learn about Cuba from this source? For example, did you learn something about Cuban attitudes, about Cuban culture, or about life during the special period? Hip Hop Hip hop has become increasingly popular in Cuba, especially among young people. Most hip hop performances are in open venues that are easily affordable to average Cubans, instead of in exclusive clubs or hotels. In the 1990s, hip hop shows were routinely shut down by the police and the music was labelled imperialist. Then, in 1998 the Minister of Culture declared that hip hop was an expression of cubanidad (Cuban cultural identity) and the government began to support the annual hip hop festival in Havana. Some popular Cuban artists have performed overseas and others have signed recording contracts and moved abroad. The following are selections from three hip hop songs. Title Unknown by Anonimo Consejo The solution is not leaving New days will be here soon We deserve and want to always go forward Solving problems is important work. A Veces by Anonimo Consejo You think it s not the same today, [as it was when black people were slaves] The official tells me, You can t go there, much less leave here. In contrast, they treat the tourists differently. People, is it possible that in my country I don t count? Tengo by Hermanos de Causa I have a dark and discriminated race I have a workday that demands and gives nothing, I have so many things that I can t even touch them, I have facilities I can t even set foot in, I have liberty between parentheses of iron, I have so many benefits without rights that I m imprisoned, I have so many things without having what I had. Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University Choices for the 21st Century Education Program

88 32 Optional Lesson Name: Literature The following pieces are selections from Cuban novels. The first piece, Yocandra in the Paradise of Nada, was originally published in France in 1995 and the author moved from Cuba to France that same year. The second novel, Dirty Havana Trilogy, was first published in Spain in The author lives in Havana. From Yocandra in the Paradise of Nada by Zoé Valdés (Translated by Sabina Cienfuegos. New York: Arcade Publishing, 1997), p Though it s not time yet, the workday is over. The power went off again, and the copying machine, the computer, and the typewriters are all electric. The new girl who s working on the database lost everything because she didn t save in time. Tomorrow she ll have to start all over and input the same information, and probably the power will go off again just as she s on the verge of reconstituting the database, and so she ll have to start all over the next day from scratch. And so on and so forth, time without end, amen. It has rained and the parking area doesn t have a roof, so my bicycle is soaked. The pavement is muddy. My clothes are going to be a total mess by the time I get home. I ll have to carry up some water to wash them, to wash myself, and to make dinner. With any luck, the power will not have been cut off at my house in which case, the motors will have kicked in and filled my secret reservoirs with water, and I won t have to carry it up eight flights. (I had to install the tanks very early in the morning, because the law allows only one tank per apartment and I now have three, hidden in the air vents.) As soon as I put my feet on the pedals of my Chinese bike, I began thinking of you. I met you at the teachers college, during one of those trips I made to bribe the dean. You were studying geography, and we hit it off right away. I would sneak out of the apartment to go and meet you, and on borrowed bicycles we would ride off together to the Malecón, gabbing and making fun of the world. We laughed so loudly and insolently that not only did we spook those who yelled at us, but we made the cops hair stand on end. One guard of the...committee for the Defense of the Revolution, reported us to his superiors, maintaining that at least two nights a week we went by bicycle! to the Hotel Deauville, where we sat for hours and hours, on the jetty overlooking the sea, smoking Populares, Cuban filter tips. The guard strongly suspected that we were using the glow of our cigarettes to send signals to the Yankee imperialists. If you were to come back today, you d be completely shocked. Havana is sad, dilapidated, broken down. Look at that man over there, at the corner of G and Seventeenth, the one poking around in the garbage cans with a spoon. He carefully cleans the greasy plastic wrapping and then gulps down the rotting remains of whatever he finds. He couldn t be more than thirty. I don t want to stop. I pedal faster and faster, recklessly risking life and limb as I cross the avenue. I don t want to see the truth. My generation was not prepared for it. I know there s wretchedness throughout Latin America, but other countries didn t experience revolution, didn t have to listen to the...[nonsense]...about building a better world. I can t see this better world. We survived, with stomachs bloated and closed for repairs. Nothing existed. Only the Party is immortal. I m stuck with my bicycle on the narrow second-floor landing of my building. Hernia, who had taken up arms against the sea and all sorts of other troubles, appeared, brandishing an airmail letter. Without a word or gesture, she hoisted my bike and helped me carry it up to the third floor. Choices for the 21st Century Education Program Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University

89 Name: From Dirty Havana Trilogy by Pedro Juan Gutiérrez (Translated by Natasha Wimmer. New York: HarperCollins Publishers Inc., 2002), p I started out walking slowly. On Saturdays there aren t many buses running in Havana, hardly any at all. It s best not to worry. So my aunt is dying of cancer, so there s practically no food, so the buses aren t running, so I don t have a job. Best not to worry. Today there was a front-page interview in the paper with an important minister, a show-off. He was fat and he had a big smile on his face, and he was saying, Cuba is neither paradise nor hell. My next question would have been, So what is it, purgatory? But no. The journalist just smiled contentedly and used the quote as the front-page headline. I was relaxed feeling at peace with myself. Not worried at all. Well, there are always worries. But for now I was able to keep them at a distance. I pushed them a little way into the Optional Lesson future. That s a good way to keep them blurry and out of earshot. A woman was living with me. I had gained back a few pounds. And I was alive, though I had nothing to do. Surviving, I think it s called. You let yourself glide along, and you don t expect anything else. It s as easy as that. Two big, fat, flabby, ugly, white, red, peeling, slow, self-absorbed tourists were walking very slowly past the National Museum. Yes, that s exactly how they looked. The man had a cane and an enormous heavy suitcase. I couldn t imagine what he was carrying in it. Apparently, they were out for a stroll on a calm, sunny Saturday afternoon. The woman was just as repugnant as the man. The two of them were dressed for fall in an icy fjord city. They were sweating, and they had a stunned look on their faces as they stared all around. They consulted a guidebook with great deliberation and gazed at the historic ship and historic airplanes under the historic trees. Nothing made sense to them. 33 Jokes In Cuba, as in many countries, people use humor to express political dissent and complaint. Chistes, or jokes, are particularly popular in Cuban culture. Cubans have a lot of rights. You know what they are? Education, health, housing, and stealing from the state. One man wrote on a wall: Down with You-Know-Who. And another started writing Down with, then looked over his shoulder, didn t see any State Security, so wrote the letter F. There was a tap on his shoulder and a secret policeman stood there. Excuse me, the man said, I can t remember: Is it Flinton or Clinton? (This joke was especially popular in 1998, when the Pope visited Cuba for the first time ever.) Do you know why the Pope is coming to Cuba? To visit hell, to meet the Devil, and to see why eleven million people still believe in miracles. A drunk is on a street corner screaming, Fidel, degenerate, assassin, you are killing me of hunger! The police arrive and beat him for insulting the Commander-in-Chief. The drunk protests, Why do you hit me? There are many Fidels. Yes, says the police officer, but there is only one with those characteristics. Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University Choices for the 21st Century Education Program

90 34 Optional Lesson Name: Art Art has long been a vibrant part of Cuban culture. The following painting is entitled Obsession and was created by José Ángel Toirac in It is part of a series, Tiempos nuevos (New Times), which includes other pieces of Fidel Castro with brand names such as Marlboro and Yves Saint Laurent. Extra Questions 1. From your reading, what do you know about the photo this painting was copied from? 2. Why do you think the artist chose to use a commercial symbol? 3. Why do you think the artist chose the brand Obsession? Who do you think the artist implies is obsessed? Could there be more than one answer to this question? Choices for the 21st Century Education Program Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University