THES 2005 Kategori Sastera, Kemanusiaan dan Sains Sosial di Tangga 45 dan 83: Hikmah yang Dikhuatiri AZIZAH HAMZAH (UNIVERSITI MALAYA)

Transcription

1 Pengajian Jurnal Media MalaysiaMalaysian Journal of Media Studies THES 2005 Kategori Sastera, Kemanusiaan dan Sains Sosial di Tangga 45 dan 83: Hikmah yang Dikhuatiri AZIZAH HAMZAH (UNIVERSITI MALAYA) Media Globalisation and State Power: An Elusive Concept in Social Sciences HASMAH ZANUDDIN (UNIVERSITI MALAYA) Chronicling the Development of the Human Relations Perspective in Organizational Management AMIRA SARIYATI FIRDAUS (UNIVERSITI MALAYA) Keperluan kepada Teori Komunikasi Berasaskan Konteks Sosial, Budaya dan Agama ZARIDAH ABDULLAH (UNIVERSITI TEKNOLOGI MARA) Credibility of Television, Newspaper and Internet with Popular Votes of Barisan National during Elections by Race SYED ARABI IDID & SAODAH WOK (UNIVERSITI ISLAM ANTARABANGSA MALAYSIA) Pendapat Publik Mengenai Peranan Media dalam Menangani Jenayah MOHD YAHYA MOHAMED ARIFFIN (UNIVERSITI MALAYA) Perdagangan Buku Negara-negara ASEAN: Kajian Import dan Eksport MD SIDIN AHMAD ISHAK (UNIVERSITI MALAYA) Pemasaran di Internet: Kewujudan Kedai Buku dalam Talian di Malaysia SITI EZALEILA MUSTAFA (UNIVERSITI MALAYA) Penerbitan Berulangan, Plagiat dan Isu Kepengarangan dan Pelanggaran Etika Lain dalam Penerbitan di Malaysia ROOSFA HASHIM (UNIVERSITI KEBANGSAAN MALAYSIA) Komunikasi dan Sastera TUAN NURIZAN RAJA YUNUS (UNIVERSITI MALAYA) Orang Jauh Sebuah Teks Kiasan MOHAMAD SALEEH RAHAMAD (UNIVERSITI MALAYA) Jilid 8 No Anjakan Makna Jebat, Tuah dan Baru/Wangi dalam Drama Matinya Seorang Pahlawan RAHMAN SHAARI (UNIVERSITI MALAYA) Jabatan Pengajian Media, Fakulti Sastera & Sains Sosial, Universiti Malaya Department of Media Studies, Faculty of Arts & Social Sciences, University of Malaya

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3 Pengajian Jurnal Media MalaysiaMalaysian Journal of Media Studies Jilid 8 No Jabatan Pengajian Media, Fakulti Sastera & Sains Sosial, Universiti Malaya Department of Media Studies, Faculty of Arts & Social Sciences, University of Malaya

4 Jurnal Pengajian Media Malaysia Malaysian Journal of Media Studies LEMBAGA EDITORIAL EDITORIAL BOARD PENASIHAT EDITORIAL EDITORIAL ADVISORY PROF MADYA DR MD SIDIN AHMAD ISHAK (KETUA JABATAN) PERUNDING EDITORIAL EDITORIAL CONSULTANT PROFESOR EMERITUS DATUK ABU BAKAR ABD HAMID, University of Malaya DATUK DR HASSAN AHMAD, Yayasan Karyawan PROFESOR DREW MCDANIEL, Ohio University, US DR TONY WILSON, Monash University, Australia PROFESOR ANSARY MOHAMMAD, UNITEM Malaysia KETUA EDITORIAL CHIEF EDITOR PROFESOR RAHMAN SHAARI EDITOR EDITORS PROF MADYA DR HAMEDI MOHD ADNAN DR HASMAH ZANUDDIN DR ABU HASSAN HASBULLAH ENCIK MOHAMAD SALEEH RAHAMAD PENOLONG EDITOR ASSISTANT EDITOR CIK SITI EZALEILA MUSTAFA Satu naskhah Single issue: RM tempatan local; US$ luar negara overseas Sila hantar cek atas nama Please make cheques payable to: Bendahari Universiti Malaya Pejabat Editorial dan Langganan Editorial Office and Subscription: Jabatan Pengajian Media, Fakulti Sastera dan Sains Sosial, Universiti Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, MALAYSIA. Tel : (6) / 5423 Faks Fax : (6) E-mel sas_media@um.edu.my Web Website : ISSN Penghargaan kepada Tuan Haji Abd Manaf Saad, Pn. Nor Zaliza Sarmiti, dan Pn. Amira Sariyati Firdaus yang turut membantu penerbitan JPMM ini.

5 Jurnal Pengajian Media Malaysia Malaysian Journal of Media Studies Kandungan Contents THES 2005 Kategori Sastera, Kemanusiaan dan Sains Sosial di Tangga 45 dan 83: Hikmah yang Dikhuatiri 1 AZIZAH HAMZAH (UNIVERSITI MALAYA) Media Globalisation and State Power: An Elusive Concept in Social Sciences 9 HASMAH ZANUDDIN (UNIVERSITI MALAYA) Chronicling the Development of the Human Relations Perspective in Organizational Management 23 AMIRA SARIYATI FIRDAUS (UNIVERSITI MALAYA) Keperluan kepada Teori Komunikasi Berasaskan Konteks Sosial, Budaya dan Agama 33 ZARIDAH ABDULLAH (UNIVERSITI TEKNOLOGI MARA) Credibility of Television, Newspaper and Internet with Popular Votes of Barisan National during Elections by Race 41 SYED ARABI IDID & SAODAH WOK (UNIVERSITI ISLAM ANTARABANGSA MALAYSIA) Pendapat Publik Mengenai Peranan Media dalam Menangani Jenayah 57 MOHD YAHYA MOHAMED ARIFFIN (UNIVERSITI MALAYA) Perdagangan Buku Negara-negara ASEAN: Kajian Import dan Eksport MD SIDIN AHMAD ISHAK (UNIVERSITI MALAYA) Pemasaran di Internet: Kewujudan Kedai Buku Dalam Talian di Malaysia 87 SITI EZALEILA MUSTAFA (UNIVERSITI MALAYA) Penerbitan Berulangan, Plagiat dan Isu Kepengarangan dan Pelanggaran Etika Lain dalam Penerbitan di Malaysia 99 ROOSFA HASHIM (UNIVERSITI KEBANGSAAN MALAYSIA) Komunikasi dan Sastera 109 TUAN NURIZAN RAJA YUNUS (UNIVERSITI MALAYA) Orang Jauh Sebuah Teks Kiasan 125 MOHAMAD SALEEH RAHAMAD (UNIVERSITI MALAYA) Anjakan Makna Jebat, Tuah dan Baru/Wangi dalam Drama Matinya Seorang Pahlawan 139 RAHMAN SHAARI (UNIVERSITI MALAYA)

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7 THES 2005 KATEGORI SASTERA, KEMANUSIAAN DAN SAINS SOSIAL DI TANGGA 45 DAN 83 THES 2005 KATEGORI SASTERA, KEMANUSIAAN DAN SAINS SOSIAL DI TANGGA 45 DAN 83: HIKMAH YANG DIKHUATIRI AZIZAH HAMZAH ABSTRACT The year 2004 marked the debut of the Times Higher Education Supplement (THES), an educational supplement of the mainstream newspaper The Times of London. It was an auspicious year for University of Malaya for it managed to get into the Top 200 World Class Universities listing. There are over 30,000 universities in the whole world and University of Malaya ranked number 89. In 2005, the same ranking placed University of Malaya at number 45 in the discipline of the arts and humanities. This is a feat that confirms the university s long tradition of excellence in the arts and humanities. Keywords: academic, higher education, Malaysia, world class universities, rating PENGENALAN Pada tahun 2004, The Times Higher Education Supplement (THES) telah menyenaraikan Universiti Malaya (UM) dalam Top 200 World Class Universities. UM telah diletakkan pada tangga ke-89. Secara kebetulan pula, pada tahun 2005 UM meraikan ulang tahunnya yang ke-100, maka penerimaan berita baik tersebut disambut dengan penuh kebanggaan. Perlu disedari bahawa UM tidak memohon untuk turut serta dalam usaha penarafan oleh THES. Usaha penarafan dilakukan oleh QS Quacquarelli Symonds London bagi pihak THES tanpa disedari oleh UM. Namun demikian, mulai Oktober 2005 seluruh negara, termasuk semua institusi pengajian tinggi (IPTA), media massa cetak, elektronik dan talian, masyarakat umum serta ahli politik membahaskan isu kejatuhan UM daripada tangga 89 pada tahun 2004 kepada 169 pada tahun Perbincangan dan perdebatan tentang perkara ini telah menimbulkan polemik yang agak berpanjangan. Artikel ini akan membincangkan sesuatu yang tidak diperdebatkan oleh kesemua pihak yang tersebut di atas, sebaliknya membincangkan hikmah di 1

8 JURNAL PENGAJIAN MEDIA MALAYSIA/ MALAYSIAN JOURNAL OF MEDIA STUDIES sebalik suatu kejatuhan kerana seiring dengan kejatuhan itu sebenarnya ada suatu kejayaan. Dalam perspektif selanjutnya, artikel ini cuba menjelaskan penilaian THES yang memartabatkan ilmu kesusasteraan, kemanusiaan dan sains sosial di UM ke mercu tanda yang agak gemilang. Para ahli akademik dalam bidang ini tentunya berkewajipan untuk membaiki kalau tidak mempertahankan kedudukan ini. THES 2005 Pada hari bertuah bulan Oktober 2005, Fakulti Sastera dan Sains Sosial (FSSS), UM telah dikejutkan dengan berita bahawa bidang sastera dan kemanusiaan UM memperoleh tempat ke-45 dalam Pemeringkatan 100 Universiti Terbaik kategori sastera dan kemanusiaan oleh THES. Suplemen ini diterbitkan oleh TSL Education Ltd. London, sebuah gedung penerbitan bidang pendidikan dan pengajian tinggi yang terkemuka di United Kingdom. Syarikat ini merupakan anak syarikat News International Publishers Ltd. yang juga merupakan penerbit akhbar aliran perdana The Times dan The Sunday Times, United Kingdom. THES menerbitkan hasil kajian tentang pemeringkatan universiti terbaik di dunia berdasarkan tinjauan yang dikendalikan dengan kerjasama rakan niaganya, QS Quacquarelli Symonds London. QS Symonds lebih dikenali sebagai syarikat yang membekalkan maklumat tentang dunia pendidikan antarabangsa, terutama untuk pasaran MBA dan pengajian siswazah antarabangsa. Selain itu, QS juga bukan sahaja merupakan pembekal sumber maklumat untuk institusi pendidikan serta majikan antarabangsa, tetapi juga merupakan pembekal siswazah kepada universiti-universiti di dunia. Kiranya agak jelas bahawa mereka bermotivasi komersial dan sangat bersangkutan dengan semangat untuk dikenali sebagai satu-satunya pembekal pemeringkatan universiti bertaraf dunia yang dirujuk semua. Apa tidaknya, kerana pada tahun 2003 dianggarkan terdapat 3.1 juta pelajar pascaijazah menuntut ilmu di universitiuniversiti antarabangsa, dan angka ini dijangka bertambah melebihi 5.8 juta pada tahun Gambaran ini sudah mampu mendorong kita memahami tujuan utama kegiatan QS Symonds dan THES. Setelah menerima berita bersejarah dan agak mengejutkan itu, Fakulti tidak mengambil berita tersebut mentah-mentah, malah berhati-hati mengambil masa untuk mencernakan kata-kata tersebut, dan sejenak demi sejenak baru Fakulti mula mengerti bahawa bidang kesusasteraan dan kemanusiaan yang didukungi beberapa Akademi, Fakulti dan Pusat di UM telah diberi penghormatan dan pentauliahan oleh THES. Seyogia diingatkan bahawa sekitar masa itu juga, Naib Canselor UM dan sekumpulan warga kampus yang terdiri daripada beberapa orang Dekan, Timbalan Dekan, dan Ketua Jabatan yang menghadiri Persidangan QS Asia Pacific Professional Leaders in Education di Nanyang Technological University (NTU) Singapura pada Ogos 2005 sedang menunggu berita tentang Pemeringkatan 200 Universiti Terbaik THES Dalam persidangan di NTU itu, kumpulan ini telah mengadakan perjumpaan dengan Editor THES, John O Leary serta pegawai-pegawai QS Symonds termasuklah Pengarah Urusannya, Nunzio Quaquarelli. Dalam sesi pembentangan metodologi oleh O Leary, para peserta persidangan yang berjumlah lebih kurang 2

9 THES 2005 KATEGORI SASTERA, KEMANUSIAAN DAN SAINS SOSIAL DI TANGGA 45 DAN orang, termasuk rombongan Naib Canselor Universiti Sains Malaysia (USM), semua pihak dari seluruh dunia telah mempersoalkan pelbagai isu termasuk kritikan yang cukup pedas terhadap kaedah pemeringkatan serta pelaporan oleh O Leary. Namun, disebabkan O Leary merupakan seorang wartawan yang telah biasa berdepan dengan khalayak dan sebarang kontroversi, beliau menerima kritikan hebat itu secara alah bisa tegal biasa dan berjanji akan mengambil kira segala cadangan yang diberikan. Mulai saat-saat pertemuan itu, timbul pelbagai tanda tanya dan usaha memerah otak untuk memahami kaedah dan selok-belok pengurusan pemeringkatan oleh THES. Dipercayai bahawa selain kumpulan rombongan ke NTU itu terdapat juga sesetengah warga kampus yang tertanyatanya dan mula mengkaji secara klinikal kaedah dan analisis THES. Kesedaran mulai timbul bahawa pada 2005, selain pemeringkatan 200 universiti terbaik dunia, THES telah menambahkan usaha pemeringkatan dengan memberi pengiktirafan 100 universiti bertaraf dunia dalam lima bidang, iaitu sains, teknologi, sastera dan kemanusiaan, sains sosial, dan bioperubatan. UM berjaya menempa sejarah kerana diiktiraf universiti bertaraf dunia dalam tiga kategori, iaitu bidang sastera dan kemanusiaan di tempat ke-45, bidang sains sosial ke-83, dan tempat ke- 82 universiti terbaik dalam kategori bioperubatan. Selain itu, THES juga menambah kriteria pemeringkatan daripada lima indikator pemeringkatan kepada enam: a. b. c. d. e. f. Peer review atau pendapat rakan kesepakaran (40%): suatu tinjauan melibatkan 2,375 ahli akademik yang aktif. UM sebenarnya mendapat tempat lebih baik dalam peer review 2005, iaitu tempat ke-80 berbanding tempat ke-121 pada Jumlah kertas penyelidikan yang dirujuk oleh para akademik (20%). Nisbah pensyarah-pelajar (20%). Jumlah pelajar dari luar negara (5%). Jumlah pensyarah dari luar negara (5%). Pandangan para majikan tentang graduan universiti mana yang dipilih mereka untuk diambil bekerja dalam organisasi mereka (10%): tinjauan diadakan di kalangan organisasi perbankan dan kewangan, syarikat penerbangan, syarikat automobil, farmasi, syarikat barangan konsumer serta syarikat yang terlibat dalam komunikasi dan pengedaran antarabangsa. THES 2004 telah menunjukkan bahawa UM menerima skor yang tinggi untuk kriteria ini, mengalahkan London School of Economics (LSE) yang memang terkenal sebagai universiti yang berjaya menarik pelajar asing yang paling ramai di UK. Pengarah Urusan QS, Nunzio Quaquarelli sendiri mengakui bahawa skor yang tinggi ini adalah kerana pihaknya telah melakukan kesalahan koding dengan menginterpretasi jumlah pelajar Cina dan India di UM sebagai pelajar antarabangsa. Dipercayai bahawa selepas QS memperoleh data tentang 550 universiti terbaik dunia daripada rakan kesepakaran, mereka mula mencari maklumat tambahan daripada laman web universiti, perhubungan e-mel, statistik, dan percakapan melalui telefon dengan responden terpilih. 3

10 JURNAL PENGAJIAN MEDIA MALAYSIA/ MALAYSIAN JOURNAL OF MEDIA STUDIES THES 2005 Menggemilangkan Bidang Sastera, Kemanusiaan dan Sains Sosial UM Berita baik tentang tangga ke-45 dan ke-83 ini diterima dengan lega oleh Fakulti kerana sejurus sebelum pemeringkatan kategori sastera dan kemanusiaan diumumkan, UM didapati tidak berjaya mendapat tempat dalam penyenaraian pemeringkatan 100 universiti terbaik dalam kategori sains dan kategori teknologi. UKM merupakan satu-satunya universiti tempatan yang berjaya disenaraikan dalam 100 universiti terbaik dalam kategori sains. UM mendapat tempat ke-111, USM ke-190, manakala UPM tempat ke-321. Pertamanya, harus ditegaskan bahawa pada saat-saat menerima berita kedudukan di tangga ke-45 itu pun telah tersemat tanda tanya apakah kedudukan cemerlang dan menyilaukan ini boleh hilang bagai halimunan nanti? Apakah 45 itu membawa bersamanya perangkap dan kemelut yang direncanakan oleh suatu konstruksi yang rapuh dan beragenda tersendiri? Namun demikian berita yang baik tetap diterima dengan baik meskipun timbul juga bermacam-macam soalan yang lebih berat bertanya bagaimana dan kenapa, terutamanya apabila dikaitkan dengan hal yang telah berlaku di Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences (FASS), National University of Singapore (NUS) yang telah jatuh ke tangga 56 pada tahun 2005 setelah berjaya meragut tempat ke-17 pada tahun Sesungguhnya berita tentang kedudukan ke-45 ini lebih merupakan kejutan apabila dikaitkan dengan yang yang berlaku di NUS. Semasa berlangsungnya Forum Malaysia Singapore di UM, Dekan FASS, NUS, Prof. Madya Dr Tan Tai Yong membayangkan sedikit keresahan tentang kedudukan tinggi bidang sastera dan sains sosial NUS, dan tertanya-tanya apakah mungkin benar kata orang what goes up can only come down. Tampaknya keresahan itu berasas kerana kedudukan kategori sastera dan kemanusiaan NUS jatuh dalam tinjauan Dalam masa setahun, FASS jatuh 39 tangga. Bagaimana hal ini boleh terjadi? Apakah ini juga suatu premonisi kedudukan bidang sastera dan kemanusiaan dan sains sosial kita pada tahun 2006 ini? Cukup diperkatakan di sini bahawa kekhuatiran tentang prosedur THES memang berasas kerana setelah dibincangkan dan diperdebatkan dalam forum dan media massa nasional, media antarabangsa serta media online, terutamanya blog, nyata bahawa prosedur tinjauan THES didapati bermasalah dan tidaklah dapat dianggap sebagai berautoriti yang mutlak, malah telah terbukti mempunyai kelemahan kaedah dan penentuan tentang kriteria yang condong ke arah universiti-universiti Barat, terdapat bias dan bersifat Euro-Amerika sentrik. Meskipun diselubungi kekhuatiran ini, namun agak jelas bahawa, pokoknya, disiplin sastera, kemanusiaan, dan sains sosial UM memang telah membudayakan satu kekayaan sejarah kehidupan akademik. Jika bolehlah dimegahkan sesuatu tanpa dianggap kurang sedap didengar dan kurang manis dipandang, maka sesungguhnya Fakulti amat bertuah kerana mewarisi kekayaan tradisi ilmu daripada para pengasas sejak awal penubuhannya. Pewarisan harta intelektual serta sejarah kehidupan keilmuan para akademik terkemuka mendorong generasi sekarang untuk terus menempa kecemerlangan dan mengulangi jejak langkah dan pola lampau. Sebut sahaja nama Profesor Diraja Ungku A. Aziz, para Profesor Emeritus seperti Datuk Abu Bakar Hamid, Datuk Nik Safiah Abdul Karim, Dato Asmah Hj Omar, Dato Khoo Kay Kim, Dato Tengku Shamsul Bahrin serta pengasas terdahulu seperti Sutan Takdir Alisyahbana, Hamzah Sendut, Wang Gungwu, dan lain-lain, 4

11 THES 2005 KATEGORI SASTERA, KEMANUSIAAN DAN SAINS SOSIAL DI TANGGA 45 DAN 83 maka sedarlah kita bahawa jejak-jejak warisan ilmu merekalah yang telah menempa dan kini sama-sama mengarah hala tuju yang menghasilkan suatu kedudukan yang cemerlang. Untuk melukiskan budaya dan kekayaan kehidupan akademik di Fakulti, maka pertanyaan yang paling penting adalah seperti: Apakah ilmu yang disumbangkan FSSS menghasilkan suatu kebijakan dan pengembangan ilmu yang turut menciptakan suatu komunikasi ilmiah, suatu citra diri keilmiahan, suatu positioning yang meletakkan FSSS serta fakulti dan pusat lain yang menawarkan kursus-kursus dalam disiplin sastera, kemanusiaan dan sains sosial sudah sampai ke taraf memiliki suatu citra atau brand kualiti pengajaran, penyelidikan dan penerbitan, tiga core business institusi pengajian tinggi? Jawapannya tentulah pewarisan harta intelektual serta sejarah kehidupan akademik yang mantap yang mendorong generasi sekarang untuk terus menempa kecemerlangan dan meneruskan pola yang sekian lama telah tersusun dan terletak. Selain itu, Fakulti diibaratkan induk yang menzahirkan beberapa akademi, fakulti, dan pusat yang berjaya dan memperkembang disiplin baharu dalam pelbagai bidang ilmu kesusasteraan dan kemanusiaan seperti di Akademi Pengajian Melayu, Akademi Pengajian Islam, Fakulti Ekonomi dan Pentadbiran, Fakulti Bahasa dan Linguistik, Pusat Kebudayaan, Institut Asia-Eropah, dan lain-lain. Mungkinkah tangga 45 dan 83 bukti sahih bahawa pewarisan ilmu dan pensejarahan akademik tempaan awal itu kini membuahkan pola-pola kecemerlangan yang secara automatis menzahirkan suatu kedudukan cemerlang apabila ditinjau mengikut kriteria dan indikator pemeringkatan oleh QS Quacquarelli Symonds dan THES? Sekiranya demikian, pola pewarisan ilmu yang serasi serta menyumbang secara positif ke arah pemeringkatan THES dapat dikesan melalui beberapa indikator, terutamanya indikator yang menunjukkan kekuatan pengajaran, penyelidikan, kepengarangan, dan reputasi antarabangsa seperti berikut: Amalan Pelantikan Peer Review dan Pemeriksa Luar Pertama, barangkali ada baiknya untuk kita semua menjadi saksi akan kebijakan pihak rintis menerima suatu amalan baik para akademik kolonial untuk memberi kepercayaan tinggi terhadap amalan pelantikan peer review (penilaian rakan sepakaran). Secara kebetulannya indikator pemeringkatan yang paling utama bagi THES adalah peer review yang berjumlah 40% (50% pada eksesais 2004) daripada jumlah skor pemeringkatan. Tidaklah pula diketahui siapakah para penilai luar terutama dari United Kingdom, Amerika Syarikat, Australia, Hong Kong, India, dan negara-negara lain menyumbang ke arah persepsi yang positif dan memihak kepada kita terutamanya amalan merujuk kepada pakar bidang dari luar persekitaran tempatan. Selain itu, langkah Naib Canselor UM mengetuai delegasi menandatangani 10 MOU dengan universiti luar negara pada tahun 2005, yang menjadikan jumlah keseluruhannya ialah 70 dengan para profesor universiti antarabangsa merupakan langkah bijak mempertingkatkan penjaringan serta kolaborasi penyelidikan dan pengajaran dengan masyarakat akademik antarabangsa. Pada tahun 2005 juga, UM telah menerima 60 lawatan delegasi akademik dari seluruh pelosok dunia. Naib Canselor telah melakukan strategi penjaringan yang cukup rapi, membawa 5

12 JURNAL PENGAJIAN MEDIA MALAYSIA/ MALAYSIAN JOURNAL OF MEDIA STUDIES UM ke persada dunia dan impaknya adalah respons positif terhadap institusi pengajian tinggi tanah air. Perhubungan kesarjanaan ini pada dasarnya merupakan cara terbaik para ilmuwan berkomunikasi antara satu sama lain. Di sini juga kita berupaya memilih universiti-universiti terbaik untuk dijadikan penanda aras dan model dalam usaha penambahbaikan. Pembudayaan dan Pengunggulan Kualiti Pengkaryaan dan Penerbitan Menurut Prof. Emeritus Dato Khoo Kay Kim (2005), pemeringkatan 45 dan 83 merupakan suatu kurniaan yang meletakkan fakulti-fakulti sastera dan kemanusiaan serta sains sosial ke suatu profil yang tinggi. Dengan perkataan lain, beliau ingin mengingatkan semua ahli fakulti supaya merebut peluang daripada kedudukan ini dengan bersifat lebih proaktif dan meningkatkan pelbagai potensi diri dan Fakulti. Kegiatan penyelidikan dan penerbitan harus diutamakan supaya kita dapat bertahan dalam pemeringkatan dan terus membaiki diri menjadi entiti yang lebih baik lagi. Usaha harus digemblengkan oleh semua pihak untuk memeriahkan kegiatan penerbitan monograf, buku, dan jurnal dengan penerbit-penerbit tempatan dan luar negara. Prasyarat kepada persekitaran pengkaryaan dan penerbitan adalah kegiatan penyelidikan kerana dari sinilah terhasilnya harta intelektual. FSSS telah mengenal pasti beberapa bidang penyelidikan teras seperti kajian bidang pembinaan bangsa, kajian kebudayaan, kajian bandar dan luar bandar, kajian persekitaran dan lain-lain. Selain itu, sepanjang tahun 2005, sempena dengan Perayaan 100 tahun UM ditubuhkan, Naib Canselor telah meluluskan dana untuk pelbagai persidangan antarabangsa dan seminar kebangsaan. Yang terbaharu adalah kelulusan dana untuk meneruskan projek Kajian Bersama FASS, NUS dengan FSSS, UM. Para pelajar daripada kedua-dua fakulti sastera dan sains sosial NUS dan UM berkongsi kredit menjalankan projek kerja lapangan bersama di Singapura dan Malaysia. Suasana kemeriahan kegiatan ilmiah serta kegiatan-kegiatan lain yang bertumpu pada atau dikaitkan dengan dunia perbukuan yang melanda kampus, umpamanya syarahan perdana, forum, dan persidangan tentunya mengembangkan suasana pengkaryaan yang lebih kreatif dan menjana idea baharu. Ditambah pula dengan strategi yang terancang dan teratur, maka akan lebih mantaplah keupayaan masyarakat kampus mempertahankan kedudukan walaupun dalam suasana ketidaktentuan THES Justeru, tepat sekali bagi Naib Canselor memperkenalkan Anugerah Naib Canselor sebagai tanda menghargai kualiti bekerja, kualiti penyelidikan, dan penerbitan warga akademik UM. Tentu dengan adanya anugerah ini prestasi kualiti penyelidikan, produktiviti, dan penerbitan, terutamanya yang menghasilkan sumbangan kepada Institute of Scientific Information Web of Knowledge (ISI) akan meningkat secara terus-menerus, sekali gus menaikkan peratusan citation, satu daripada enam indikator pemeringkatan THES. Sekali gus juga, pengurusan tertinggi mengadakan insentif untuk menggalakkan lebih ramai ahli akademik menjalankan penyelidikan serta mentauliahkan hasil penyelidikan berkualiti, penghasilan paten, penerbitan dalam jurnal antarabangsa serta yang mendapat citation terbanyak. 6

13 THES 2005 KATEGORI SASTERA, KEMANUSIAAN DAN SAINS SOSIAL DI TANGGA 45 DAN 83 THES 89 DAN 169 Pemeringkatan 200 Universiti Terbaik 2005 menyaksikan penurunan kedudukan UM dari 89 pada 2004 kepada 169 pada Hakikatnya lebih 90 universiti terkenal mengalami nasib yang sama, seperti Universiti Califonia, Berkeley, Australian National University, Illinois, Kyoto, RMIT, dan lain-lain. Malah ada yang terkeluar daripada senarai, seperti Dundee, Aberdeen, Leicester, Queens University Belfast, dan lain-lain. Beberapa ketua negara memberikan reaksi yang positif terhadap pemeringkatan THES, contohnya jiran terdekat, Singapura. Presidennya membayangkan bahawa disebabkan kejatuhan sedikit bagi pemeringkatan NUS secara keseluruhan (18 pada 2004, 22 pada 2005) dan kejatuhan FASS dalam pemeringkatan kategori (tangga 17 pada 2004 ke tangga 56 pada 2005), maka pihak kerajaan akan menyuntikkan aliran dana yang lebih besar serta menentukan universiti-universiti di Singapura akan diberi lebih autonomi dalam governans mereka. Barangkali inilah juga masa yang sesuai bagi pihak yang berkenaan merumus semula cara pengagihan dana sama ada untuk penyelidikan, menghadiri persidangan dan lawatan yang difikirkan dapat mempertingkat prestasi UM. Justeru, UM perlu dipertimbangkan untuk menerima kelebihan dari segi kewangan, kemudahan infrastruktur, serta keistimewaan lain. Sebagai satu-satunya universiti dalam 200 universiti bertaraf dunia, UM merupakan wakil negara penjulang bendera Jalur Gemilang. Maka, tentunya UM harus diperkasakan dengan beberapa kelebihan dan keutamaan. Namun yang jelas akibat daripada segala yang telah berlaku, semua tenaga akademik UM telah dengan sendiri menjalankan audit dalaman kendiri. Apakah sememangnya kualiti UM ini sudah seburuk yang dibayangkan sesetengah pihak? Mengapa pihak tertentu begitu sekali memprovokasi sehingga menghasilkan keraguan dan kerisauan yang tidak berasas di kalangan pihak tertentu? Kerisauan timbul tentang apakah yang akan berlaku dalam THES 2006? Jatuh lagi atau lebih menakutkan lagi, terus terkeluar daripada 200 Universiti Terbaik Dunia? Pada tahap ini adalah lebih baik sekiranya kita menumpukan pandangan kepada orang-orang yang cuba melihat dari sudut kebaikan kerana masih ramai orang terdiri daripada golongan ini. JAWATANKUASA KAJIAN TENTANG THES 2005 WORLD CLASS UNIVERSITIES Sebagai pemimpin akademik, Naib Canselor bertindak tegas dan memfokuskan perhatian utama terhadap usaha menangani THES 2005 dan dengan segera menubuhkan Jawatankuasa Kajian tentang THES 2005 World Class Universities. Keanggotaan terdiri daripada 11 ahli akademik yang dipengerusikan oleh Prof. Emeritus Datuk Abu Bakar Hamid. Jawatankuasa segera mengadakan dua pertemuan bukan formal dengan warga universiti pada Disember 2005 dan memberikan dua cadangan untuk mempertingkat prestasi akademik. Laporan kajian akan dikemukakan kepada pihak pengurusan pada bulan Februari. Kesemua teguran dan cadangan daripada semua pihak, daripada pucuk pimpinan, alumni, anggota masyarakat, dan media massa, sama ada media tempatan, antarabangsa dan media talian diterima baik oleh pengurusan universiti. Oleh sebab itulah, semua pihak harus faham bahawa sebagai universiti yang sentiasa 7

14 JURNAL PENGAJIAN MEDIA MALAYSIA/ MALAYSIAN JOURNAL OF MEDIA STUDIES beriltizam untuk membaiki diri dan sentiasa fokus terhadap langkah-langkah penambahbaikan, terutamanya dalam usaha untuk menghadapi penarafan oleh Bahagian Jaminan Kualiti, Kementerian Pengajian Tinggi, UM tidak pernah alpa tentang tanggungjawab mendidik modal insan sebuah negara bangsa yang terdiri daripada pelbagai kumpulan etnik, bahasa dan agama serta pelbagai matlamat dan aspirasi negara. PEMERINGKATAN ATAU PENARAFAN? Apabila memasuki tahun 2006 bermakna UM akan sekali lagi dihadapkan dengan situasi pemeringkatan pada bulan Oktober. Tidaklah dapat dibayangkan apakah yang akan dilontarkan oleh THES. Suka atau tidak suka, UM akan menghadapi pertarungan yang diharapkan tidak sarat dengan mainan politik yang keanakanakan dan penampilan media yang didominasi oleh wacana yang jelas tidak memahami THES dan tidak memahami apa-apa yang diperlukan oleh UM, UKM, USM, dan UPM berbanding IPTA lain. Apakah yang sebenarnya diperlukan untuk memantapkan prestasi dan kualiti IPTA? Apakah pemeringkatan yang lebih berkesan untuk menjamin kualiti IPTA? Sudahkah pihak yang berwajib menentukan bahawa penarafan adalah kaedah yang lebih baik berbanding pemeringkatan? Apakah usaha benchmarking lebih bermanfaat dan serasi dengan kaedah penarafan? Yang kita tahu, kita harus memperkuat sektor pengajian tinggi dan menjaminkan terhasilnya produk yang semakin berkualiti, berdaya saing dan inovatif. RUJUKAN Khoo Kay Kim Temubual. THES 2004 World University Rankings: The World s Top 200 Universities. The Times Higher Education Supplement, Nov 5, THES 2005 World University Rankings: The World s Top 200 Universities. The Times Higher Education Supplement. * Penulis ingin menyatakan bahawa penulisan esei ini dibantu oleh perbincangan dengan pelbagai pihak termasuk Dato Profesor Dr Hashim Yaacob, Naib Canselor (mantan) UM, Prof. Madya Dr Tan Tai Yong, Dekan Fakulti Sastera dan Sains Sosial, National University of Singapore (NUS), Profesor Dr Kurunathan Ratnavelu, Profesor Dr Norhanom Abdul Wahab, Profesor Dr Zubaidah Abdul Rahim, En. Nunzio Quacquarelli, QS Symonds, London, dan Puan Mandy Mok, QS Singapore. 8

15 MEDIA GLOBALISATION AND STATE POWER MEDIA GLOBALIZATION AND STATE POWER: AN ELUSIVE CONCEPT IN SOCIAL SCIENCES HASMAH ZANUDDIN ABSTRACT This article discusses the usefulness of state theory and concept in order to explain media globalization. It is important for media researchers, lecturers, and students to understand that media and communication is strongly governed by the state. Thus state theory is the most useful tool to explain state behaviour. State theory and concept has been used and discussed extensively by Krasner (1991), Giddens (1985), and Skocpol (1985). Statists like them stress the prime importance of state, power concept and state sovereignty. Scholars of state actions, policies and transformation have generally presumed the existence of separate and analytically distinct levels of analysis (Waltz 1979; Singer 1961; Keohane 1980; Krasner 1976, 1991). The state does not make any decision in a doldrum without considering the surrounding factors. So, any decision would have an implication on other nations in the international system. The international system ruled by the globalization wave managed to create a new idea that globalization successfully reduced state power and side step the importance of state. However, no ma er how strong the challenge and the globalization force, it could not erase state power, the importance of state and state sovereignty. It might able to weaken the state but it would still exist. So, a country s decision and policy could not be explained without the theory and concept. Keywords: state theory, state concept, media globalization, power, sovereignty INTRODUCTION The idea that globalization erodes the power of the state has become conventional wisdom in globalization studies. As a process that supersedes geographical borders, the argument goes, globalization deals a powerful blow to the nature of the state. Governments claim to exercise authority over territorial space but this becomes increasingly difficult, if not impossible, amid globalization. Regardless of which dimension of globalization is considered, according to some globalization theorists 9

16 JURNAL PENGAJIAN MEDIA MALAYSIA/ MALAYSIAN JOURNAL OF MEDIA STUDIES the result is the same. The rise of transnational organizations, the unprecedented worldwide expansion of corporations and market economies, the global capacity of military superpowers, the ability of technology to eliminate spatial barriers, and the consolidation of an international legal system, to mention a few dimensions of globalization, render obsolete the basis of stateness, the existence and protection of a sovereign territory (Wriston 1992; Featherstone, Lash and Robertson 1995; Waters 1996). These arguments are found across the social sciences, and they are central to communication and media studies. The impact of international forces on state sovereignty is a long-running theme in the field of international communication. The cultural imperialism and New World Information and Communication Order (NWICO) literature of the 1960s-1980s criticized the presence of foreign media, particularly from the United States, as a threat to cultural autonomy in the developing world (Dorfman and Ma elart 1972; International Commission for the Study of Communication Problems 1980). Several now-classic volumes have examined the challenges that international media flows pose to national autonomy. Kaarle Nordenstreng and Herbert I. Schiller s National Sovereignty and International Communication, published in 1979, laid the cornerstones for discussion of issues related to development communication, the new information order, and emerging communications technologies. Long before the explosion of megacorporate megamergers, the birth of the World Wide Web, or the coining of the term globalization, Nordenstreng and Schiller noted that powerful forces have been trespassing over national boundaries on an unprecedented scale. The central organizer of this border-crossing has been the business system, operating globally (1979: ix). They highlighted the vital importance of communication in the struggle to achieve meaningful national autonomy (1979: xi. See also Hamelink 1988). In a follow-up edited volume published fourteen years later, Nordenstreng and Schiller noted that the concept of national sovereignty in international communications was a continuing, though problematic, theme (1993: xi). As several authors (Alleyne 1995; Federick 1993; Hamelink 1988; Mohammadi 1997a; Mowlana 1997) have argued, the coming of digital technologies and systems that transcend geographical limitations, coupled with the unfe ered worldwide expansion of media and telecommunications companies, represents the latest assault on state sovereignty that is, on the capacity of states to rule within a certain territory without intrusion from other parties. The premise of sovereignty is that states have undivided power (Held 1989) to make decisions within their borders without interference from other states or organizations. Communications sovereignty refers to states exercise of authority over flows of ideas and information inside their territories. The gap between the ideal of sovereignty and contemporary reality, a concern of globalization scholars in several fields, has been particularly evident with regards to communication and information. Although states are endowed with the task of cordoning off communicative spaces, the control of these intangible borders is seen as a Sisyphean task in the face of media globalization. While some observers celebrate the effects of media globalization on states, others find them deeply troubling. Optimists believe that cross-border technologies open up new possibilities for more people around the world to have be er and faster access to more information. This position brings together Ithiel de Sola 10

17 MEDIA GLOBALISATION AND STATE POWER Pool s technologies of freedom (1983) argument with antipathy to government intervention in communications that underlies, most clearly, the First Amendment to the United States Constitution. Media moguls, Western officials, neo-conservative thinkers, and technology enthusiasts have repeatedly touted the benefits of media globalization for democratic prospects worldwide. From a perspective that sees the state as the bogeyman of information democracy, the globalization of media technologies makes it possible to bypass government control. The democratization of information undermines the a empts of authoritarian states to control information flows and to curb the entrance of ideas that autocrats might deem inappropriate. As catalysts of the breakup of government communications monopolies, market reforms coupled with wider access to media technologies usher in information democracy. Any individual connected to the global information superhighway has access to more information than any of his or her forebears could ever have imagined, and this access comes substantially without government regulations. Other observers, in contrast, find such rosy promises unconvincing and alarming. They see such information utopias as myths rather than real prospects (Ferguson 1992). For critical political economists, media imperialism theorists, and anti-globalization activists, the process by which media corporations gain power, and untrammeled market forces consolidate their hegemony is hardly a ma er for democratic enthusiasm (McChesney and Herman 1997; Schiller 1996). In this view, the organization of global information flow along free-market lines signal the eclipse of state projects for self-determination and for the protection of autonomous information spaces, reducing states historic grasp on communications sovereignty. With the possible exception of economic nationalists and cultural purists, proponents of this position do not romanticize state control of communications, even as they continue to warn against the damaging consequences of media globalization. In this context, this article explores the role of the state in communications and cultural policymaking in a globalized world. Although there is substantial evidence that the forces of global media and commerce threaten the state in relation to communication and information, I seek to examine this argument more closely by asking what states can and cannot do. Certainly, states currently face changing and challenging conditions. The remarkable global expansion of media corporations, facilitated by liberalization and privatization of media systems worldwide and the development of cable and satellite technologies, has reduced states ability to exercise power and maintain information sovereignty. It would be unwarranted, however, to conclude that the state no longer ma ers. Reports about the death of the state may be greatly exaggerated, as many have wri en. Also, there is insufficient evidence for asserting the death of the state, because the state remains under-analysed in the literature on media globalization. Pinned between the global and the local, states continue to be largely absent from current analyses in media and communications. Fundamental to this article is a reevaluation of the notion that globalization erodes state power. As such, this article shares the idea that it is premature to conclude that the state is withering away and to assume, catastrophically or gleefully, a post-state world. I agree that the interaction between globalizing forces and states is more complex than is usually recognized in the globalization literature, and that states retain important functions 11

18 JURNAL PENGAJIAN MEDIA MALAYSIA/ MALAYSIAN JOURNAL OF MEDIA STUDIES and are not likely to disappear (Evans 1997a; Hirst and Thompson 1995; Sassen 1998; Krasner 1991). WHY STATE MATTERS? My starting point is that the state still ma ers as an analytical category despite the considerable confusion that surrounds it. As Nikhil Sinha (2001) points out the state remains a problematic and elusive concept in the social sciences. In recent decades, renewed intellectual interest has not put this ma er to rest but, rather, has revealed the difficulty in reaching even a minimal definition of the state that is widely accepted. There is li le consensus beyond agreement that the state is related to rulemaking and enforcement within geographical boundaries. In Zygmunt Baugman s (1998: 60) words, States set up and enforce rules and norms binding the run of affairs within a certain territory. Despite this persistent confusion, the state remains a fundamental pillar of the international system and fundamental point of reference at individual, national and supranational levels. [A]s even the name of the United Nations reveals, Jϋrgen Habermas (1998: 105) points out, world society today is composed politically of nation-states. Thus, the state merits analysis and this article examines the role of the state with regards to media and information sovereignty, relationships between states and communications issues and state as actors in media and telecommunications. STATES, LAWMAKING AND POWER The coercive and discursive powers that states hold in controlling communications are increasingly at loggerheads with globalizing forces. Governments cannot escape confrontation with powerful transnational corporations and international organizations whose horizons extend far beyond the state. States remain fundamental political units in a world that continues to be divided along Westphalian principles of sovereignty according to which states are supreme authorities within their borders. The growing prominence of international agreements has not eclipsed the most tangible power available to the states: lawmaking. Globalization has challenged but not eliminated states as power centers (Garnham 1986) sets of institutions where decisions are made regarding the structure and functioning of media systems. Just as states continue to assert and defend sovereignty by participating as autonomous organizations in international organizations, sovereignty is also expressed through a variety of media policies. Studies of media policies continue to demonstrate that, notwithstanding the strong combined pressures from external actors (global corporations, financial institutions and international bodies), states ultimately hold the power to pass legislation that effect domestic media industries. The dynamics of media policymaking, whether policies adhere to or maintain distance from the neoliberal cornerstones of privatization, liberalization and deregulation, suggest states relevance as power containers (Giddens 1985). For many, the state remains the best hope for harnessing market-driven media globalization. While some authors see governments as guarantors of the interest of media capital (Winseck 1998), others hold democratic expectations and endow the state with important 12

19 MEDIA GLOBALISATION AND STATE POWER functions. For example, Oliver Boyd-Barret (1997: 25) writes, there is no other credible route [than the state] available for the resolution of significant media issues in the twenty-first century unless we are prepared to believe that the free market is the best regulator. Globalized and globalizing free-market practices are sweeping the world. Yet even in media systems ruled by free-market principles, governments continue to license broadcast frequencies, impose limitations on media and telecommunications ownership and operations, and enforce existing laws in other words, to set up and monitor the basic legal system supporting market policies that underpin media systems. However, in the tug-of-war over media and telecommunications, states are not equally powerful in terms of their ability to negotiate with global corporations the conditions for establishing media businesses in their countries. But, for every example of state powerlessness when confronted by the market juggernaut, there is a counterexample of how state power. Consolidation and concentration of ownership in media and communications are penetrating deeply into areas that were formerly highly regulated. A growing body of literature indicates how liberalization and privatization policies have opened up previously closed markets to omnivorous media companies (Bustamante 2000; McChesney 1999). Malaysia is one of the cases (H. Zanuddin 2005). At the same time, large states with promising market potentials are able exert influence over global media conglomerates. China, for example, has go en concessions from Rupert Murdoch in exchange for allowing his media companies to enter the largely untapped market of the most populous country in the world (Gi ings 1998). Emerging supranational organizations can command sufficient political power to counter conglomerate economic power as illustrated, for example, by the conditions imposed by the European Union on the AOL/Time Warner merger. For states, retaining control over communication is in part a ma er of economics. Just like any other product or service, anything legally produced and sold within a country generates jobs and tax revenues and contributes to GNP, and anything exported additionally generates foreign earnings, while anything imported drains national coffers. Media policies regarding taxes and tariffs aim to achieve economic results. Further economic tools may be used for political ends. The protection of internal markets for a country s own media and telecommunications companies can be used by ruling parties or dictatorial regimes wanting to gain or maintain the cooperation of the domestic media. Notwithstanding globalization, governments retain the capacity to control the media to reinforce legitimacy or fortify a regime s hold on power. This use of the media goes directly to the fundamental role of media as carriers of messages. (This is not to deny that goods, too, carry messages, but without accompanying media to provide possible interpretations, the messages conveyed by goods are not transparent in the way that those conveyed by media are). Considering that power building today generally takes place in highly mediated societies, authorities resort to a variety of media mechanisms for instrumental purposes. Governments a empt to manipulate news and intervene in various media and cultural ma ers. Covertly or openly, they court and cajole, control and caress 13

20 JURNAL PENGAJIAN MEDIA MALAYSIA/ MALAYSIAN JOURNAL OF MEDIA STUDIES media organizations and orchestra news management strategies to gain political advantage and featly from different constituencies. Authoritarian governments in Latin America and in the former Communist bloc exerted direct control over media through employing censorship, licensing of journalists, or simply shu ing down dissident media outlets (see Fox 1988; Fox and Waisbord 2001; Downing 1996). Despite the demise of authoritarianism and totalitarianism in many regions of the world, these sort of practices have not completely disappeared. Although they rarely advocate formal censorship to domesticate public opinion, democratic administrations frequently resort to more subtle methods, such as libel suits to muffle critical reporting or withholding official advertising to keep the news media at arm s length. POLITICAL AND CULTURAL PARTICIPATION Certain areas of governmental control have been less susceptible than others to globalizing forces. States continue to cordon off spaces for political debates. Within a country, the media are crucial to political participation. Democratic theories, whatever their conceptual or normative differences, consistently assign the media the role of providing information necessary for democratic governance and citizen participation. This premise underlies much of the analysis and criticism of media performance in contemporary politics (McQuail 1992). Insofar as authorities wish to encourage democratic participation, they may enact communication policies to that end. Government-mandated community access channels on U.S. cable TV systems are one example of such policy. Another is found in Germany, where broadcast regulations explicitly favour a strong community orientation (McQuail 1992: 59 60). Robert B. Horwitz (2001) describes the democratization of South Africa s broadcasting sector as one example. However, Malaysia s broadcasting sector moulds itself according to the needs of media liberalization and privatization; increasing in broadcasting channels without necessarily increasing local citizen democratic participation. In a way citizen gain be er options for channels but on the other perspective, it is more towards enhancing Hollywood movie makers orientations (H. Zanuddin 2005). States also still control the processes and mechanisms of formal citizenship and the movement of people across borders. Mobility of capital and goods, ideas and images, does characterize the current global era, but citizenship continues to be tied to states. Unprecedented numbers of migrants, refugees, and tourists daily cross political boundaries but states still have the privilege of citizenship rights and control. Law concerning the citizenship of media company owners are one of the issues of control. Many countries like the United States and Canada require owners of broadcast media licenses to hold national citizenship (United States 1998; McQuail 1992: 54). Europe s historic pa ern of public monopolies of broadcast media is yielding to private ownership of new outlets, with citizenship requirements. The maintenance of provisions that establish that citizens should control the majority of media ownership was an important issue during NAFTA (North American Free Trade Agreement) debates (McAnany and Wilkinson 1996). Rupert Murdoch took the exceptional step of becoming a U.S. citizen in order to further his media empire in the world s wealthiest media market a glaring 14

21 MEDIA GLOBALISATION AND STATE POWER illustration of the power of the citizenship requirement. Media market in Asia function differently in different countries, but the state o en invoke citizenship requirements using various mechanisms and laws. Malaysia allows cross-media ownership but foreign ownership is governed and limited by the state through the Company Act (H. Zanuddin 2005). Morris and Wisbord (2001) discussed at length the need to re-evaluate nationbased models of citizenship. There exist various forms of transnational political participation, and in a global sphere with growing numbers of diasporas, cybersocieties create cultural groupings of communities that cut across state boundaries. The availability of transnational media may facilitate the creation of transnational collective identities. Electronic mail groups and global news networks provide the communication backbone for global political activities. Constant flows of media materials between home countries and diasporic communities feed long-distance nationalisms. But, one can ask, does the cyber-community warrant an elimination of state control over citizenship? The political and cultural realms intersect in the formation of collective identities, a less tangible aspect of the relationship among globalizing forces, the state, and the media. Living in a country and holding formal citizenship engender a sense of belonging and identification with that country and fellow other residents which cyber-community cannot do physically. Observing these phenomena, some analysts have taken the notion of belonging that accompanies citizenship and applied it in metaphorical ways, coining phrases such as cultural citizenship (Garcia Canclini 1995) or cosmopolitan citizenship (Hutchings and Dannreuther 1999) to describe postnational forms of participation that supersede territorially based citizenship. Media issues are of paramount importance for the prospects of information citizenship (Murdock and Golding 1989). Nation-based media continue to be important not only for propagandasing state ideals but, contrarily, for expanding the opportunities for citizens to produce and consume information that is relevant to them as members of political and cultural communities. Information citizenship has an equivocal relationship with information sovereignty. Pursuing different goals and driven by different intentions, governments have invoked information sovereignty to justify various communications policies. Some governments have enacted statist cultural policies to protect indigenous media producers and fend off Hollywood interests. Some policymakers feel there is a need to encourage national media production and thus limit foreign values or identity messages carried by communications originating from outside a country. This desire is based on the notion that imported media material damages national and cultural identities (Schlesinger 2001). Malaysia has expressed concern over such development and has even set up a new ministry known as the Ministry of Culture, Arts and Heritage in Its minister, Datuk Seri Rais Yatim maintained that culture, arts and heritage is the pillar of civilization of a nation and it is up to us to uphold for future generation, (Rais Yatim 2005). Other countries, such as Mexico and Brazil, have comprehensive and protectionist policies that have contributed to the development of relatively strong media industries (de Santis 1998; Sinclair 1999). Some governments in Iran, Afghanistan and Pakistan have expressed concern over the effects of global media flows on cultural mores and gender images. To keep out foreign television programming, 15

22 JURNAL PENGAJIAN MEDIA MALAYSIA/ MALAYSIAN JOURNAL OF MEDIA STUDIES Iran s Islamic Council Assembly banned satellite dishes in 1994 (Mohammadi 1997b: 88). Germany has tried to curb Internet traffic in pornographic and Nazi material by targeting Internet Service Providers (Vick 1998: 420). The Chinese government has blocked satellite TV broadcasts of BBC news. The Malaysian government take very seriously negative and pornographic materials on Internet and satellite television. The Ministry of Energy, Telecommunications and Multimedia and the Malaysian Multimedia Commission (MMC) were asked to implement greater control using So ware and Content Code Guidelines. The promotion and maintenance of national and cultural identities is a prominent reason why governments regulate certain aspects of the media. Nationally produced media can be used to promote local values and identities. Local identities may also be encouraged by language policies such as the Irish government s support of Gaelic media (Hall 1993) or Equador s bilingual education program for indigenous peoples (Rival 1997) which Malaysia already has in the education system and the terrestrial television news but not on satellite news which mostly broadcast foreign news such as the BBC or CNN. But in the information realm, governments are finding it increasingly difficult to restrict access to external sources. Motivated, well-resourced, and technologically savvy citizens find ways to evade restrictions in order to connect to the Internet and to receive other globalized communications. Activist groups can now reach constituencies that were previously inaccessible. From the outside in, human rights groups such as Amnesty International communicate directly with affected publics, and from the inside out, opposition groups such as the Zapatistas in Mexico bypass traditional media and disseminate their statements worldwide on the Internet. The tools that governments use that go beyond economic inducements and sanctions include limiting foreign material by imposing domestic content quotas requiring that a certain percentage of the content on cinema screens, television and radio be of national origin. Other than Malaysia, countries such as those in the European Union, made an a empt to engender a European identity, which requires broadcasters in member states to devote 51 percent of their airtime to European works. This directive has significant loopholes and there have been conflicts about its implementation but it remains on the books. A number of countries throughout the world have also instituted domestic content requirements. Direct state support for film industries is widespread throughout the developing world (Armes 1987). Malaysia is one example where the state is seriously making effords to upli the cultural service sector/industry. The effort is translated through the formation of the National Arts Academy and the National Filem Policy (Dasar Filem Negara). The National Film Policy (Kekkwa 2004) will give FINAS (Filem Nasional) a be er role in assisting local film producers. A working capital of RM50 million was allocated by the government through the ministry to be utilized by local film makers. In Europe, for example, the U.K. allows tax write-offs for production costs of lowerbudget films, and France subsidises its filmmakers (Hamilton 1998). Canada, prior to liberalization in the 1980s, had a strategy for cultural policies to maintain access to Canadian voices included support for the public broadcaster, protection for nationally based private broadcasters in exchange for their production of Canadian 16

23 MEDIA GLOBALISATION AND STATE POWER voices and themes relevant to Canadians. Thus, a number of grant and tax subsidy programs were made available to support a space for cultural production in Canada (Communication Canada 1992; McDowell 2001). Although factors such as language barrier and the size and wealth of domestic markets are responsible for different balances of domestic and imported media content (Hoskins, McFadyen, and Finn 1997), government policies are also crucial in understanding why communications systems world-wide feature a great deal of domestically produced content supplemented with imported content. Others, in contrast, consistently depend on imported media fare and have difficulties producing a steady flow of local audiovisual content. The cases of Canada, France, Japan and Korea, among other countries where the proportion of foreign content on terrestrial television remains low, a est to the fact that government policies continue to make a difference (Daeho, Kim and Seok-Keong 2001). The flip side of controlling imported media is exporting media with the aim of disseminating certain messages internationally. Economic and cultural concerns overlap when exported media are deliberately used as carriers of positive messages about a country. The desire of some governments to keep foreign markets open for their media exports may stem from recognition of the direct economic benefits of creating an amenable environment for consumption of other products from the exporting country. The motivation is evident in U.S. film history (Guback 1969). Further, media can carry ideological messages that authorities wish to propagate internationally, a function that has also been noted in discussions of U.S. films (Izod 1988). CONCLUSION It would be premature to announce that states have become irrelevant either as sites of political activity or as hubs for cultural solidarity. Collective identity is still fundamentally tied to the state as both a power container and as identity container. State control over citizenship not only encompasses as the organization of persons within and crossing borders but also as a primary category of self-definition remains a powerful tool that has not succumbed to globalization (Waisbord 1998). In order to understand media globalization, the role of the state and state power, we have to consider and understand state intervention in globalized communications. States maintain control over political tools, which are deployed differently in different parts of the world, depending on the type of regime, the and the level of media. It is difficult for all states to monopolise the information that citizens consume, but it has neither eliminated a empts to influence media content nor slowed governments allocation of resources to make this possible. States and global interests interact in complex ways. The tension between them is a defining force in contemporary media and telecommunications, and their overarching commercial and political environments. States remain important agents in shaping the global media order and the structure of the media markets. They perform different functions with unequal forces. States remain the focus of decision making on domestic policies, and they concentrate technical administrative capacities that are not currently replicated by any other institutional arrangement. 17

24 JURNAL PENGAJIAN MEDIA MALAYSIA/ MALAYSIAN JOURNAL OF MEDIA STUDIES Not all states are equally important and effective in carrying out those functions, however. Power asymmetries among states in the international arena must be considered to understand how media globalization affects different societies. The U.S. government wields more influence in shaping international communications policies than any other state; members of the European Union (some more than others) speak louder than the majority of the Developing World countries in global communication ma ers. These are some of the issues that form the multiple dimensions of the interaction between states and media globalization. It is more than relevant to understand and discuss the role of the state within developing countries in trying to secure a be er seat in the communication market. It is also very relevant to understand the argument about the decline of state power by suggesting that the interaction between the global and the national is more complex than is generally recognized in globalization literature. It is also very important to have an analysis of the various capabilities of states with regards to communication, which allows nuanced and qualified conclusions that are not captured in broad-brush statements that announce the end of the state. The state will not disappear from international communication as it should not be absent from debates about the internationalization of communication! REFERENCES Alleyne, Mark International Power and International Communication. New York: St. Martin s. Anderson, Benedict Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. London: Verso. Bauman, Zygmunt Globalisation: The Human Consequences. New York: Columbia University Press. Boyd-Barret, Oliver International Communication and Globalisation. Ali Mohammadi (ed.), London: Sage. Bustamante, Enrique Spain s interventionist and authoritarian communication policy: Telefónica as political baterring ram of the Spanish right. Media, Culture & Society 22 (4): De Saintis, Heather Measures Affecting Trade in the Culture Sector: Focus on Cultural Policy in Latin America. Hull: Department of Canadian Heritage. Deutsch, Karl. W Nationalism and Social Communication: An Inquiry into the Foundation of Nationality. 2 nd Edition. Cambridge: MIT Press. Dorfman, Ariel & Armand Ma lelart Mass Communication and Colonialism, Mexico: Siglo Veintiuno. Downing, John Internationalising Media Theory. London: Sage. Evans, Peter Dependent Development: The Alliance of Multinational, State and Local Capital in Brazil. Princeton University Press a. The eclipse of the state? Reflection on stateness in an era of globalisation. World Politics 50 (October):

25 MEDIA GLOBALISATION AND STATE POWER (ed.). 1997b. State-Society Synergy: Government and Social Capital in Development. Research Series No. 94. Berkeley: International and Area Studies. Evans, Peter, D. Rueschmayer & Theda Skocpol (eds) Bringing the State Back In. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. FCC Homepage at h p:// (accessed June 2005). Featherstone, Mike, Sco Lash & Roland Robertson Global Modernities. London: Sage. Ferguson, Marjorie The mythodology about globalisation. European Journal of Communication. 7: Media, markets and identities: Reflections on global-local dialiectic. Canadian Journal of Communication 20 (4): Fox, Elizabeth (ed.) Media and Politics in Latin America: The Struggle for Democracy. Beverley Hills: Sage. Fox, Elizabeth & Silivio Waisbord Global Media, Local Politics: Broadcasting Policies in Latin America. Austin: University of Texas. Frederick, Howard Global Communication and International Relations. Belmont, Calif.: Wadsworth. García Canclini, Néstor Consumers vs Capitalism: Conflict in Multiculturalism in Globalisation. Mexico: Grijalbo. Garnham, Nicholas The media and the public sphere. In Peter Golding, Graham Murdock & Philip Schlesinger (ed.). Communicating Politics: Mass Communications and the Political Process Leicester: Leicester University Press Emancipation, the Media and Modernity: Arguments About the Media and Social Theory. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Giddens, Anthony The Nation State and Violence. Cambridge: Polity. Gi ings, John Invoking law as a basis for identity in cyberspace. Stanford Technology Law Review. At h p://stlr.stanford.edu/stlr/articles/98stlr1/ index.htm (accessed June 6, 2006). Guback, Thomas. H The International Film Industry. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Habermas, Jürgen The Inclusion of the Order: Studies in Political Theory. Cambridge: MIT Press. Hall, Eammon G The Electronic Age: Telecommunication in Ireland. Dublin: Oak Tree Press. Hamilton, Sebastian Smith vows to defend film industry against EU tax break cuts. Scotland on Sunday (20 Dec): 8. Hamelink, Cees Cultural Autonomy in Global Communications: Planning National Information Policy. London: Centre for the Study of Communication and Culture. Held, David Political Theory and the Modern State: Essays on State, Power and Democracy. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Hirst, Paul & Grahame Thompson Globalisation and the future of the nation state. Economy and Society 24 (3):

26 JURNAL PENGAJIAN MEDIA MALAYSIA/ MALAYSIAN JOURNAL OF MEDIA STUDIES Hoskins, Colin, Stuart McFadyen & Adam Finn Global Television and Film: An Introduction to the Economics of the Business. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Hutchings, Kimberley & Roland Dannreuther (eds) Cosmopolitan Citizenship. New York: St. Martin s Press. International Commission for the Study of Communication Problems Many Voices. One World. Paris: UNESCO. Izod, John Hollywood and the Box Office Basingstoke, England: Macmillan. Krasner, Stephen Global communications and national power: Life on the pareto frontier. World Politics 43 (3): McAnany, Emile & K.T. Wilkinson (eds) Mass Media and Free Trade: NAFTA and the Cultural Industries. Austin: University of Texas Press. McChesney, Robert W Graham spry and the future of public broadcasting. Canadian Journal of Communication 24 (1): McChesney, Robert & Edward Herman The Global Media: The New Missionaries of Corporate Capitalism. London: Cassell. McQuail, Dennis Media Performance: Mass Communication and the Public Interest. London: Sage. Mohammadi, Ali (ed.). 1997a. International Communication and Globalisation. London: Sage. Mohammadi, Ali. 1997b. Communication and the globalisation process in the developing world. In Ali Mohammadi (ed.) International Communication and Globalisation London: Sage. Murdock, Graham & Peter Golding Information poverty and the political inequality: Citizenship in the age of privatised communications. Journal of Communication 39 (3): Mowlana, Hamid Global Information and World Communication: New Frontiers in International Relations: London: Sage. Nordenstreng, Kaarle & Herbert I. Schiller National Sovereignty and International Communication: A Reader, Norwood, N.J,: Ablex. Nordenstreng, Kaarle & Herbert I. Schiller New information order and communication scholarship: Reflections on a delicate relationship. In Janet Wasko, Vincent Mosco & Manjunath Pendukur (ed.). Illuminating the Blindspots: Essay Honoring Dallas W. Smythe, , Norwood, N.J.: Ablex Publishing Corporation. Nussbaum, Martha Craven Patriotism and cosmopolitanism. In Martha Nussbaum and Joshua Cohen (ed.). For Love of Country: Debating the Limits of Patriotism, Boston: Beacon Press. Pool, Ithiel de Sola Technologies of Freedom. Cambridge: Belknap Press. Rais Yatim Seni budaya dan Warisan. Beringin Kuala Lumpur: Akademi Seni Kebangsaan. Rival, Laura Modernity and the politics of identity in Amazonian society. Bulletin of Latin American Research 16 (2):

27 MEDIA GLOBALISATION AND STATE POWER Sassen, Saskia On the Internet and sovereignty. At h p:// edu/glsj/vol5/no2/9sas.html (accessed June 5, 2006). Schiller, Herbert I Information Inequality: The Deepening Social Crisis in America. New York: Routledge. Skocpol, Theda Wallerstein s world capitalist system: A theoretical and historical critique. American Journal of Sociology 82 (5): Bringing the state back in current research. In Peter B. Evans, Dietrich Rueschemeyer & Theda Skocpol (ed.) Bringing the State Back In, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Sinclair, John Latin American Television. Oxford University Press. Singer, J The level of analysis problem in international relations. In K. Knorr & S. Verba (ed.). The International System: Theoretical Essays. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Sinha, Nikhil The Political Economy of India s Telecommunications Reforms. Telecommunication Policy 20(1): State transformation and India s telecommunications reform. In Nancy Morris & Silvio Waisbord. Media and Globalisation: Why State Ma ers , Oxford: Rowan & Li lefield Publishers, Inc. United States Code of Federal Regulations. Title 47, Vol. 5, part 101. Washington: Government Printing Office. At: h p:// gpo.gov/cgibin/multidb.cgi (accessed June 6, 2006). Vick, Douglas, W The Internet and the First Amendment. Modern Law Review 61: Waters, Malcom Globalisation. London: Sage. Wriston, Walter The Twilight of Sovereignty. New York: Macmillan. Winseck, Dwayne Reconvergence: A Political Economy of Telecommunications in Canada. Cresskill, N.J.: Hampton Press. Waisbord, Silvio The ties that still bind: Media and national cultures in Latin America. Canadian Journal of Communication 23: Zanuddin, Hasmah Liberalisation of the telecommunication and broadcasting sectors in Malaysia. International Review of Korea Studies Korea-Australia Research Centre (KAREC). Vol. 2. No. 1, University of New South Wales, Australia. 21

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29 HUMAN RELATIONS PERSPECTIVE IN ORGANIZATIONAL MANAGEMENT CHRONICLING THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE HUMAN RELATIONS PERSPECTIVE IN ORGANIZATIONAL MANAGEMENT AMIRA SARIYATI FIRDAUS ABSTRACT Launched from an organizational communication perspective, this article chronicles the four Hawthorne studies that led to the development of the human relations theory. The article shows how the Hawthorne studies led to the birth of the human relations management approach. The main tenets of human relations theory are discussed, as are its limitations. The article looks at both empirical and ideological limitations to the theory. The article ends by looking into the efforts to address these limitations, namely the evolution of human relations theory into a human resource approach. Keywords: human relations theory, Hawthorne Studies, human resource approach, organizational communication INTRODUCTION Organizational communication as it is known today arose from several waves of managerial discourse that began in the late 1800s and is still continuing in the 21 st Century. A concern for the quality of life of workers began the Industrial Be erment movement in the 1870s. When industrialists began to focus more on production and output, this movement was replaced by the famous Classical and Scientific management theories. This approach to management stressed management control and mechanistic systems as the way to increase production. This mechanistic model of organization viewed employees as part of organizational machinery. Management was rigid and autocratic, and were focused only on the rational goals of the organization. The goals, views and needs of employees were not considered. The only function of communication was for a rigid and autocratic management to send down directives and to keep informed on production (Daniels & Spiker 1997). The next wave of managerial discourse, the Human Relations movement, emerged from the limitations of Classical theories as evidenced in an industrial experiment with an initial premise based on scientific management assumptions (Williams 1978). 23

30 JURNAL PENGAJIAN MEDIA MALAYSIA/ MALAYSIAN JOURNAL OF MEDIA STUDIES HUMAN RELATIONS THEORY The Hawthorne Studies A series of in-house scientific research were pioneered by AT&T s Watson Electric at their plant in an American town called Hawthorne. The studies were initially conducted to identify ideal working conditions that would boost productivity. W.J. Dickson, an AT&T industrial engineer, and F.J. Roethlisberger, of the Havard Business School, headed the first Hawthorne studies. Elton Mayo, also of the Harvard Business School, joined the team when Dickson and Roethlisberger were confronted with inexplicable findings. The Harvard affiliations of these two researchers explains the Harvard prefix to the human relations perspective (Byers 1997). The First Hawthorne Study, The first Hawthorne studies were conducted with a Scientific Management premise that an optimum working condition could be found to achieve high productivity. In an effort to determine the optimal level of illumination for factory workers assembling telephone relay equipment, Dickson & Roethlisberger (1939) manipulated the level of lighting of different groups. Lighting was adjusted to be brighter than usual, dimmer than usual or was not changed at all. To the researchers surprise, productivity went up in all three groups. The Second Hawthorne Study, 1927 Confounded by the findings of the first Hawthorne studies Dickson & Roethlisberger brought in Elton Mayo for the second series of productivity studies. Mayo brought with him a psychological outlook to complement the mechanistic outlook of the Scientific Management premise. In the second Hawthorne studies, sometimes referred to as the Relay Assembly Studies, work conditions were varied in search of the most productive working conditions. Certain incentives were introduced into different groups, such as coffee breaks, hot lunches and more agreeable working hours and pay-incentives. Again, to the researchers surprise, productivity increased in all groups, even those without extra incentives. The Hawthorne Effect: On Explanation for Increased Productivity Several years passed before the researchers finally understood the implications of their confounding findings (Byers 1997). They concluded that productivity-increase had li le to do with the manipulations of lighting or work conditions, but more with the fact that workers were aware that they were part of an experiment. The workers felt special and important when selected to take part in the productivity studies. In return for this a ention, workers worked extra hard. This phenomenon was consequently named the Hawthorne effect. The term is still widely used today to refer to the different-from-usual behaviors that people display when they know they are the subject of study (Williams 1978). The Third Hawthorne Study, 1928 The third series of studies, also with an industrial-psychology premise, were also somewhat influential in the discovery of the Hawthorne effect (which as mentioned above, came several years later). In a series of anonymous non-directive ventilation 24

31 HUMAN RELATIONS PERSPECTIVE IN ORGANIZATIONAL MANAGEMENT interviews, researchers encouraged workers to talk freely about the organization. It was found that given the chance, workers were happy to air their discontent. They admi ed to feeling more positive and even more contented a er having had a chance to unburden their feelings. The researchers noted a rise in productivity following such interviews. They concluded that happy workers performed be er (Daniels & Spiker 1997). The Fourth Hawthorne Study, 1931 A subsequent series of observations were conducted. A number of workers in a bank wiring room were closely monitored. Work activities were recorded to determine social influences on work behavior. The study found that despite pay-incentives to boost productivity, workers sometimes purposely under-perform so as to not offend other group members. This study discovered the strong influence that informal groups had on productivity and performance (Daniels & Spiker 1997). The Birth of the Human Relations Management Approach The key findings of the four Hawthorne studies are as follows: Informal social groups and their informally established norms affect productivity. People performed be er when they felt that management paid a ention to them. From these findings, Mayo and colleagues surmised that social motivation was an integral force in the rise and fall and productivity. They concluded that workers can be influenced through communication. The informal communication that came from being part of a social group with certain norms and values had a profound effect on individual workers performances. In addition, the Hawthorne studies suggested that upward communication from worker to management could be useful to an organization. With these premises in mind, a new perspective on organizational management came into shape to replace the mechanistic model proposed by the Classical perspective. The organization-as-machine metaphor of the traditional approach slowly shi ed to an organization-as-family metaphor. This Human Relations approach emphasized a need for change in management practices, from aloofness to participatory. Communication is considered an important element of organizational management in the human relations approach. It advocates the use of communication and social groupings to enhance worker motivation. In contrast to classical perspectives that viewed satisfaction of economic need as sufficient work motivation, the human relations approach viewed social needs as important as well. The new perspective encouraged management to adopt communication strategies that give workers a sense of participation (because) it improves morale and morale leads to greater compliance with managerial authority (Daniels et al. 1997: 32). 25

32 JURNAL PENGAJIAN MEDIA MALAYSIA/ MALAYSIAN JOURNAL OF MEDIA STUDIES Main Tenets of Human Relations Theory Human Relations theory stressed the importance of sustaining balance between the things of production systems and the humanity of production. The physical infrastructure, materials and systems of an organization, as well as the people needed to run and process them, from the workers, to the managers, to the shareholders all need to be looked a er (Byers 1997: 24-26). All these aspects of an organization is encompassed in the human relations approach because it recognizes that the operation and administration of an organization involves human interaction and group life. Further studies based on the initial human relations premise that a sense of worth increases employee drive, uncovered other aspects of the human worker. It was also found that interpersonal relationships between co-workers also affect the level of productivity. The informal primary group, with its own informal hierarchy is an important tenet of the human relations theory. In the fourth Hawthorne study an informal daily quota of individual production was adhered to by co-workers despite the pay incentive provided. Apparently, cohesiveness within informal groups and individual conformity to the norms of these groups are crucial to productivity in an organization (Gibson et al. 1991). Similarly, the concept of job satisfaction is also related to findings of the Hawthorne experiment. In contrast to classical theories that view money as basically the only incentive for working, human relations stresses that a sense of responsibility, pride and satisfaction in a job were also important in boosting work performance. This is especially true in more mentally, physically and emotionally stimulating tasks. Good working relations and job satisfaction is greatly emphasized in the human relations tradition (Daniels & Spiker 1997). Application of the Human Relations Approach Overall, Mayo and colleagues found that happy workers were be er workers. Thus the human relations approach went beyond the classical concepts of labor and management relations where bosses simply organize and direct the work needed to be done by employees. A paradigm shi was made whereby management made conscious efforts to look into the welfare of all employees and improve morale. For example, worker-grievances are addressed by management through personnel counselors, and the role of employees in the organization are redefined and enlarged so as to provide a greater sense of responsibility. Also, a sense of worth is installed through participation in decision making processes (Byers 1997). Efforts were made to modify and improve organizations as social environments. Essential to the health of the work place as a social environment, a more open and caring leadership perspective was developed. Two independent dimensions of leadership are stressed in the human relations perspective. Managers had the responsibility to initiate structure and also to be considerate. In initiating structure, individual managers ensure that jobs are done. In being considerate, the same managers ensure that workers emotional, mental and physical needs are met. The human relations approach stresses on the relationships and responsibilities of all the human factors of an organization. Management holds the responsibilities of being commi ed to all its human relationships, and of being role models, not just 26

33 HUMAN RELATIONS PERSPECTIVE IN ORGANIZATIONAL MANAGEMENT bosses, to all employees. Employees are to be given sufficient information about organizational policies, objectives, problems and gains as it will motivate employees to cooperate with management, and also aid in achieving job satisfaction. In making the organization a social environment, management will also need to put in place policies that will address employee grievances, and allow room for bargaining of work conditions. In addition to labor relations, public and community relations need also be looked into. Management needs to understand the outside environments that workers belong to. This is essential in maintaining a healthy management-labor relationship as the a itudes and values that employees bring into the workplace are shaped by the environment that they come from. Limitations of the Human Relations Perspective Despite the seeming emphasis on wellbeing of the worker, the overarching goal the human relations approach to management was really increased performance and production. In that sense, communication was just a tool for management to gain workers compliance. Other ideological and empirical criticisms of the approach were abundant. Empirical Limitations Later critics pointed out that the Hawthorne studies neglected to control for other factors that may influence performance such as the layoffs due to the stiff economic slowdown in the United States in the 1930s. Additionally, later efforts to manipulate social factors produced conflicting results. Critics also pointed out that although much information on individual and group behavior was gleaned from the Hawthorne studies, the findings provided very li le information on organizations themselves (Byers 1997). Nonetheless, these empirical criticisms came many years a er the studies. Critics were initially much more concerned with the concepts and notions that were the conclusions of the Hawthorne studies. It was generally agreed that if the theoretical foundations of the approach didn t make sense, there was really no point in wasting time analyzing its empirical data. Perhaps the empirical criticisms that came later indicate that the approach finally gained theoretical relevance later on (Byers 1997). Ideological Criticism of Human Relations Critics saw many conceptual problems with the human relations approach. Some felt that the Hawthorne researchers over-emphasized social groups as the cause of negative a itudes in the work place. In doing so, the researchers neglected the larger institutional framework of the economic system within which social groups arise and are made meaningful. Critics were also skeptical about the ability of worker frustration-venting to actually solve the greater problems of conflicts of interests and power struggle between labor and management. They feared that human relations approach to managing workers paved the way for manipulation and disillusionment of the worker (Byers 1997). 27

34 JURNAL PENGAJIAN MEDIA MALAYSIA/ MALAYSIAN JOURNAL OF MEDIA STUDIES Practical Problems with Human Relations The human relations approach was introduced when most organizations had thoroughly adopted the principles and practices of classical management theories. Management had been both educated and trained in the classical perspective. Therefore it was difficult to change their mindset. Nonetheless, because there existed a government-backed movement in the United States to encourage the adoption of the human relations perspective, many large organizations made some a empts to understand and inculcate its principals. The tension between long-held classical beliefs and the new human relations perspective led to its superficial implementation. While management opened the lines of communication and claimed to desire worker participation, they did not actually act upon worker feedback or give any real power to workers. This led to the disillusionment of workers, which consequently led to a decrease in performance and production (Daniels et al. 1997). A realization of this fall-out of the human relations approach led some scholars to modify the perspective. The result of such adjustments was the development of the human resource perspective (Daniels et al. 1997). HUMAN RESOURCE DEVELOPMENT The human resource approach was essentially a more enlightened strategy for meeting the needs of organization members and increasing member participation in organization activities (Kreps: 85). It focused on a change in management s a itudes towards people (workers), the type and amount of participation, as well as organizational expectations. Comparison of Human Relations and Human Resource Approaches Attitudes Towards People Human relations: People will willingly cooperate with organizational when their needs for recognition are met. Human resource: If jobs are designed to allow creative contribution and responsibility, workers will be happier and able to contribute be er to organizational goals. Kind and Amount of Worker Participation Human relations: Management s task is to make workers feel useful and important to the organization by discussing decisions with workers. Workers are allowed to participate in routine decisions. Some areas and limits for workers to exercise self-direction and self-control are allowed. Human resource: Management s task is to create a conducive work environment to bring out subordinates creative talents. Management encourages wider worker participation in important decisions, and continually expand areas in which employees can exercise self-direction and self-control. 28

35 HUMAN RELATIONS PERSPECTIVE IN ORGANIZATIONAL MANAGEMENT Expectations Human relations Sharing information and decision-making will satisfy employees basic needs for recognition and belonging. This improves morale, which will decrease resistance to authority of management. In turn, this will improve performance and decrease friction, making management s job easier. Human resource When management makes full use of employees experience, insight and creative ability, the quality of decisions and performance will increase. When employees help to establish organizational goals, they will naturally exercise more responsible self-direction and self-control to achieve those goals. Overall, satisfied employees have greater opportunity to contribute and this will lead to be er organization performance. Tenets of the Human Resource Perspective The human resource perspective viewed worker motivation to be much more complex than just economic (classical assumption) or social (human relations assumption). Motivation was also related to one s sense of self-worth or selfactualization (sic.) (Daniels et al. 1997: 32). The new perspective was o en tied to Abraham Maslow s theory about the hierarchy of human needs. Maslow s Hierarchy of Needs Maslow asserted that there were five levels need that would motivate a person, and that each lower-level would have to be satisfied before a higher-level need could be activated: 1. Physiological needs for food, oxygen, and other basic requirements to sustain life. 2. Safety needs for security, protection from danger, and freedom from threat. 3. Social needs for love, affection, affiliation, and acceptance. 4. Esteem needs for a sense of status, recognition and self-respect. 5. Self-actualization needs to realize one s full potential as a human being. (Daniels et al. 1997: 32-33) Maslow saw self-actualization as a growth need where the process of satisfying the need would activate greater self-actualization needs. That is, it increases a person s motivation to continually seek self-actualization. McGregor s Theory X and Theory Y leadership In keeping with the premise that workers self-actualization was important, the human resource approach also advocated a change in management style. Style of management and the acceptance of self-actualization as a fundamental aspect of worker motivation lay in management s perception of workers; whether they could be trusted or not. 29

36 JURNAL PENGAJIAN MEDIA MALAYSIA/ MALAYSIAN JOURNAL OF MEDIA STUDIES McGregor s Theory X management exemplified classical management views. People were believed to be lazy, and were driven to work only by monetary motivation. Workers avoid responsibility and prefer to be directed than to be given responsibility. Workers have no interest in achieving organizational goals, they are only interested in their own economic well-being. They can only be forced to comply with management through coercive and punitive measures. Conversely, Theory Y leadership saw work as being a natural, not strained, part of human life. People are viewed as naturally wanting to do work, and wanting responsibility. Theory Y argued that if given sufficient trust and respect, workers would easily identify with organizational goals. Theory Y managers are able to develop trust needed for the workers self-actualization. Theory Y: 1. People naturally and willingly put in the physical and mental effort needed in completing tasks required by their jobs. 2. Direct control by bosses and fear of punitive action are not the only way of ge ing workers to put in the effort needed to meet organizational goals. People are capable of pu ing in the effort needed to meet objectives that they feel commi ed to. 3. Many people have the needed imagination, ingenuity and creativity that can be harnessed to solve organizational problems. 4. Current industrial practices make only partial use of the average worker s intellectual potential. (Farace et al. 1977: 85) Human Resource s Improvement Over Human Relations The human resource perspective addressed the problems of superficial implementation of the human relations approach. Management was no longer just boss, but served as a communicative conduit to help workers participate in organizational activities. Allowing workers true participation in organizational decision-making develops be er knowledge of organizational goals, be er appreciation of organization s problems, be er understanding of management s role, greater identification with organizational goals, and personal drive to achieve organizational goals. The human resource approach shifted communication from being a management tool, to a vital element in discovering and servicing organization members needs. CONCLUSION The human relations perspective was an unexpected development stemming from the inexplicable findings of a study done under scientific management principals. Without the Hawthorne studies, the human relations perspective may have never existed. Similarly, the human relations theory discovered the importance of communication in organizational se ings. In that sense, this perspective helped to lay the foundations of the field of organizational communication. 30

37 HUMAN RELATIONS PERSPECTIVE IN ORGANIZATIONAL MANAGEMENT The human relations theory shi ed the metaphorical comparisons of the organization from organization-as-machine, to organization-as-family, where everyone s feelings are important, but father knows best. Consequently, the more holistic human resource approach began a slow shi from the paternalistictraditional family metaphor to a democratic-system metaphor. The understandable problems in pu ing into practice the human relations approach give rise to the development of a more refined organizational management approach, the human resource approach, which furthered the emphasis on organizational communication. Having ended the essay on the improvements made over the human relations approach, it must be noted that the human resource approach is not without its fallibilities and critics. However it is not within the scope of this essay to further explore those limitations. It is suffice to say that over time, as organizations change, theories about organizations will also change. REFERENCES Byers, P. Y Organizational Communication: Theory and Behavior. Boston: Allyn and Bacon. Daniels, T. D., B. K. Spiker & M. J. Papa Perspectives on Organizational Communication. 4 th Edition. Madison: Brown & Benchmark Publishers. Farace, R. V., P. R. Monge & H. M. Russell Communicating and Organizing. New York: Randon House. Gibson, J., J. Ivancevich & J. Donnelly Organizations: Behavior, Structure, Processes. 7 th Edition. Boston: Irwin. Hickson, M., D. W. Stacks & M. Padge -Greely Organizational communication in the Personal Context: From Interview to Retirement. Boston: Allyn and Bacon. Sco, W. R Organizations: Rational, Natural and Open Systems. 4 th Edition. New Jersey: Prentice Hall International Edition. Williams, J Human Behavior in Organizations. Cincinnati: South-Western Publishing Company. 31

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39 KEPERLUAN KEPADA TEORI KOMUNIKASI BERASASKAN KONTEKS SOSIAL, BUDAYA DAN AGAMA KEPERLUAN KEPADA TEORI KOMUNIKASI BERASASKAN KONTEKS SOSIAL, BUDAYA DAN AGAMA ZARIDAH ABDULLAH ABSTRACT The idea behind communication theories mostly started in the western world which resulted in a perspective drawn upon the western social and cultural backdrop. However, not all theories put forward by western scholars are suitable and appropriate to explain, clarify and predict phenomena experienced by eastern societies with a different cultures, traditions, beliefs and religious practices. As such, this article tries to discuss the differences between western and eastern perspectives, and to encourage eastern scholars to think outside the box of western philosophy and dominance, and to introduce and develop new theories that are more suitable and acceptable to us, or at least to modify existing western theories by taking into consideration our eastern values. Keywords: communications theories, cultural, social, religious practices, Asia PENGENALAN Menurut Hoover (dlm. Infante, Rancer & Womack 1997), teori ialah satu set usulan (hipotesis) yang saling berkait yang menyatakan sebab sesuatu peristiwa itu boleh berlaku. Miller (2002) telah memperjelas maksud teori dengan menyatakan bahawa teori ialah satu set idea atau pernyataan yang abstrak bagi membantu penerangan sesuatu perlakuan. Ini bermakna, teori dapat membantu masyarakat memahami atau dapat menjelaskan fenomena yang berlaku di persekitaran mereka kerana teori dibentuk dengan tujuan untuk menghuraikan, menerangkan, meramalkan, dan mengawal perlakuan (Infante et al. 1997). Dalam mewujudkan atau membentuk teori, sarjana menekankan rangka falsafah yang menjadi asas kepada pembentukan teori tersebut, iaitu metateori yang terdiri daripada ontologi (kewujudan semula jadi atau nature of being ), epistemologi (ilmu atau knowledge ), dan axiologi (nilai atau value ) (Miller 2002). 33

40 JURNAL PENGAJIAN MEDIA MALAYSIA/ MALAYSIAN JOURNAL OF MEDIA STUDIES Pembentukan teori bagi bidang komunikasi adalah amat mencabar kerana ia berdasarkan campuran berbagai-bagai disiplin ilmu dan falsafah (Li lejohn & Foss 2005). Oleh itu, Craig (dlm. Li lejohn & Foss 2005) menegaskan bahawa berbagaibagai pendekatan perlu digunakan dalam proses mengembangkan teori komunikasi kerana tidak mungkin hanya satu pendekatan dapat menjelaskan dan merungkai berbagai-bagai fenomena yang berlaku dalam masyarakat. Kenyataan Craig turut disokong oleh Miller (2002) yang berpendapat bahawa kepelbagaian perspektif dalam pembentukan teori komunikasi boleh dan sepatutnya berlaku. Pendekatan yang digunakan dalam membentuk dan mengembangkan teori menurut Miller (2002) berdasarkan sudut pandangan pascapositivis, interpretif, dan kritikal. Bagaimanapun, pandangan ini hanya menggambarkan pemikiran dan pendapat para sarjana Barat dalam memahami dan menjelaskan peristiwa yang berlaku dalam konteks sosiobudaya masyarakat mereka sahaja, terutamanya di Eropah dan Amerika Syarikat. Ia tidak memberikan gambaran tentang keadaan sosial, budaya, dan agama dalam masyarakat lain, terutamanya di Timur. Sejajar dengan itu, satu pembentukan teori yang bersesuaian dalam konteks Asia, terutamanya kepada Malaysia yang mempunyai masyarakat dan budaya yang pelbagai, amat diperlukan. PERSPEKTIF BARAT BERBANDING DENGAN PERSPEKTIF ASIA Perkembangan bidang komunikasi di Eropah bermula beberapa dekad lebih awal daripada di Amerika Syarikat, yang bermula pada sekitar tahun 1900 (Rogers 1994). Walau bagaimanapun, terdapat perbezaan antara pendekatan yang digunakan oleh sarjana Eropah dengan Amerika Syarikat. Menurut Saodah, Narimah dan Mohd Yusof (2004), dan Li lejohn (2005), kajian bidang komunikasi di Amerika Syarikat lebih bertumpu kepada penggunaan pendekatan kuantitatif untuk mengkaji kesan komunikasi dan media massa, manakala di Eropah pula perkembangan teori mereka lebih bertumpu kepada isu sejarah, budaya, dan kritikan yang banyak dipengaruhi oleh fahaman Marxisme dan juga pergerakan feminisme. Perkembangan teori di kedua-dua bahagian dunia tersebut telah meninggalkan kesan yang besar kepada bidang komunikasi dan media massa di bahagian-bahagian dunia yang lain, termasuk Asia. Sarjana-sarjana yang mendapat pendidikan di kedua-dua negara Barat itu telah membawa balik perspektif (objektif, interpretif, dan kritikal) yang telah dipelajari untuk diaplikasikan dalam bidang komunikasi di negara masing-masing. Ini diakui oleh Ishii (dlm. Kim 2002) yang mengatakan bahawa kebanyakan teori dari Amerika telah dianggap sebagai universal dan benar. Kim (2002) menyarankan teori dalam bidang komunikasi yang telah dipelopori oleh Barat, terutamanya Amerika Utara, disemak semula selaras dengan perbezaan yang wujud antara Timur dengan Barat. Jayawardena (1986) telah mempersoalkan kewajaran penggunaan teori komunikasi dari Barat untuk menjelaskan ritual dan upacara keagamaan Buddha sebagai satu bentuk komunikasi dalam masyarakat Buddha di Sri Lanka. Sejajar dengan itu, Gordon (dlm. Mariah & Amelia 2005; dan Kidd 2002) telah menyenaraikan tujuh epistemologi teori komunikasi Barat yang berat sebelah dan tidak sesuai dengan masyarakat di Timur: 34

41 KEPERLUAN KEPADA TEORI KOMUNIKASI BERASASKAN KONTEKS SOSIAL, BUDAYA DAN AGAMA i. Melihat komunikasi sebagai satu proses linear dan bukannya berulang dalam bentuk kitaran (cyclical). ii. Fokus kepada sumber-mesej dan mengecualikannya daripada melihat hubungan dan perkaitan antara kedua-dua elemen ini. iii. Menganalisis objek komunikasi secara berasingan daripada keseluruhan konteks. iv. Memberikan tumpuan kepada mesej diskrit dan tidak mengambil kira elemen lain seperti kesenyapan, rima, dan timing. v. Tertumpu kepada pemujukan dan bukannya pemahaman, persetujuan, dan tindakan kolektif. vi. Fokus kepada individu secara berasingan dan bukannya hubungan kolektif. vii. Menggunakan model sehala penyebab (causation) Aristotle yang telalu mekanistik dan bukannya model saling penyebab (mutual causation model). Kidd (2002) turut mengatakan bahawa model Aristotle yang menjadi asas kepada pemikiran Barat (Aristotelian) hanya memberikan tumpuan kepada tiga elemen dalam komunikasi, iaitu komunikator, mesej, dan penerima. Model ini berbentuk sehala dan digunakan untuk tujuan memujuk dan mempengaruhi. Dissanayake (1988) juga telah mengkritik model-model komuniksai Barat yang berbentuk sehala seperti model Lasswell, serta Shannon dan Weaver yang memberikan tumpuan kepada komunikator, sebagai tidak mempunyai arah dan bertujuan untuk manipulasi. Model seperti ini sememangnya tidak sesuai dengan masyarakat Timur. Bagi masyarakat Timur, setiap bentuk komunikasi harus disambut dengan baik oleh pihak yang satu lagi dalam usaha memelihara hubungan baik antara dua individu. Pendekatan komunikasi yang dibawa oleh Barat lebih mementingkan individu seperti yang dapat dilihat dalam model Lasswell tanpa menghiraukan masyarakat serta struktur sosial dan budaya. Hasnain (1988) mempersoalkan komunikasi ini yang menggunakan pendekatan positivistik dan fungsional, serta berorientasikan individu tetapi tidak membincangkan komunikasi sebagai satu perlakuan proses sosial, dan kerana itu, tidak mengambil kira keseluruhan struktur dan fungsi sosiobudaya yang amat penting untuk merangsangkan sebarang perubahan sosial. Bagi menyeimbangkan keadaan ini, Kincaid (1987) telah mengetengahkan perbezaan yang wujud antara perspektif Barat dengan Timur: i. Perspektif Timur memberikan penekanan kepada penyatuan dan lebih menyeluruh, tetapi Barat melihat kepada bahagian yang berbeza-beza dan tidak dapat menyatukan bahagian tersebut. ii. Perspektif Timur mengambi kira komunikasi bukan verbal yang memberikan pengertian yang lebih mendalam berbanding dengan Barat yang banyak tertumpu kepada bahasa. iii. Perspektif Timur berpendapat, komunikasi yang berlaku tidak dirancang dan bersifat semula jadi, manakala Barat pula berpendapat, komunikasi yang berlaku dirancang mengikut kehendak individu, dan jika 35

42 JURNAL PENGAJIAN MEDIA MALAYSIA/ MALAYSIAN JOURNAL OF MEDIA STUDIES iv. berlaku tanpa dirancang, maka itu adalah lebih menjurus kepada sifat individualistik dan kognitif. Perspektif Timur menganggap hubungan adalah kompleks bergantung pada berbezaan yang wujud dalam peranan sosial, status, dan kuasa tetapi Barat mengatakan bahawa hubungan wujud hanya antara dua individu atau lebih. Perbezaan yang wujud antara Timur dengan Barat tersebut menuntut satu perubahan dalam pembentukan teori komunikasi yang lebih seimbang dengan mengambil kira sosiobudaya dan agama yang berbeza. Hal ini demikian kerana tidak semua konsep yang diketengahkan oleh Barat dapat diaplikasikan secara terus untuk memahami dan menjelaskan keadaan yang berlaku dalam masyarakat Timur. KEPERLUAN MEWUJUDKAN PERSPEKTIF MENGIKUT ACUAN TIMUR Atas alasan bahawa teori yang dipelopori oleh Barat tidak sesuai dari segi sosial, budaya, dan agama serta tidak berjaya menerangkan fenomena yang berlaku di negara-negara Asia, maka sarjana tempatan perlu membentuk teori baharu yang mengikut acuan tempatan. Ini sejajar dengan pendapat Tehranian (1988) yang mengatakan bahawa teori perlu berasaskan sejarah dan budaya untuk menjadi relevan. Jadi, teori komunikasi bagi kegunaan masyarakat Timur harus mencerminkan sejarah dan budaya kelompok masyarakat Timur juga. Musa (2002) turut menegaskan keperluan membentuk teori komunikasi kita sendiri atas alasan bahawa budaya dan nilai kita jauh berbeza daripada Barat. Tambahan lagi, Malaysia dan negara-negara serantau yang lain mempunyai budaya yang kaya dan pelbagai ekoran daripada perbezaan etnik dan kepercayaan agama masyarakat rantau ini (Musa 2002). Pembentukan teori baharu dan juga pengubahsuaian terhadap teori Barat yang telah sedia ada perlu meliputi komunikasi manusia (seperti antar personal dan lain-lain) dan juga media massa. Pewujudan dan pengubahsuaian teori komunikasi boleh dilakukan kerana terdapat ramai sarjana komunikasi yang berketerampilan di rantau ini, di samping penawaran banyak program komunikasi pada peringkat sarjana muda dan lanjutan (Musa 2002) yang boleh digemblengkan untuk melakukan penyelidikan yang berkaitan dengan bidang komunikasi. Sebagai langkah permulaan, sarjana komunikasi di Timur boleh membantu media memahami tanggungjawab dan peranan mereka melalui kajian dan pembentukan teori berkaitan dengan media massa. Umpamanya, Teori Penentuan Agenda yang mengatakan bahawa media massa yang menentukan agenda kepada masyarakat tampaknya tidak sesuai dengan keadaan di negara ini. Ini kerana di negara-negara Asia seperti Malaysia contohnya, senario masyarakat dan politiklah yang menentukan apa-apa yang patut dibincangkan oleh media dan ia haruslah selaras dengan agenda nasional, iaitu untuk membangunkan negara dan menyatukan masyarakat. Gagasan yang menguntungkan satu pihak dan mencipta konflik kepada pihak lain seperti gagasan Libertarian, Autoritarian, dan Soviet-Komunis yang terdapat dalam Empat Teori Akhbar dari Barat umpamanya, harus diberi nafas baharu mengikut konteks masyarakat Timur. Perjuangan yang dipelopori oleh media Barat 36

43 KEPERLUAN KEPADA TEORI KOMUNIKASI BERASASKAN KONTEKS SOSIAL, BUDAYA DAN AGAMA yang mahukan kebebasan media tanpa batas seperti pendekatan Libertarian atau cengkaman tanpa batas oleh organisasi media atau pemerintah seperti pendekatan Autoritarian dan Soviet-Komunis memang tidak sesuai dengan masyarakat Timur atau negara ini. Hal ini demikian kerana ia hanya menguntungkan satu pihak, dan dalam masa yang sama satu pihak lain menerima akibat yang buruk. Yang harus wujud ialah kerjasama dan persefahaman antara organisasi media massa dengan pemerintah demi menjamin tercapainya aspirasi nasional seperti pembangunan spiritual di kalangan masyarakat dan pembangunan fizikal bagi dimanfaatkan oleh rakyat. Oleh itu, satu sistem media yang lebih baik seperti pendekatan tanggungjawab sosial dan developmental media theory harus diperbanyak dan dihalusi bagi membentuk satu hala tuju yang menguntungkan semua pihak untuk dilaksanakan oleh media massa dalam konteks masyarakat Timur. Isu-isu sensitif seperti peranan media untuk menjaga kepentingan awam dan keselamatan negara harus diberi perhatian. Selain itu, peranan media massa dalam menyebarkan syariat Islam adalah amat penting sebagaimana yang telah disarankan oleh golongan ulama di Pakistan dan Arab Saudi. Media telah dilarang menyiarkan hubungan terbuka antara lelaki dengan perempuan, keganasan yang melampau, dan juga minuman alkohol (Tehranian 1988). Ini amat berbeza dengan media di Barat yang mempromosikan unsur tersebut dalam media cetak dan elektronik mereka. Justeru, teori-teori ke arah membendung penghebahan unsur negatif dalam masyarakat kepada masyarakat yang lebih luas menerusi media massa harus dibentuk kerana bukan sahaja agama Islam yang melarang perbuatan sedemikian, malah selari dengan pegangan agamaagama utama di Timur seperti Buddha, Hindu, Taoisme, dan Shintoisme. Sebagai negara yang sedang membangun, kerajaan telah menekankan keperluan untuk menjadikan negara ini sebagai sebuah negara maju pada tahun 2020 sejajar dengan Wawasan 2020 yang telah dibentuk oleh Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad. Bagi merealisasikan hasrat tersebut, diperlukan satu konsep dan teori komunikasi yang mantap yang boleh mempercepat proses ini melalui kaedah komunikasi pembangunan yang berkesan. Md. Salleh (2002) telah menegaskan keperluan membentuk teori komunikasi pembangunan sendiri kerana selama ini kita hanya bergantung pada teori-teori yang telah diasaskan oleh Barat sahaja. Ini adalah kerana Barat mempunyai perspektif yang berbeza dengan negara ini dan tidak semestinya teori yang diguna pakai oleh mereka boleh diaplikasikan dalam senario pembangunan di Malaysia yang mempunyai sistem ekonomi dan politik serta dasar negara yang jauh berbeza jika dibandingkan dengan Barat. Dalam Teori Feminisme pula, banyak aspek boleh diperkatakan. Perjuangan feminisme yang berasaskan teori Karl Marx (Miller 2002) yang melihat wanita ditindas oleh golongan lelaki dan tuntutan persamaan hak dengan pihak lelaki juga tidak sesuai dari sudut pandangan masyarakat di Asia, terutamanya masyarakat Islam yang telah meletakkan dan memberikan martabat yang tinggi dan sesuai kepada golongan wanita. Oleh itu, pendekatan feminisme Timur harus diwujudkan agar boleh dijadikan panduan bagi sarjana Timur melihat, menghurai, dan mengkritik keadaan masyarakat di sini mengikut pendekatan setempat. Selain itu, Teori Penembusan Sosial (Social Penetration Theory) telah menjelaskan proses komunikasi yang berlaku antara dua orang yang baru berkenalan akan 37

44 JURNAL PENGAJIAN MEDIA MALAYSIA/ MALAYSIAN JOURNAL OF MEDIA STUDIES menyebabkan proses pendedahan kendiri berlaku mengikut peringkat sehinggalah hubungan tersebut menjadi intim (Saodah, Narimah & Mohd Yusof 2004). Proses komunikasi yang berlaku ini dilihat begitu terbuka dan bebas. Ia tidak sesuai dalam konteks masyarakat di Asia atau lebih khususnya masyarakat Islam kerana terdapat batas hubungan yang perlu dijaga, terutamanya antara individu lelaki dengan wanita. Oleh itu, teori ini boleh diberi pendekatan Timur dengan menambahkan had yang perlu dilakukan oleh individu tertentu ketika melakukan proses pendedahan kendiri agar maruah semua pihak dapat dijaga sesuai dengan adab Timur atau Islam. Masyarakat Timur mementingkan kerjasama dan toleransi dalam semua perkara termasuklah menjaga nama baik sekali gus menolak konsep individualistik yang dipegang oleh Barat sebagaimana yang dijelaskan oleh Hirokawa (Kidd 2002). Masyarakat Melayu juga berpegang pada prinsip menjaga nama baik untuk kesejahteraan masyarakat. Oleh itu, teori komunikasi dari Barat yang mengetepikan penjagaan nama baik dan kuat berpegang pada konsep individualistik harus diubah suai agar selesa diaplikasikan dalam konteks budaya Timur dan tempatan. Prinsip bahasa ditekankan dalam teori Barat tetapi bagi masyarakat Timur, komunikasi bukan verbal adalah amat penting kerana ia memberikan makna yang mungkin berbeza mengikut konteks sesuatu masyarakat. Sebagai contoh mudah, diam dalam masyarakat Melayu bukan membawa maksud tidak setuju. Ia menjadi tuntutan dalam agama Islam dan dalam sesetengah situasi, diam itu adalah lebih baik. KESIMPULAN Sememangnya unsur sosial, budaya, dan agama merupakan asas bagi membentuk teori komunikasi di Asia, khususnya Malaysia. Pembentukan teori komunikasi Barat oleh sarjana mereka berdasarkan sosiobudaya mereka. Sebagai contoh, kemunculan teori Marxisme bermula daripada keadaan tertekan yang dialami oleh masyarakat kelas pekerja serta kemunculan konflik kelas yang berlaku dalam masyarakat (Rogers 1994). Kemunculan teori-teori baharu selepas itu turut didasari oleh fenomena yang berlaku dalam masyarakat mereka. Oleh sebab pegangan agama, latar belakang sosiobudaya, dan adat resam masyarakat Timur yang berbeza daripada Barat, maka satu set teori komunikasi dan media massa yang lebih sesuai diperlukan. Oleh itu, usaha sarjana komunikasi di negara-negara di Timur seperti Min-Sun Kim (Korea), Dissanayake (India), Hirokawa (Jepun), Mohd Yusof, Md. Salleh dan Musa (Malaysia) serta lain-lain lagi harus disokong dan diteruskan oleh sarjana-sarjana yang lebih muda. Mungkin kita tidak memerlukan satu set teori yang keseluruhannya berbeza dengan apa-apa yang kita bawa daripada Barat, sebaliknya ia sudah memadai jika teori-teori Barat itu diperkembang dan ditokok tambah dengan konstruk yang lebih sesuai untuk masyarakat Timur. Umpamanya, Islam telah menggariskan tiga jenis komunikasi (Saodah, Narimah & Mohd Yusof 2004), iaitu komunikasi dengan Tuhan yang paling tinggi darjatnya, komunikasi sesama manusia, dan juga komunikasi dengan diri sendiri. Sejajar dengan itu, Mohd Yusoff (1986) telah menyatakan keperluan mengislamkan teori-teori komunikasi kerana sebenarnya agama Islam telah meletakkan satu garis 38

45 KEPERLUAN KEPADA TEORI KOMUNIKASI BERASASKAN KONTEKS SOSIAL, BUDAYA DAN AGAMA panduan yang lengkap sebagai asas kepada pembentukan teori-teori tersebut sama ada komunikasi interpersonal, komunikasi intrapersonal, kumpulan, masyarakat, dan juga media massa. Ini kerana, Islam sebagai satu cara hidup merangkumi segala aspek kehidupan termasuk sosial, budaya, dan agama. Pembentukan teori menurut perspektif sosial, budaya, dan juga agama sesuatu masyarakat adalah amat perlu untuk menjadi panduan kepada masyarakat tersebut. Selain itu, ia juga dapat membantu kita memahami fenomena yang berlaku. Tambahan lagi, berdasarkan bilangan sarjana komunikasi yang dimiliki, kita mampu untuk memperkenalkan teori-teori baharu ataupun menyesuaikan teori-teori Barat yang sedia ada supaya dapat difahami dan diaplikasikan dalam konteks kita. Dengan cara ini barulah kita dapat menjelaskan budaya dan norma serta agama kita kepada orang Barat selain dapat memperkembang dan mempertingkatkan ilmu dalam bidang komunikasi menurut perspektif masyarakat kita. RUJUKAN Baran, S. J. & D. K. Davis Mass Communication Theory: Foundations, Ferment, And Future. Edisi ke-3. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth. Dissanayake, W Keperluan menggunakan pendekatan Asia dalam komunikasi. Dlm. Wismal, D. (Peny.), Teori Komunikasi. (Rahmah Hashim, Penterjemah). Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, hlm Griffin, E A First Look At Communication Theory. Edisi ke-6. Boston: McGraw- Hill. Hasnain, I Komunikasi: Suatu pendekatan Islam. Dlm. Wismal, D. (Peny.). Teori Komunikasi (Rahmah Hashim, Penterjemah). Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, hlm Infante, D. A., A. S. Rancer & D. F. Womack Building Communication Theory. Edisi ke-4. Illinois: Waveland Press. Jayawardena, R. D. K Communication theory: Buddhist viewpoint. Media Asia, 13 (1), Kidd, M. A Dialogues on dichotomy: The east/west dilemma in communication theory. Kertas kerja Konferensi Pertubuhan Komunikasi Asia dan Pasifik di Seoul, Korea. Kim, M Non-Western Perspectives on Human Communication: Implications for Theory and Practice. Thousand Oak, CA: Sage. Kincaid, D. L The convergence theory of communication: Self-organization, and cultural evolution. Dlm. Lawrence, K.D. (Peny.). Communication Theory: Eastern and Western Perspectives. San Diego: Academic Press, hlm Li lejohn, S. W. & K. A. Foss Theories of Human Communication. Edisi ke-8. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth. Mariah Muda & Amelia Abdul Aziz The formation of communication theories in the era of convergence: From the Malaysian perspective. Kertas kerja Konferensi Antarabangsa Mediamorphosis Communication, Technology & Growth, Subang Jaya, Malaysia Julai. Md. Salleh Hassan Development communication in ASEAN: An evaluation of concept and research. Dlm. Umi Kha ab dan Faridah Ibrahim (Peny.). 39

46 JURNAL PENGAJIAN MEDIA MALAYSIA/ MALAYSIAN JOURNAL OF MEDIA STUDIES Communication and Media Studies in Asean: Bridge to New Frontiers. Bangi: Fakulti Sains Sosial dan Kemanusiaan, UKM, hlm Miller, K Communication Theories: Perspectives, Processes, and Contexts. Edisi ke-2. Boston: McGraw-Hill. Mohd Yusoff Hussain Islamization of communication theory. Media Asia, 13 (1), Musa Abu Hassan Buiding a (regional) communication theory. Dlm. Umi Kha ab dan Faridah Ibrahim (Peny.). Communication and Media Studies in Asean: Bridge to New Frontiers. Bangi: Fakulti Sains Sosial dan Kemanusiaan, UKM, hlm Rogers, E. M A History of Communication Study: A Biographical Approach. New York: The Free Press. Saodah Wok, Narimah Ismail & Mohd Yusoff Hussain Teori-teori Komunikasi. Bentong: PTS Publications & Distributors. Tehranian, M Teori komunikasi dan perspektif Islam. Dlm. Wismal D. (Peny.), Teori Komunikasi. (Rahmah Hashim, Penterjemah). Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, hlm West, R. & L. H. Turner Introducing Communication Theory: Analysis and Application. Edisi ke-2. New York: McGraw-Hill. 40

47 CREDIBILITY OF TELEVISION, NEWSPAPER AND INTERNET WITH POPULAR VOTES OF BARISAN NASIONAL DURING ELECTIONS BY RACE CREDIBILITY OF TELEVISION, NEWSPAPER AND INTERNET WITH POPULAR VOTES OF BARISAN NATIONAL DURING ELECTIONS BY RACE SYED ARABI IDID & SAODAH WOK ABSTRACT Researchers have been concerned with media credibility on several counts. One is the concern of media effects on the audience. The reasoning is that the more credible the media, the more effects the media are said to have on the audience. Media credibility is the degree of believability of the source of information by the audience. This article presents a longitudinal study on media credibility and relates the concept of media credibility to popular votes during the general Malaysian elections. This article also traces the degree of credibility of three major media, newspaper and television, and the Internet. Specifically the article has two main objectives, namely, to gauge the level of media credibility over a period of time, and to analyze the changing credibility level of specific media to popular votes during the general elections. Keywords: information, media credibility, general election, vote, Malaysia INTRODUCTION Studies on source and channel credibility have a racted the a ention of scholars over the past two decades. Scholars were interested to understand how credibility was conceptualized, measured and how they were then related to other variables of interest, such as effects on the audience and an increase in knowledge. Electronic and print media, as sources of communication, play a vital role in disseminating information. Media are important in modern society. They provide information and entertainment to members in society. As more people obtain their information on several issues from the mass media, the media must maintain their credibility or risk losing the confidence of the audience. The basic assumption of studying source credibility is that the credibility of a source influences the effects of the message it presents (Lee 1978). Therefore, the audience media exposure and information seeking habits are guided by their perceived media credibility. 41

48 JURNAL PENGAJIAN MEDIA MALAYSIA/ MALAYSIAN JOURNAL OF MEDIA STUDIES Media credibility is the degree of believability of the source of information as perceived by the audience. Credibility implies the quality of a report wri en or broadcasted. A number of factors contribute to making a source or channel credible, namely, objectivity, accessibility, freedom to report, currency of the report, and relative expertise. These factors should be considered when assessing the credibility of information received from media sources. Many studies on credibility have been done by scholars in the West (Kiousis 2001; Greenberg 1966) but scholars and practitioners in developing societies have not given due a ention in studying credibility of media and source (Oorjitham 2000) This paper aims to investigate the degree of credibility Malaysians have on their media. In several studies conducted over the past two elections, it was found that Malaysians have some amount of incredulity over the media. The degree of what they perceived of their media credibility has changed over the years. The other objective of this study is to relate the findings on credibility with the results obtained during the general elections in an effort to understand the influence of the media during elections. OBJECTIVE OF STUDY The objective of this article is to examine the relationship between media credibility and popular votes during elections. Specifically, the article has two main objectives, namely, to gauge the level of media credibility over a period of study, and to analyze the changing credibility level of the specific media to popular votes during general elections. It is a study to understand how people perceive credibility of the media, and how this can be related to the level of popular votes of political parties. Both electronic and print media play an important role in disseminating information, but political parties also say that they also provide the information, as the media do not penetrate every household in the country. The findings will explain the changing evaluation of credibility on the newspaper and television from the time elections were held in 1990 up to the recent elections in In addition, the changing evaluation of Internet credibility is looked into a er the introduction of Internet in the nation, starting from the 1999 election. MEDIA CREDIBILITY Media credibility has been the issue of concern among many scholars for a number of reasons. The media institution is an important institution in society. People depend on the media to obtain information from which sources they can then make decisions and judgments. Information from the media is also used to augment information obtained from interpersonal sources. During crisis people are ever dependent on the media for information, seeking out the latest for their own behavioral intent. Studies during elections illustrate the dependence of voters on the media to help them make their own choice in the selection of candidates or parties. People s dependence on the media are conditional, and one of the conditions being the trust they have on the media. If people perceive the media to be spreading untruths, then gradually their trust in the media would fall and people would withdraw from seeking information from the media. Hence, media owners and 42

49 CREDIBILITY OF TELEVISION, NEWSPAPER AND INTERNET WITH POPULAR VOTES OF BARISAN NASIONAL DURING ELECTIONS BY RACE practitioners are conscious of audience judgment on their performance. Trust can be obtained on a number of platforms, one being the believability people have on the media and second is the assessment they make of reports contained in the media. Media have to contend with several concerns over the past few years. Several studies have reported the majority of the public put li le faith in the media with li le distinction being made between newspaper and television credibility (Burgoon, Burgoon and Wilkinson 1981). Moreover, many feel that the news they obtain from the press is rather biased. There has always been a keen debate over whether people trust the newspapers more than television. Results of studies over the past two decades have been mixed, with some studies suggesting people having more trust in television while others giving evidence that people trust the newspapers more than they trust television. A recent study, however, suggested that newspaper credibility far exceeded television credibility (Kiousis 2001). On the other hand, there are also studies that have found television to be more credible than either the newspapers or radio. Westley and Severin (1964) had suggested that the credibility assigned to a medium is not uniform but was dependent on the individual s preference for and use of the medium. Television news and public affairs viewing have been shown to be positively associated with political interest, knowledge and opinion holding (Atkin and Gantz 1978). However, when subjects were compared in terms of being reliant on television or newspapers (Clarke and Fredin 1978), newspaper use was more strongly associated with political knowledge and with discriminating perceptions about politics. Apparently, newspapers provide more political information than television and the information is learned be er and held longer by readers than by TV viewers (Miro 1983). McLeod, Bybee and Durval (1979) found that newspaper reading was a primary factor in generating knowledge about political issues and the candidate issue positions during a political campaign. A survey of asample of Wisconsin adults conducted in late 1961 and early 1962 by the Wisconsin Survey Laboratory found that 927 out of 1,057 respondents responded adequately to the credibility question (Westley and Severin 1964). The results generally showed a tendency for persons of high socioeconomic status to give higher credibility to the newspaper and to provide a lower credibility to television. On the contrary, a study conducted in Grand Rapids, Michigan with a systematic sample of 428 respondents drawn from the telephone directory (Reagan and Zenaty 1979) found that out of the 266 adults interviewed, 80% used both the daily newspaper and a local TV station as a regular source of news. However, they regarded television as more believable and truthful than newspapers in presenting news (Reagan and Zenaty 1979). A survey by Scripps Howard News Service and Scripps Survey Research Center at the Ohio University School of Journalism showed that less than 15% of all Americans thought newspapers as very reliable (Jaben 1999). Li le more than half thought newspapers and television as fair in their reporting, while three-quarters or more deemed reporters were biased, inaccurate, and prying. Simultaneously, more than 40% had lost at least some faith in the media. An effort to define rating changes of the media over the past decade was made by Respect Ratings. It provided a series of data designed to compare the highest 43

50 JURNAL PENGAJIAN MEDIA MALAYSIA/ MALAYSIAN JOURNAL OF MEDIA STUDIES scores- very favorable (1985) and Grade A (1995) among newspapers, network TV news and local TV news (Hess 1995). Results showed that in 1985 all three types of news presentations had about the same percentage of enthusiasts with local TV programmes leading in every demographic category except for college graduates and the age group, while local TV and newspapers were tied among high-income people. Preference for local TV news was most pronounced among African Americans, senior citizens, low-income people, Southerners and Democrats (Hess 1995). Maier (2004) indicated that since 1985, believability of the daily newspaper had fallen by a quarter, from 80% in 1985 to 59% in 2002 based on a summary of readings, including data gathered by the Pew Research Center. The study also pointed out that there had been a rapid decline in newspaper readership since the 1980s, with slightly more than half of Americans (54%), reading a newspaper during the week. Indeed, the three television network news divisions and local news also saw significant drops from 1985, when they were all above 80 per cent for believability. The Pew Center for Civic Journalism launched a study to examine the perceived lack of fairness in the media (Marks 1997). In 1989, 34% of Americans thought that the press dealt fairly with all sides when reporting on political and social issues. The number had since dwindled down to 27%, with 67% believing that the media tended to favor a position. Americans also believed that the press too o en intruded into the private lives of people and that the coverage on the personal and ethical behavior of political leaders was excessive. Such concerns came amidst an increasing lack of trust in the media s reliability. In 1985, 55% of the Americans believed that the media got their facts straight most of the time but by 1999, that was down to 37%. Another area of studying credibility of media is currently focused on the Internet. Studies on the credibility of the Internet have been considered significant as more people are seeking information from it (Flanagin and Metzger 2000). And in some countries, the use of the Internet exceeds television use. Results on the credibility of the Internet have been mixed, with some studies indicating that the credibility of the Internet has been higher than established traditional media, that is, television, radio, and newspapers (Johnson and Kaye 2002), while another series of studies found Internet credibility to be lower than the established traditional media. A concept called webelievability was introduced. Webelievability is defined as the degree to which people judge online information as credible (Johnson and Kaye 2002: 619). Reliance on the established traditional media was also found to have made people to have online credibility (Johnson and Kaye 2002). Hence, people who made use of the established traditional media for daily use were in a be er position to evaluate the credibility of the Internet, with respondents saying that there were hardly any checking made on claims on the Internet. Another study placed the situation differently with people having more trust on the Internet than on television (Kiousis 2001). Burbules (2001) outlined three conditions pertaining to credibility from the Internet context. First, Internet relates to the problem of sheer volume in which the amount of information or sources is overwhelming. Second, the Internet is considered as a self-sustaining reference system since other information through the Websites is available in order to be more credible. Third, its speed of growth and rate of dispersion in relation to information circulation is within split seconds. These three conditions somehow make people to regard the Internet as credible in 44

51 CREDIBILITY OF TELEVISION, NEWSPAPER AND INTERNET WITH POPULAR VOTES OF BARISAN NASIONAL DURING ELECTIONS BY RACE finding any information or sources, including election information. Web users have more trust in their favourite medium than the traditional media (Bucy 2003). In Malaysia, not many studies have been conducted on how people perceive the credibility of the media (Oorjitham 2000). In the 1970s, Grenfell once noted that if Malaysians did not believe the electronic media, they would switch off their television sets. There was hardly any continuation done a er the study. Hardly any studies exist in other developing countries for comparisons to be made. A pertinent concern is the relationship of media and Internet use with elections that forms the relevance of this paper. CONSTITUENTS OF CREDIBILITY What constitutes credibility? Past studies have claimed that credibility of a medium is strongly linked to the daily use of the medium (Johnson and Kaye 2002). The more audience members use a particular medium the more likely they would deem the medium to be credible. Hence, television has been rated as more credible than newspapers because more people rely on the electronic medium than the print medium. The findings by Johnson and Kaye (2002) added to the reservoir of knowledge when they found that users of established traditional media were the best predictors of online credibility rather than demographic or other variables. Earlier studies have found age to be a good predictor of credibility, that the younger group would have more trust in the media than their elders (Bucy 2003). Credibility of the Internet as a source of information was found to be as high as radio, magazines and television but not as high as newspaper credibility (Flanagin and Metzger 2000). There are various indicators of media credibility. Some have used five indicators: how factual is the medium, the extent to which it is motivated by money, whether it invades people s privacy, what is its concern for the community, and whether it can be trusted (Kiousis 2001; Johnson and Kaye 1998; Gaziano & McGrath 1986). Bucy (2003) operationalised credibility of the medium to mean believability, fairness, accuracy, informativeness, and in-depthness measured, using a 7-point scale (1=not at all, 7=very trustworthy). Flanagin and Metzger (2000) used five dimensions for their Internet information credibility study, namely, believability, accuracy, trustworthiness, bias and completeness. Burbules (2001) used four dimensions of credibility, namely, the judgment of the credibility, timeliness, comprehensiveness, and reliance on value consideration. This study used a single item to measure credibility of media. Respondents were asked to evaluate the extent to which they agree on a statement that the respective media were trustworthy, on a four point scale with 1 being not very trustworthy and 4 being very trustworthy. The media asked about were on the newspapers, radio, television, and the Internet. However, for this paper, only three types used namely newspaper, television, and Internet are considered for analysis and discussion. POPULAR ELECTION Elections are means for citizens to express and exercise their rights in installing their own form of government. Malaysians have been going to the polls since elections were held in 1959, with the 11 th elections being held in Many books have 45

52 JURNAL PENGAJIAN MEDIA MALAYSIA/ MALAYSIAN JOURNAL OF MEDIA STUDIES been wri en on Malaysian politics, elections and by-elections (Means 1991; Hwang 2003), stressing communalism, issues, leadership and parties being dominant over the years. The role of media during elections has been studied either in the form of content analyzing the media or relating the voters use of the media with their choice of party. This study would relate the role of the media with the elections results from 1990 to An analysis would be made to relate popular votes and media credibility. MEDIA AND ELECTION Malaysians prefer watching television and reading the newspapers but do not like listening to the radio as much. It is a similar media scenario in many developed and developing countries where television is the most favourite medium over the other media. Television enters into the household and becomes a household box for family members to watch their entertainment programmes and be immersed with the news. Malaysians are very well exposed to electronic and printed media. Over 90% of Malaysians households have television and the majority of adult Malaysians watch television daily. In 2001, 84% of Malaysians watched television and it was 82% in 2002 (Media Guide 2003). A total of 74% and 72% of Malaysians listened to the radio in 2001 and 2003, respectively. A total of 50% and 51% read newspapers for the same period. In April 2004, the study found that 62% Malaysians watched television daily, 46% read newspapers and 24% listened to the radio everyday. Indeed, the dominant media in Malaysia were strongly supportive of Barisan Nasional, based on the studies conducted in 1990, 1995 and 1999 elections (Idid 2004) supporting the findings that the contents of the mainstream media were favorable toward Barisan Nasional. Elections are closely related to media performance as evidenced in several studies in the West. People depend on the media for information to make decisions on their choice of party. Media-Agenda studies highlight the importance of media se ing the agenda for the electors to consider while public opinion studies provide empirical evidence of issues that are of concern to the general population (crime, environment). Those studies are to be taken seriously by political parties if they want to win the elections. In Malaysia several studies have found the influence of the media to be mixed, in terms of the issues that are highlighted for the voters to consider. In the 1990 elections, issues raised by the media were acceptable to some sectors of the population but in 2004 the media issues became significantly related to the public issues (Idid, forthcoming) Apart from the issues that are to be discussed, it is also pertinent to raise the issue of media credibility. To what extent are the media credible? Electoral process and media coverage complement each other. However, the credibility of the media in disseminating information and in acting as sources of information about the elections are issue to be discussed. Pi s (2004) stressed the value of trust of the media as media needs to win back the public trust as some people believe that the media are biased. Thus, to be trusted, the media must always present both sides of every story. The values that 46

53 CREDIBILITY OF TELEVISION, NEWSPAPER AND INTERNET WITH POPULAR VOTES OF BARISAN NASIONAL DURING ELECTIONS BY RACE readers bring to the table, of course, shape their perceptions of what is news and what is not. On the other hand, media access is one of the important avenues for political parties and candidates to reach voters. The media also need the cooperation of political parties and candidates to use them as news for the interest of voters. The issues that were raised during elections by political parties and the candidates involved are important ingredients for media coverage. As such, during election campaigns, the press is active in providing coverage of parties and political personalities. In providing such coverage, they help in the electoral process of the country. METHODOLOGY OF THE STUDY It was later in the 1980s that some questions were raised over the issue of media credibility. Studies were done in 1990, 1995 and 1999 at the time when Malaysians were going to the polls. The respondents were asked their perception of the media. It was assumed that the media played an important role in disseminating information to the people to enable them to make up their minds when voting. Data were also collected on the amount of coverage given by the media to the respective political parties during the election campaigns. While media credibility was measured through survey research, the amount of votes obtained was provided by the official results of the Election Commission for the general elections in 1990, 1995, 1999, and The ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition got the greatest share of votes in 1990, 1995, 1999, and 2004 but met with stiff opposition in 1990 and in However, surveys on the credibility of the local media gave a surprising result (Oorjitham 2000). Respondents selected were registered voters aged 21 and above. They were selected through quota sampling throughout Peninsula Malaysia. Care was taken to obtain a proportionate sample of respondents to reflect the gender composition, the racial composition, and the age composition of the voters in the country. The respondents were interviewed face-to-face, each interview lasting about 30 to 40 minutes. Numerous questions were asked ranging from their perception of party, candidates, intention to vote, issues to media use, types of media used, and credibility of the media. The respondents were asked what they perceived of their media in terms of credibility based on a four-point scale. However, this report considers low credibility and high credibility by posing the question as whether the media can be believed or not. The scale of 1 indicates do not believe at all and 2 indicates do not believe are classified as low credibility while 3 indicating believe and 4 indicating believe totally are combined to form high credibility. They were interviewed a month before the elections and one month a er the elections. Both the answers of the respondents for the two occasions were combined. THE CHANGING NEWSPAPER, TV AND INTERNET CREDIBILITY IN MALAYSIA The respondents in the 1990 study were made up of 2847 Malaysians (N1=1384, N2=1463) while the respondents for the 1995 study comprised of 1882 (N1=903, 47

54 JURNAL PENGAJIAN MEDIA MALAYSIA/ MALAYSIAN JOURNAL OF MEDIA STUDIES N2=979), and the total respondents for the 1999 study comprised of 3512 (N1=1969 and N2=1543). The total respondents interviewed for the 2004 study were 2651 (N1=651 and N2=1140). Table 1 shows the changing degree of credibility of Malaysian newspapers. Results show that there was an increase of 4% in the newspaper credibility in 1990, that is, from about 86% to about 90% in However, there was a decrease of about 15% in the subsequent five-year period (1999). On the contrary, in 2004 (79%) there was an increase of 4% from the previous election (1999), picking up the momentum of trust. A similar trend was seen for TV credibility (Table 2). There was a slight increase of 5% from 1990 (88%) to 1995 (93%), followed by a plunge of 17% in the subsequent period of 1999 (76%), but increased slightly by 4% in 2004 (80%). Figures obtained from the four elections indicated an increase in the credibility of the media from 1990 to 1995, then a decrease, followed by an increase of media credibility in the election year of When broken down into newspaper and television, the pa ern for both the media was similar to the general media credibility as a whole. Table 1: Changing degree of newspaper credibility Believability High (%) Low (%) Total (N) 1990 N N Total N N Total N N Total N N Total High believe and believe totally; Low do not believe at all and do not believe 48

55 CREDIBILITY OF TELEVISION, NEWSPAPER AND INTERNET WITH POPULAR VOTES OF BARISAN NASIONAL DURING ELECTIONS BY RACE Table 2: Changing degree of TV credibility Believability High (%) Low (%) Total (N) 1990 N N Total N N Total N N Total N N Total High believe and believe totally; Low do not believe at all and do not believe Analysis of the results by race showed that Malay respondents believed less in the two media compared to 10 years ago (Table 3 and Table 4). The height of the degree of believability was in 1995 and in Similarly, the Chinese also indicated a decrease in their degree of believability for both the newspaper and the TV for the same period of time. However, the Indians are rather stable in their degree of their believability towards the newspapers and TV. Table 3: Changing newspaper credibility by race Believability High Low Total (N) N1 N2 Sub-total N1 N Malay (N1=633, N2=782) Chinese (N1=530, N2=497) Indian (N1=99, N2=109) 49

56 JURNAL PENGAJIAN MEDIA MALAYSIA/ MALAYSIAN JOURNAL OF MEDIA STUDIES 1995 Malay (N1=462, N2=479) Chinese (N1=333, N2=456) Indian (N1=108, N2=44) 1999 Malay (N1=1007, N2=327) Chinese (N1=582, N2=79) Indian (N1=185, N2=24) 2004 Malay (N1=1035, N2=805) Chinese (N1=367, N2=273) Indian (N1=94, N2=62) High believe and believe totally; Low do not believe at all and do not believe Table 4: Changing TV credibility by race Believability High Low Total (N) 1990 N1 N2 Sub-total N1 N2 Malay (N1=636, N2=783) Chinese (N1=539, N2=495) Indian (N1=100, N2=111) 1995 Malay (N1=462, N2=479) Chinese (N1=333, N2=456) Indian (N1=108, N2=44) 50

57 CREDIBILITY OF TELEVISION, NEWSPAPER AND INTERNET WITH POPULAR VOTES OF BARISAN NASIONAL DURING ELECTIONS BY RACE 1999 Malay (N1=1008, N2=327) Chinese (N1=564, N2=80) Indian (N1=186, N2=25) 2004 Malay (N1=1035, N2=805) Chinese (N1=367, N2=273) Indian (N1=94, N2=62) High believe and believe totally, Low do not believe at all and do not believe Tables 1 to 4 above explained the credibility of newspaper and TV over a 20-year period, and this was then analyzed from the vantage point of race. Figure 1 below shows the results of popular votes for BN from 1990 to The popular votes for BN was about 53% in 1990, in 12% to 65% in 1995, dropped 8% to 57% in 1999, and up again by 7% to 64% in The results show an increase in percentage from but later in 1999, BN popularity soared. However, later on there was an increase in the popular votes obtained by BN for the year 2004 election. Figure 1: Popular votes of Barisan Nasional ( ) 51

58 JURNAL PENGAJIAN MEDIA MALAYSIA/ MALAYSIAN JOURNAL OF MEDIA STUDIES Figure 2 shows the popular votes of BN and the believability towards newspaper, television, and the Internet in Malaysia. The results in this finding showed that in 1990 the believability towards television (89%) was higher than newspaper (87%) and in 1995 the situation still did not change, in which believability for television was about 96% and newspaper 92%. However, in 1999 there was a drop in the level of believability towards the media although television (74%) was still higher than newspaper (68%). In 2004, believability towards television and newspaper increased up to 89% for television and 80% for newspaper. Internet believability study was conducted as of 1999 election. The results showed that when the BN popular votes were critical in 1999, Internet believability went up the ladder (39%). Then in 2004, the reverse occurred, that is, with an increase in the BN popular votes, there is a decrease in the Internet believability (25%). Thus, there exists a negative relationship between BN popular votes and Internet believability. Figure 2 also shows that as the popular votes for BN went up there was a corresponding increase in the credibility of the media (newspaper and TV), but when the credibility of the media (newspaper and TV) dipped, there was also a decrease in the popular votes obtained by BN. Therefore, there is a positive relation between established media credibility (newspaper and TV) and popular election of BN. Figure 2: Popular votes of BN and credibility of newspaper, television and Internet Figures 3 to Figure 5 below show the results of the popular votes of BN and the credibility of television, newspaper and Internet according to race. Specifically, Figure 3 shows popular votes of BN and credibility of newspaper among races; 52

59 CREDIBILITY OF TELEVISION, NEWSPAPER AND INTERNET WITH POPULAR VOTES OF BARISAN NASIONAL DURING ELECTIONS BY RACE Figure 4 presents popular votes of BN and credibility of television among races; while Figure 5 presents popular votes of BN and credibility of Internet among races Figure 3: Popular votes of BN and credibility of newspaper among race The Malays in 1990 and in 1999 believed substantially in newspapers, in which in 1990 the percentage of newspaper believability was 86%. In 1995, newspaper believability was 90% but in 1999, it was 71% for newspaper. However, the situation worsens in 2004, when the Malays believed less in the newspaper (66%). Indians, on the other hand, believed in newspapers consistently from 1990 through 1999 elections, with 89% believability rate. However, in 2004 they tended to believe less in the newspaper, a drop of 12%. The decrease in percentage also leads to a slight increase in votes for BN in that year. Figure 3 also shows the result of Chinese towards the popular votes of BN and credibility of newspapers. Their believability of newspaper increased from 1990 (89%) by 3% in 1995 (92%) but they believed slight less in newspaper from 1999 (80%) and in 2004, their believability decreased by 4%. The Malays believability in television in 1990 (88%) increased by 5% in 1995, where TV credibility was 93% (Figure 4). However, the believability in 1999 was only 72%. The situation worsens in 2004 when the Malays believability for TV was only 65%. Figure 4: Popular votes of BN and credibility of television among race Percentage Percentage 53

60 JURNAL PENGAJIAN MEDIA MALAYSIA/ MALAYSIAN JOURNAL OF MEDIA STUDIES Figure 4 also shows the result of the Indians regarding the popular votes of BN and the believability towards TV. Indian believability in TV is rather consistent over the years except for 1999 where believability went down to 79%. The Chinese, on the other hand, are rather high in their believability in TV with 88% in 1990, 93% in 1995 and 90% in The lowest is in 1999 where the believability was only 78%. However, the believability is in line with the popular votes of BN. Figure 5 presents the believability of Internet as of 1999 election. The Chinese has the highest believability in Internet compared to the Malays and the Indians. Nonetheless, the believability in Internet is still low compared to newspaper and TV across races. Figure 5: Popular votes of BN and credibility of Internet among races Percentage CONCLUSION The study observed the credibility that Malaysians associated with newspapers and television over a 20-year period, and the Internet since The period marked a rise and a decline in the trust that Malaysians had over the two forms of media, the established mass media (newspaper and TV) and the new communication technology (Internet). There was a rise in the trust for television and newspaper for 1990 and 1995, but there was a dip in When analysed by race, a similar pa ern was observed for the credibility of newspaper and TV. The trust the Malays, Chinese and Indians had for television and newspapers were similar to the overall general population election trend. There was a rise and a decline in terms of popular support for BN over the four elections beginning from 1990 to It was high in 1995 and again in 2004, but there was a decline for the election When the figures for media credibility were plo ed with the popular votes of BN in 1990, 1995, 1999 and 2004, there was a correlation between the two. It could be deduced that when the voters had confidence in the media they sought information that they would rely upon. It is not implied that media credibility caused the rise in popular votes, but it is suggested that there is a correlation between media credibility and popular votes obtained by BN. Perhaps the voters expressed media trust in terms of their trust in the media institution, knowing that media are closely linked to personalities associated with BN. What we would be ge ing in the future is that 54

61 CREDIBILITY OF TELEVISION, NEWSPAPER AND INTERNET WITH POPULAR VOTES OF BARISAN NASIONAL DURING ELECTIONS BY RACE any findings on media credibility would suggest some pa erns of popular votes that BN would be ge ing in the elections. The study somewhat touched on the political and media scenario in Malaysia and emphasized that voters relied on the media to provide them with information. However, Internet is a new medium that most Malaysians are still skeptical about, and its credibility is still low compared to the established media, the newspaper and TV. REFERENCES Atkin, C. & W. Gantz Television news and political socialization. Public Opinion Quarterly. 42: Ball-Rokeach, S. J From pervasive ambiguity to a definition of the situation. Sociometry. 36: Bucy, E. P Media credibility reconsidered: Synergy effects between on-air and online news. Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly, 80 (2): Burbules, N. C The ethical dimensions of creditability. Available: h p:// proquest.umi.com Burgoon, M., J. K. Burgoon & M. Wilkinson Newspaper image and evaluation. Journalism Quarterly. 58: Clarke, P. & E. Fredlin Newspaper, television and political reasoning. Public Opinion Quarterly. 42: Flanagin, A. J. & M. J. Metzger Perceptions of Internet information credibility. Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly, 77 (3): Gaziano, C. & K. McGrath Measuring the concept of credibility. Journalism Quarterly. 63: Hess, S Credibility: Does it drive the bottom line? Available: presstime/9807/cred.html Hess, S The public and the media: The credibility gap revisited Available: Hwang, In-Wong Personalized Politics. The Malaysian State Under Mahathir. Singapore: ISEAS. Internet Credibility Nature of web creates credibility issues. Available: iml. jou.ufl.edu/projects/spring2000/broadway/main.htm Izard, R. S Public confidence in the news media. Journalism Quarterly. 62: Jaben, J Credibility crisis in the newsroom: Survey shows the public is losing faith with the media. Available: newshtm/stories/022499n2.htm Johnson, Thomas J. & B. K. Kaye Webilievability: A path model examining how convenience and reliance predict online credibility. Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly, 79 (3): Lee, R. H. S Credibility of newspaper and TV news. Journalism Quarterly. 55:

62 JURNAL PENGAJIAN MEDIA MALAYSIA/ MALAYSIAN JOURNAL OF MEDIA STUDIES Maier, T. M News media s credibility crumbling journalists seen as slightly more believable than used-car salesman. Available: foi.missouri.edu/ mediacredibility/nmcredcrumbling.html. Marks, A News media seek credibility. Available: durable/1997/08/27/us/us.4.html Means, G. P Malaysian Politics. The Second Generation. Singapore: Oxford University Press. McLeod, J. M., C. R. Bybee, & L. A. Durval Equivalence of informed participation: The 1976 presidential debates of a source of influence. Communication Research. 3: Meyer, P Defining and measuring credibility of newspapers: Developing an index. Journalism Quarterly. 65: Miro, V The knowledge-gap hypothesis and media dependency. In R. N. Bostrom (Ed). Communication Yearbook 7. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage. Mulder, R Media credibility: A use-gratification approach. Journalism Quarterly. 57: Onselen, P. V. & W. Errington Popular appointment versus popular election: A solution to the republican impasse. Available: au/view.asp?article=2205 Oorjitham, S From our correspondent: Malaysia s media. Available: www. asiaweek.com/asiaweek/foc/2000/11/15 Pi s, R Credibility and election coverage 2004: Readers speak: it will take plenty of work to win back public trust. Available: h p:// com/survey/apme/credibility_elex04/credibility.asp Reagan, J. & J. Zenaty Local news credibility: Newspapers vs. TV revisited. Journalism Quarterly. 56: Robinson, P The credibility problem. Available: htm Robinson, M. J. & A. Mohut Believability and the press. Public Opinion Quarterly. 52: Rowe, S. M Leading the way out of the credibility crisis. Available: www. freedomforum.org/templates/document.asp/documentid=7668 Ryan, M News content, geographical origin and perceived media credibility. Journalism Quarterly. 50: Senator Feinstein calls for direct popular election Available: feinstein.senate. gov/05releases/r-electoral-college htm Shaw, E. F Media credibility: Taking the measure of a measure. Journalism Quarterly. 50:

63 PENDAPAT PUBLIK MENGENAI PERANAN MEDIA DALAM MENANGANI JENAYAH PENDAPAT PUBLIK MENGENAI PERANAN MEDIA DALAM MENANGANI JENAYAH MOHD YAHYA MOHAMED ARIFFIN ABSTRACT This study aims to determine public s view of the role of mass media in exposing snatch-the crime in Kuala Lumpur. Apart from that, this study also surveys public perception of the role of mass media in helping the Malaysian police force, Polis Diraja Malaysia (PDRM), in reducing snatchthe. A total of 390 female respondents in Kuala Lumpur were randomly chosen as a study sample. Questionnaires were given to them to obtain data for the study. Results obtained reveal that the mass media was important for women of Kuala Lumpur to obtain news on snatch-the. Majority of them felt that news reports in the mass media were true. The respondents strongly agreed that coverage by the mass media on snatch-the helped make them aware of the crime. In addition, they agreed that the mass media has helped PDRM in reducing the crime in Kuala Lumpur. Keywords: snatch-the, mass media, public opinion, perception, Royal Malaysia Police (PDRM) PENGENALAN Indeks Jenayah yang dikeluarkan oleh Polis Diraja Malaysia (PDRM) menunjukkan bahawa sejak beberapa tahun kebelakangan, kes ragut banyak berlaku di seluruh negara termasuk Kuala Lumpur. Pada 2002, sebanyak 14,640 kes ragut dilaporkan dan jumlah itu meningkat kepada 15,798 pada tahun Walau bagaimanapun, pada tahun 2004 jumlah kes ragut menurun kepada 11,536, dan terus berlaku penurunan pada tahun 2005, iaitu sebanyak 9,617. Pada tahun 2006, statistik PDRM sehingga Mac menunjukkan kejadian jenayah ini berjumlah 2,645. Sejak Rakan Kop dilancarkan oleh Kontinjen Polis Kuala Lumpur, kes jenayah ragut dilaporkan mencatat penurunan paling ketara. Pada tempoh lima bulan pertama tahun 2005 sebanyak 452 kes telah dilaporkan berbanding 813 kes pada tahun 2004 bagi tempoh yang sama, iaitu penurunan sebanyak 56% (Berita Harian 26 Mac 2005). Media massa bukan sahaja bertindak melaporkan berita tetapi juga bertanggungjawab 57

64 JURNAL PENGAJIAN MEDIA MALAYSIA/ MALAYSIAN JOURNAL OF MEDIA STUDIES memainkan peranan dengan memberikan panduan kepada orang ramai ketika berhadapan dengan penjenayah ragut. MEDIA DAN JENAYAH RAGUT Media massa seperti surat khabar, radio, dan televisyen sering menyiarkan berita tentang jenayah rogol dan bunuh, termasuk yang melibatkan kanak-kanak. Media massa tidak hanya memaparkan jenayah kejam ini tetapi juga memaparkan satu lagi jenayah yang sering berlaku akhir-akhir ini, iaitu jenayah ragut. Vivian (2002) berpendapat media massa sangat penting kerana ia merupakan sumber maklumat, sumber hiburan, dan forum memujuk dan mengikat pengaruh terhadap masyarakat. Dalam perkaitan dengan jenayah ragut, media massa mungkin dapat menyampaikan maklumat kepada masyarakat dan seterusnya mendidik mereka supaya berwaspada terhadap penjenayah ini. Ketua Polis Negara, Tan Sri Mohd Bakri Omar menegaskan: Kesedaran awam yang tinggi tentang peragut dan cara untuk meminimumkannya akan membantu polis memerangi jenayah ini. Akhbar, media massa yang lain, dan NGO mempunyai peranan yang penting dalam mendidik orang awam tentang langkah pencegahan dan keselamatan diri sendiri. Pihak polis pula kini merangka kaedah tambahan untuk mengawalnya. Kajian Nielson Media Research Index pada tahun 2004 menunjukkan bahawa setiap hari juta orang membaca tiga buah akhbar utama berbahasa Melayu, iaitu Utusan Malaysia, Berita Harian, dan Harian Metro manakala juta membaca empat buah akhbar harian berbahasa Inggeris, iaitu The Star, New Straits Times, The Sun, dan Malay Mail. Bagi akhbar berbahasa Cina, setiap hari seramai juta orang membaca enam akhbar harian, iaitu Sin Chew Daily, China Press, Guang Ming, Oriental Daily News, Nanyang Siang Pau, dan Kwong Wah. Seramai 404,000 orang membaca dua buah akhbar Tamil, iaitu Malaysia Nanban dan Tamil Nesan setiap hari. Bagi media televisyen, kajian itu menunjukkan bahawa secara purata seramai juta menonton rancangan di TV3 setiap hari, diikuti NTV7 seramai 812,000 orang, dan TV2 oleh 812,000 orang (Media Guide 2005). Statistik di atas menunjukkan setiap hari kemungkinan kebanyakan masyarakat di negara ini mendapat berita termasuk jenayah ragut daripada media massa. Perdana Menteri Dato Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi berpendapat bahawa media mempunyai peranan yang membina untuk sama-sama menjaga keselamatan negara. Peranan dan tanggunjawab menjaga negara harus dipikul dengan baik oleh media di negara ini tetapi dalam masa yang sama juga polis akan terus berusaha dengan gigih untuk menangani dan membendung kes jenayah (Utusan Malaysia 26 Mac 2005). Menurut Naib Pengerusi Yayasan Pencegahan Jenayah Malaysia (MCPF), Tan Sri Lee Lam Thye pula, kekerapan media massa melaporkan isu ragut adalah antara faktor yang membantu pengurangan kadar kes berkenaan di seluruh negara. Pendedahan media berjaya menurunkan kadar jenayah itu sebanyak 6,640 58

65 PENDAPAT PUBLIK MENGENAI PERANAN MEDIA DALAM MENANGANI JENAYAH kes sejak Januari hingga Jun tahun 2003, berbanding 8,668 kes bagi tempoh yang sama pada tahun Menurut PDRM, pendedahan media tentang kes ragut menyebabkan orang ramai mulai peka dengan jenayah itu dan kini mula memberikan kerjasama membantu polis membanteras jenayah ragut. Kematian mangsa yang dipaparkan oleh media menimbulkan kemarahan dan sikap kurang senang orang ramai terhadap isu ini. Seterusnya hal ini menyebabkan orang ramai menjadi lebih berwaspada di samping memotivasikan mereka untuk membantu pihak polis dalam isu ini. Laporan ragut yang didedahkan juga sebenarnya akan menyelamatkan orang ramai daripada menjadi mangsa dan supaya mereka mengambil langkah yang lebih berhati-hati. Di samping itu, ia menyebabkan penjenayah ini takut dan mula mengurangkan kegiatan mereka dan bertukar kepada aktiviti jenayah yang lain. PDRM mengakui peranan penting pihak media massa dalam usaha memerangi jenayah berkenaan. Oleh itu, kempen-kempen dalam media massa akan dijalankan secara berterusan. Sebagai contoh, pada Julai 2003, Yayasan Pencegahan Jenayah Malaysia telah mengadakan kempen besar-besaran di seluruh negara yang bermula di Lembah Klang (iaitu kes ragut tertinggi) bagi memberikan kesedaran kepada masyarakat tentang jenayah ini. Kempen ini turut melibatkan pihak PDRM dan badan bukan kerajaan. Melalui perantaraan media massa, PDRM dapat menyalurkan pelbagai maklumat kepada masyarakat, contohnya, memberikan langkah pencegahan, melaporkan tempat-tempat sering berlaku ragut serta statistik jenayah ragut. Akhbar harian Kosmo menyiarkan statistik harian yang dikeluarkan oleh PDRM Kuala Lumpur berkaitan jenayah termasuk jenayah ragut yang berlaku di sekitar ibu kota. Berdasarkan statistik tersebut, berlaku antara tiga hingga 10 kes ragut setiap hari. Rancangan-rancangan yang disiarkan dalam televisyen seperti 999 di TV3, drama Gerak Khas (TV2), Skuad Elite (TV2), dan Edisi Siasat (NTV7) juga di stesen radio seperti dalam rancangan Polis dan Anda yang melibatkan PDRM, mampu membantu memberikan peringatan dan panduan kepada masyarakat tentang jenayah ragut ini. Media massa merupakan harapan negara yang terbaik bagi memenuhi beberapa kelemahan pemakluman dan penyimpanan jadual pembangunan negara. Justeru, negara membangun diseru memandang berat dan teliti akan kegunaan alat-alat ini dalam komunikasi moden (Schramm 1971). Menurut Lazarfield dan Merton pula, orang ramai kini menyedari keupayaan media massa dan penyebarannya. Sebahagian besar masyarakat kini berasa bahawa media massa merupakan alat yang cukup berkesan untuk mempengaruhi rakyat sama ada untuk kebaikan atau kejahatan. Jika tidak terdapat kawalan yang mencukupi, kemungkinan kejahatan akan menjadi lebih menonjol. Abd. Aziz dan rakan-rakan (1987) berpendapat bahawa pada asasnya TV Malaysia berfungsi untuk menyampaikan maklumat secara mendalam dan seluas yang mungkin tentang dasar kerajaan, memberikan hiburan dan membuat liputan peristiwa penting yang berlaku di dalam dan luar negara. Selain itu, mereka berpendapat, TV Malaysia mampu berperanan membantu mewujudkan satu masyarakat Malaysia yang harmonis dan membina sebuah negara yang maju dan progresif seandainya penggunaan TV dilakukan dengan sebaik-baiknya. Sementara itu, R. Karthigesu (1995) menambah bahawa media televisyen meskipun usianya 59

66 JURNAL PENGAJIAN MEDIA MALAYSIA/ MALAYSIAN JOURNAL OF MEDIA STUDIES baru mencecah setengah abad, telah mampu mendapat tempat yang paling penting dalam kehidupan hampir seluruh masyarakat di dunia. Ia memainkan peranan yang cukup penting dalam proses pembangunan negara. Di samping itu, televisyen sering menjadi saluran penting dalam pembentukan agenda sosial di kebanyakan negara. Tan Mee Lee (2002) yang mengkaji impak media elektronik terhadap masyarakat, mendapati bahawa media elektronik, iaitu televisyen merupakan keperluan yang sangat penting dalam kehidupan seharian dan mempunyai potensi dan kecenderungan memberikan kesan kepada penonton. Sementara itu, Nor Maziah Jaafar (2003) melihat bahawa media massa merupakan satu wadah untuk menyalurkan maklumat dan membentuk generasi yang berilmu. Ia merupakan sumbangan terbesar media massa terhadap masyarakat. Kajiannya menunjukkan bahawa media massa memberikan pengaruh yang kuat kepada gaya hidup belia di Kuala Lumpur. Kajian Hasmah Zanuddin dan Yuana King (2006) menunjukkan akhbar mungkin mampu mewujudkan kesedaran sosial terhadap masyarakat melalui berita jenayah. Majoriti responden bersetuju bahawa berita jenayah melalui akhbar dapat memberikan kesan terhadap kesedaran sosial khalayak tentang persekitaran. Dapatan kajian menunjukkan tahap pengetahuan responden tentang isu jenayah telah meningkat setelah membaca akhbar. Kajian penggunaan media di kalangan masyarakat Amerika Syarikat menunjukkan bahawa setiap hari secara purata 60% waktu sedar mereka terdedah kepada media massa. Pada tahun 1997, setiap individu menonton televisyen selama 4.3 jam sehari meningkat kepada 4.4 jam sehari pada tahun 2001 dan Mereka mendengar radio selama 3.0 jam sehari pada tahun Jumlah ini menurun kepada 2.8 jam sehari pada tahun 2001 dan 2.7 jam tahun Kajian ini juga menunjukkan pada tahun 1997, setiap orang membaca surat khabar selama 0.4 jam sehari dan kadar ini sama pada tahun 2001 dan 2003 (Vivian 2002). OBJEKTIF KAJIAN Kajian ini mempunyai objektif untuk melihat pendapat masyarakat khususnya wanita tentang peranan media massa dalam mendedahkan kegiatan jenayah ragut yang berlaku di Kuala Lumpur supaya dapat menyedarkan masyarakat daripada menjadi mangsa jenayah ini. Kajian ini juga cuba melihat peranan yang dimainkan oleh media massa dalam membantu PDRM mengurangkan jenayah ragut. SKOP DAN METODOLOGI Mengikut statistik PDRM, golongan wanita menjadi sasaran utama peragut. Kuala Lumpur pula merupakan kawasan yang paling banyak berlaku jenayah ragut. Oleh itu, seramai 390 orang responden wanita telah dipilih bagi mewakili populasi di kawasan kajian. Kajian ini hanya terhad kepada golongan wanita di Kuala Lumpur terutama kawasan yang menjadi tumpuan orang ramai seperti pusat membeli belah, syarikat komersial dan perdagangan, serta institusi-institusi pengajian tinggi. Kajian ini menggunakan borang soal selidik untuk mendapatkan maklumat atau data responden. Borang soal selidik ini dibahagikan kepada beberapa bahagian, 60

67 PENDAPAT PUBLIK MENGENAI PERANAN MEDIA DALAM MENANGANI JENAYAH iaitu latar belakang responden, sikap responden terhadap media, dan pandangan responden terhadap media dalam isu jenayah ragut. HASIL KAJIAN Responden yang terlibat terdiri daripada pelbagai lapisan masyarakat dan profesion seperti golongan profesional, ahli perniagaan, pelajar institusi pengajian tinggi awam dan swasta, suri rumah dan sebagainya. Kajian terhadap peranan yang dimainkan oleh media massa dalam membendung isu jenayah ragut ini telah mendapat reaksi yang berbeza-beza daripada pelbagai pihak. Setiap orang mempunyai pandangan tersendiri terhadap media massa dan isu jenayah ragut di Kuala Lumpur. Analisis akan membincangkan latar belakang responden secara umum, bagi memberikan gambaran yang lebih jelas tentang responden yang terlibat. Antara aspekyang dibincangkan ialah kaum, umur, pekerjaan, pendapatan, dan sebagainya. Kajian yang telah dijalankan menunjukkan golongan yang berumur antara 17 hingga 21 tahun atau golongan remaja merupakan yang paling ramai, iaitu sebanyak 30.5% atau 119 orang, diikuti golongan yang berumur 22 hingga 25 tahun, iaitu 28.2% (110 orang). Golongan yang berumur 26 hingga 28 tahun pula adalah sebanyak 21% (82 orang); 29 hingga 35 tahun sebanyak 13.6% (53 orang); dan umur antara 36 tahun dan ke atas hanya seramai 6.7% (26 orang). Kajian ini juga menunjukkan lebih daripada separuh responden ialah kaum Melayu, iaitu 54.9%, (214 responden) diikuti kaum Cina sebanyak 23.8% (93 responden), India 11% (43 responden), manakala kaum-kaum lain sebanyak 10.3% (40 responden). Dari segi status, kajian mendapati responden yang terlibat terdiri daripada golongan yang masih bujang, iaitu 54.4% atau 212 orang, disusuli golongan telah berkahwin sebanyak 43.6% (170 orang), dan golongan telah berpisah hanya 2.1% (8 orang). Hasil kajian mendapati kebanyakan responden bekerja dalam sektor swasta, iaitu sebanyak 33.1% atau 129 responden. Ini mungkin disebabkan terdapat banyak syarikat swasta di sekitar Bandar Raya Kuala Lumpur. Tambahan pula, Kuala Lumpur merupakan sebuah pusat perdagangan, pusat komersial, pusat pelancongan, dan pusat kebudayaan. Seterusnya golongan pelajar merupakan yang kedua tertinggi, iaitu sebanyak 29.5% (115 responden). Institusi-institusi pengajian tinggi awam mahupun swasta seperti Universiti Malaya, Kolej Cenfad, Kolej Lim Kok Wing, Kolej Cosmopoint dan seumpamanya berada berhampiran dengan kawasan bandar raya ini. Oleh itu, tidak hairanlah ia menjadi tumpuan golongan pelajar. Kajian menunjukkan pekerja kerajaan mewakili sebanyak 20% (78 responden) serta pekerja persendirian 11.5% (45 responden), manakala hanya 5.9% (23 responden) sahaja yang tidak bekerja atau merupakan suri rumah. Dari segi tahap pendidikan, kajian menunjukkan majoriti responden berkelulusan ijazah, iaitu 46.2% atau 180 responden, diikuti seramai 39.5% (154 responden) yang berpendidikan sehingga sekolah menengah. Hanya 2.1% (8 responden) sahaja yang berkelulusan sekolah rendah, manakala 12.3% (48 responden) mempunyai kelulusan selain di atas. Majoriti responden memperoleh pendapatan kurang daripada RM1,000, iaitu 32.6% atau 127 responden. Ini disebabkan ramai daripada responden merupakan golongan pelajar yang tidak mempunyai pendapatan tetap. Responden yang memperoleh pendapatan antara 61

68 JURNAL PENGAJIAN MEDIA MALAYSIA/ MALAYSIAN JOURNAL OF MEDIA STUDIES RM1,001 hingga RM1,500 merupakan kedua tertinggi iaitu 25.5% (100 responden) dan diikuti yang berpendapatan antara RM1,501 hingga RM2,000 sebanyak 23.3% (91 responden). Mereka yang berpendapatan antara RM2,001 dan ke atas adalah sebanyak 18.5% (72 responden). Hasil kajian menunjukkan responden yang datang dari luar Kuala Lumpur adalah lebih ramai berbanding dengan penduduk asal di sini, iaitu sebanyak 68.5% atau 267 responden berbanding hanya 31.5% (123 responden) penduduk asal Kuala Lumpur. Kepesatan pembangunan serta faktor peluang pekerjaan yang tinggi di Kuala Lumpur menyebabkan ia menjadi pilihan utama orang ramai. Selain itu, di sini juga terdapat banyak pusat pengajian tinggi awam dan swasta. Dari segi tempat tinggal, kajian menunjukkan sebanyak 43.1% atau 168 responden tinggal di rumah pangsa, 31.3% (122 responden) tinggal di rumah teres, 16.9% (66 responden) tinggal di rumah jenis Semi-D dan hanya 8.7% (34 responden) tinggal di rumah banglo. Rumah pangsa menjadi pilihan kerana ia sesuai dengan pendapatan responden yang kebanyakannya golongan pelajar yang tinggal menyewa kerana rumah jenis ini lebih murah di samping majoriti responden ialah mereka yang berasal dari luar Kuala Lumpur. Selain itu, rumah teres menjadi pilihan mereka yang telah bekerja dan berpendapatan sederhana. Rajah 1: Pendapat responden tentang kebenaran berita daripada media massa Kajian ini juga menunjukkan aktiviti kegemaran responden pada waktu lapang ialah menonton televisyen, iaitu 44.4% atau 173 responden berbanding 19.5% (76 responden) aktiviti lain, 15.1% (59 responden) mendengar radio, 11% (43 responden) melayari Internet dan hanya 10% (39 responden) gemar membaca akhbar dan majalah. Menonton televisyen menjadi pilihan kerana ia dikatakan lebih menjimatkan masa, laporan berita dapat diikuti berulang kali dan lebih jelas. Kajian menunjukkan media massa amat berguna kepada masyarakat dalam kehidupan seharian ataupun sebaliknya. Kesemua responden yang diminta memberikan pendapat tentang media massa, menyatakan sangat setuju dan 62

69 PENDAPAT PUBLIK MENGENAI PERANAN MEDIA DALAM MENANGANI JENAYAH bersetuju bahawa media massa sangat penting kepada mereka. Sebanyak 60.8% atau 237 responden sangat bersetuju sementara 39.2% (153 responden) bersetuju. Maklum balas ini jelas menunjukkan media massa sangat penting kepada masyarakat. Hasil kajian menunjukkan 35.9% atau 140 responden memberikan jawapan sangat bersetuju bahawa media massa mempunyai banyak kebaikan kepada masyarakat. Sementara itu, responden yang bersetuju adalah lebih tinggi, iaitu 56.2% (219 rersponden) dan tidak pasti sebanyak 7.9% (31 responden). Dapatan ini jelas menunjukkan bahawa media massa memberikan manfaat serta kebaikan kepada orang ramai. Berdasarkan penyataan bahawa media massa menjadi sumber berita atau sumber maklumat utama kepada responden, 75.1% atau 293 responden menyatakan sangat bersetuju, manakala 24.9% (97 rersponden) memberikan jawapan setuju dengan penyataan tersebut. Ia jelas membuktikan bahawa media massa menjadi sumber berita yang utama kepada responden dan masyarakat umumnya. Tentang kebenaran maklumat berita yang disiarkan oleh media massa, kajian menunjukkan bahawa responden memberikan pelbagai jawapan seperti yang ditunjukkan dalam Rajah 1. Sebanyak 47.9% atau 187 responden bersetuju bahawa berita atau maklumat yang disiarkan dalam media massa adalah benar. Terdapat 26.7% (104 responden) menyatakan sangat bersetuju. Walau bagaimanapun, 23.3% (91 responden) memberikan jawapan tidak pasti dan sebanyak 2.1% (8 responden) tidak setuju bahawa berita yang disiarkan oleh media massa adalah benar. Hal ini mungkin disebabkan oleh beberapa tanggapan negatif yang telah dilemparkan oleh sesetengah pihak kepada pihak media massa tentang kepalsuan maklumat berita. Ini secara tidak langsung mungkin telah mempengaruhi segelintir golongan responden dan seterusnya masyarakat untuk tidak mempercayai kesahihan dan kebenaran berita yang disampaikan oleh media massa tempatan. Jadual 1: Pendapatan responden tentang kebenaran berita yang disiarkan oleh media massa mengikut kaum Bangsa Melayu Cina India Lain-lain Keseluruhan % % % % % Sangat setuju Setuju Tidak pasti Tidak setuju Jumlah

70 JURNAL PENGAJIAN MEDIA MALAYSIA/ MALAYSIAN JOURNAL OF MEDIA STUDIES Jadual 2: Pendapat responden tentang kebenaran berita yang disiarkan oleh media massa mengikut pekerjaan Pekerjaan Kerajaan Swasta Persendirian Pelajar Lain-lain Keseluruhan % % % % % % Sangat setuju Setuju Tidak pasti Tidak setuju Jumlah Jadual 3: Pendapat responden tentang kebenaran berita yang disiarkan oleh media massa mengikut tahap pendidikan Tahap Sekolah Sekolah Ijazah Lain-lain Keseluruhan pendidikan rendah menengah % % % % % Sangat setuju Setuju Tidak pasti Tidak setuju Jumlah Berdasarkan kebenaran berita yang disiarkan oleh media massa, kajian menunjukkan semua kaum sangat bersetuju dan bersetuju dengan kenyataan ini. Hanya 1.8% kaum Melayu dan 10% kaum lain yang tidak bersetuju, manakala 63.6% kaum India memberikan jawapan tidak pasti terhadap kenyataan ini, iaitu peratusan tertinggi dalam kalangan kaum India serta berbanding dengan kaum lain (lihat Jadual 1). Ujian-T menunjukkan nilai Min (M) = 1.89, Sisihan Piawai (SD) = 0.65, nilai t adalah signifikan (p<0.01). Dari segi pekerjaan, responden daripada semua jenis pekerjaan sangat bersetuju dan bersetuju bahawa berita yang disiarkan oleh media massa adalah benar. Hanya 5% di kalangan kakitangan kerajaan dan 8.3% yang bekerja sendiri tidak bersetuju (lihat Jadual 2). Ujian-T menunjukkan nilai M = 2.34, SD = 0.65, nilai t adalah signifikan (p<0.01). Berdasarkan Jadual 3 pula, kajian menunjukkan responden daripada setiap tahap pendidikan memberikan jawapan yang pelbagai. Walau bagaimanapun, majoriti memberikan jawapan sangat setuju dan setuju. Ujian-T menunjukkan nilai M = 2.34, SD = 0.47, nilai t adalah signifikan (p<0.01). Kajian mendapati 88.7% atau 346 responden menyatakan sangat bersetuju bahawa berita yang diterima daripada media massa sangat pantas, manakala 11.3% (44 responden) setuju dengan kenyataan tersebut. Kecanggihan teknologi 64

71 PENDAPAT PUBLIK MENGENAI PERANAN MEDIA DALAM MENANGANI JENAYAH komunikasi merupakan faktor utama membolehkan berita atau maklumat yang diterima oleh masyarakat disalurkan dengan lebih pantas. Kajian menunjukkan seramai 71% atau 277 responden berpendapat bahawa kadar jenayah ragut di pusat bandar raya ini adalah sangat buruk manakala 29% (113 responden) lagi berpendapat ia berada pada tahap buruk. Pendapat responden ini mungkin memberikan gambaran bahawa keadaan jenayah ragut berada di tahap yang membimbangkan dan serius di ibu negara. Satu perkara yang menarik ialah terdapat responden yang pernah menjadi mangsa ragut. Daripada 390 orang responden wanita yang disoal selidik, terdapat 9.2% atau 36 responden yang menyatakan bahawa mereka pernah menjadi mangsa ragut dan 90.8% (354 responden) tidak pernah mengalaminya. Walaupun peratusnya kecil, hasil temu bual mendapati mereka sehingga kini masih dalam trauma apabila keluar bersendirian kerana bimbang tragedi diragut itu akan berulang. Dari segi sumber berita tentang jenayah ragut, televisyen dan surat khabar menjadi sumber utama maklumat responden tentang jenayah ragut di ibu kota. Kedua-dua media massa, televisyen dan surat khabar masing-masing dipilih oleh 39% atau 149 responden sebagai sumber maklumat tentang kes jenayah ragut. Terdapat 10% (40 orang) mengetahuinya daripada pengalaman sendiri, iaitu pernah menjadi mangsa peragut. Selain itu, 8% (32 orang) responden mendapat cerita tentang jenayah ragut daripada rakan-rakan dan radio sebanyak 5% (20 orang). Keputusan ini menunjukkan kemungkinan kaum wanita lebih terdedah kepada media surat khabar dan televisyen, dan kurang terdedah kepada radio dalam mendapatkan berita tentang jenayah ragut (lihat Rajah 2). Setiap hari media sama ada elektronik mahupun cetak mendedahkan kes jenayah ragut yang berlaku, membolehkannya berfungsi sebagai saluran penyampai maklumat kepada masyarakat. Rajah 2: Sumber berita responden tentang jenayah ragut 65

72 JURNAL PENGAJIAN MEDIA MALAYSIA/ MALAYSIAN JOURNAL OF MEDIA STUDIES Jadual 4: Sumber berita responden tentang jenayah ragut mengikut kaum Bangsa Melayu Cina India Lain-lain Keseluruhan % % %% % Sumber Televisyen Radio Akhbar Rakan Pengalaman Jumlah Jadual 5: Sumber berita responden tentang jenayah ragut mengikut pekerjaan Pekerjaan Kerajaan Swasta Persendirian Pelajar Lain-lain Keseluruhan % % % % % % Sumber Televisyen Radio Akhbar Rakan Pengalaman Jumlah Jadual 6: Sumber berita responden tentang jenayah ragut mengikut tahap pendidikan Tahap Sekolah Sekolah Ijazah Lain-lain Keseluruhan pendidikan rendah menengah % % % % % Sumber Televisyen Radio Akhbar Rakan Pengalaman Jumlah Jadual 4 menunjukkan taburan sumber berita responden tentang jenayah ragut mengikut kaum. Kaum Melayu (38.8%), Cina (37.7%) dan India (44.2%) memilih surat khabar sebagai sumber utama bagi mendapatkan berita tentang jenayah ragut, manakala kaum lain (70%) memilih televisyen sebagai sumber utama berita jenayah ragut. Ujian-T menunjukkan nilai M = 1.50, SD = 0.55, nilai t adalah signifikan 66

73 PENDAPAT PUBLIK MENGENAI PERANAN MEDIA DALAM MENANGANI JENAYAH (p<0.01). Dari segi pekerjaan seperti dalam Jadual 5, responden yang bekerja dalam sektor kerajaan (56.4%) dan persendirian (48.9%) memilih televisyen sebagai sumber utama mendapatkan berita jenayah ragut. Mereka yang bekerja dalam sektor swasta (41.9%) dan pelajar (47.9%) memilih surat khabar sebagai sumber utama berita. Mereka yang dalam kategori pekerjaan lain mendapat sumber berita daripada rakan-rakan (52.2%). Ujian-T menunjukkan nilai M = 1.96, SD = 0.66, dan nilai t adalah signifikan (p<0.01). Berdasarkan tahap pendidikan seperti dalam Jadual 6, taburan menunjukkan responden yang berpendidikan sekolah menengah (46.1%) memilih televisyen sebagai sumber utama berita jenayah ragut. Mereka yang mempunyai tahap pendidikan ijazah (45%) dan lain-lain (43.8%) memilih akhbar sebagai sumber utama berita. Walau bagaimanapun, responden yang berpendidikan rendah memilih secara seimbang, iaitu televisyen (50%) dan akhbar (50%) sebagai sumber utama berita. Ujian-T menunjukkan nilai M = 1.96, SD = 0.40, dan nilai t adalah signifikan (p<0.01). Responden juga diminta memberikan pendapat tentang punca ragut, dan hasilnya, 34.6% atau 135 responden berpendapat bahawa jenayah ragut berpunca daripada desakan hidup sementara 22.8% (89 responden) berpendapat akibat tahap pendidikan yang rendah, 21% (82 responden) pula berpendapat punca berlakunya jenayah ragut disebabkan ketagihan dadah. Terdapat 17.4% (68 responden) berpendapat gejala negatif ini belaku kerana kebanjiran pendatang asing ke negara ini. Selain itu, terdapat 4.1% (16 orang) responden yang berpendapat jenayah ragut dilakukan oleh peragut kerana untuk suka-suka. 63.3% atau 247 responden sangat bersetuju dengan kenyataan bahawa media massa membantu menangani jenayah ragut di Kuala Lumpur manakala 34.6% (135 responden) memberikan jawapan setuju dan hanya 2.1% (8 responden) menyatakan tidak pasti (lihat Rajah 3). Rajah 3: Pendapat tentang peranan media massa dalam membantu menangani jenayah ragut 67