August The Invasion. - Czechoslovak Protests. - Moscow Statement.

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1 Keesing's Record of World Events (formerly Keesing's Contemporary Archives), Volume 14, September, 1968 Czechoslovakia, Page Keesing's Worldwide, LLC - All Rights Reserved. The Soviet Invasion Powerful Soviet forces, together with military units of four other Warsaw Pact countries Poland, Hungary, Eastern Germany, and Bulgaria invaded Czechoslovakia during the night of Aug , as stated in A, and occupied Prague and other leading cities, including Brno and Bratislava, within a few hours. Reports from Western correspondents in Czechoslovakia put the strength of the occupation forces at 250,000 to 300,000, though by the end of August it was estimated that over 600,000 foreign predominantly Soviet troops were on Czechoslovak territory. A Tass statement in Moscow in the early hours of Aug. 21 said that the Soviet Union and the other Warsaw Pact allies had occupied Czechoslovakia to forestall a counterrevolution, and alleged that this fraternal assistance had been requested by a group of members of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, the Government, and the National Assembly of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic. No mention was made in the Soviet statement, however, of any individual Czechoslovaks who had asked for this purported assistance, and after the invasion the Russians were unable to find a single Czechoslovak leader willing to collaborate with the occupation forces. The population of Prague, and of towns and villages throughout the country, similarly treated the Soviet occupation forces with scorn, contempt, and frequently derision, the civilian population displaying great courage in demonstrating against the invaders despite a massive display of Soviet tanks and armour. A chronological account of developments in Czechoslovakia covering the three weeks after the invasion is given below. August The Invasion. - Czechoslovak Protests. - Moscow Statement. At 1 a.m. on Aug. 21 Prague Radio broadcast the following statement by the Presidium of the Czechoslovak Communist Party announcing the invasion of Czechoslovakia: To the entire people of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic: Yesterday, August 20, around hours [11 pm], troops of the Soviet Union, the Polish People's Republic, the German Democratic Republic, the Hungarian People's Republic, and the Bulgarian People's Republic crossed the frontiers of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic. This happened without the knowledge of the President of the Republic, the Chairman of the National Assembly, the Premier, or the First Secretary of the Czechoslovak Communist Party Central Committee.

2 The Central Committee and the Presidium of the Czechoslovak Communist Party appeals to all citizens of our Republic to maintain calm and not to offer resistance. Our army, security corps, and people's militia have not received the command to defend the country. The Central Committee and the Presidium regard this act as contrary not only to the fundamental principles of relations between Socialist States but also as contrary to the principles of international law. All leading functionaries of the State, the Communist Party, and the National Front remain at your posts as representatives of the State, elected by the laws of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic. Constitutional functionaries are Immediately convening a session of the National Assembly, and the Presidium is at the same time convening a plenum of the Central Committee to discuss the situation that has arisen. The confused events of the night of Aug and the morning of Aug. 21 were described as follows by The Guardian on an hour-by-hour basis: hours (Aug. 21): Prague Radio broadcast the above statement announcing the invasion of Czechoslovakia : all telephone lines between Czechoslovakia and Vienna were cut : Soviet troops took up positions outside Prague Radio building : Soviet tanks and armoured cars surrounded the Central Committee's building in Prague : Prague Radio went off the air : a statement on the occupation of Czechoslovakia by Soviet and Warsaw Pact forces was issued in Moscow for text see below : Prague Radio came back on the air, urging the people to heed only the voice of their lawful Government and again calling for non-resistance to the invaders in view of the latter's great numerical strength : Prague Radio announced: When you hear the Czechoslovak National Anthem all will be over.: The National Anthem was played a minute later and it was believed that the building had been occupied by Soviet troops : President Svoboda made a personal appeal over the radio for calm and said he could offer no explanation of the invasion : Pilsen (Plzen) Radio described itself as the last free radio station in Czechoslovakia.

3 10.00: The Czechoslovak news agency (Ceteka) said that a number of ambulances had arrived outside Prague Radio station, where a Soviet tank was on fire : Ceteka reported shooting in the centre of Prague and said that the offices of Rude Pravo (organ of the Czechoslovak Communist Party) had been seized by occupation units : Pilsen Radio said the occupation had already cost 25 lives : Ceteka said that Mr. Dubcek was under restriction in the Central Committee building. With road, rail, and air links between Czechoslovakia and the outside world cut off, developments in Czechoslovakia on the first day of the invasion could be ascertained only by reports from foreign correspondents in the country, from fragmentary statements issued from time to time by Ceteka, and in particular from broadcasts from a number of secret transmitters which started up in many parts of the country, frequently changing their wavelengths to confuse the Soviet occupation forces. The inability of the Soviet invaders to silence radio stations loyal to the Czechoslovak Government was shown by the number of clandestine radio stations in Prague, Brno, Plzen, Ceske Budejovice, and elsewhere which broadcast throughout the day and night hourly descriptions and commentaries of events including live street broadcasts and denunciations of the invaders. A secret television station calling itself Free Television Station of Prague also came on the air and showed films of Russian tanks moving through the city, gun emplacements, and anti-soviet demonstrators running away from the Russians. Foreign commentators pointed out that the efficiency with which the clandestine radio stations had gone into operation within a few hours of the invasion indicated that plans for this type of resistance must have been prepared well in advance. As stated above, no resistance to the invasion was offered by the Czechoslovak armed forces, in view of the overwhelming strength of the Soviet and allied units employed; a clandestine broadcast said that the High Command of the Czechoslovak Army would obey orders only from President Svoboda, and that a directive to this effect had been signed by General Dzur, the Minister of Defence. Another broadcast said that the Foreign Ministry had denounced the invasion as a violation of the Warsaw Pact and the bilateral treaties between Czechoslovakia and the countries taking part in the invasion. Ceteka reported during the day that the Russians were holding several Czechoslovak leaders prisoners in the Central Committee building, including Mr. Dubcek, Mr. Smrkovsky (president of the National Assembly), Mr. Frantisek Kriegel, and Mr. Josef Spacek, all members of the Presidium. It was also announced that Dr. Cestmir Cisar, the secretary of the Central Committee and known for his liberal opinions, had been taken away by the Russians in a car to an unknown destination. Meanwhile occupation troops took up positions in different parts of Prague, setting up gun emplacements and antiaircraft positions and stationing tanks and armoured cars at strategic points in the principal streets and squares; one of the first objectives to be captured was Prague airport (Ruzyne), where Soviet aircraft landed throughout the day with troops, supplies, and ammunition, and where tanks and armoured troop carriers were ferried in by transport planes.

4 Despite frequent radio appeals for calm, large numbers of civilians many of them students and young people demonstrated in Prague and elsewhere against the Soviet occupation troops, who were reviled, booed, jeered, and spat upon; in many cases Soviet tanks were chalked with Nazi swastikas. From time to time Soviet troops fired over the heads of the crowds, and according to reports by foreign correspondents several youths were killed by Soviet fire; in one case youths set ablaze and destroyed two Soviet tanks in Prague, four of them being killed by machineguns when the tank crews opened fire. The Czechoslovak National Assembly, hastily summoned in extraordinary session, met in the evening and unanimously approved the following declaration: The deputies of the National Assembly have met and unanimously agreed on the following declaration at a time when the Government and other organs cannot carry out their functions: (1) We fully agree with the declaration of the Central Committee of the Communist Party and the Presidium of the National Assembly protesting against the occupation of Czechoslovakia by the armies of the five countries members of the Warsaw Treaty and considering it a violation of international law, of the provisions of the Warsaw Treaty, and of the principles of equal relations among nations. (2) We demand the release from detention of the constitutional representatives, namely President of the Republic Ludvik Svoboda, Prime Minister Oldrich Cernik, President of the National Assembly Josef Smrkovsky, First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party Alexander Dubcek, Chairman of the Central Committee of the National Front Frantisek Kriegel, Chairman of the Czech National Council Cestmir Cisar, and others in order that they can carry out their constitutional functions entrusted to them by the sovereign people. The delegation which we have sent to the Soviet Embassy this morning has not yet returned. We protest against the fact that the National Assembly, the Government, and all bodies of the National Front are prevented from carrying out their legal rights and the freedom of movement and assembly. (3) We categorically demand the immediate withdrawal of the armies of the five States members of the Warsaw Treaty and full respect for the sovereignty of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic. We call on the Parliaments of all countries and on world public opinion to support our legal demands. (4) We empower a delegation of the National Assembly to enter into contact with the President of the National Assembly Smrkovsky, President of the Republic Svoboda, and Prime Minister Cernik, in order to inform them about the above decision and agree with them on further procedure. The delegation will immediately inform the Czechoslovak people about the result of their negotiations. (5) We call on all the people not to commit any violent actions against the occupation armies and not to let themselves be provoked by various forces who wish to gather proof for the justification of the intervention and to use the situation for self-appointed actions.

5 Working people, citizens remain in your workshops and offices, safeguard your factories and enterprises. Use all democratic methods for the further development of socialism in Czechoslovakia! If necessary you will surely be able to resist by general strike. We believe that we will emerge from these difficult hours with raised heads and firm backbones. (6) In view of the fact that the Government is aware of the political consequences of the occupation and at the same time is responsible for the proper management of the national economy, it calls upon all workers, peasants, and intelligentsia to guard constantly the line contained in the declaration of the Presidium of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia adopted at today's session, and simultaneously to turn their attention to safeguarding industrial production, agriculture, transport, and supplies in order to prevent a disruption of the national economy. (7) The Government calls especially on the young people the hope of our nation to show dignity and calmness in face of the situation that has arisen, and in no case to give any pretext for useless sacrifices. Although the National Assembly building had been occupied by Soviet troops, the Russians apparently allowed the deputies to assemble and pass the above resolution without interference. Meanwhile, in Moscow, the Tass Agency had published a statement in the early morning alleging that party and government leaders in Czechoslovakia had asked the Soviet Union and other allied States to render the fraternal Czechoslovak people urgent assistance, including assistance with armed forces. The Tass statement continued: This request was brought about by the threat which has arisen to the socialist system in Czechoslovakia, a threat emanating from the counter-revolutionary forces which have entered into collusion with foreign forces hostile to socialism. The events in Czechoslovakia and around her have repeatedly been the subject of exchanges of views between leaders of fraternal socialist countries, including the leaders of Czechoslovakia. These countries are unanimous that the support, consolidation, and defence of the peoples socialist gains is a common internationalist duty of all the socialist States. This common stand of theirs was solemnly proclaimed in the Bratislava statement [see page 22891]. The further aggravation of the situation in Czechoslovakia affects the vital interests of the Soviet Union and other socialist States and the security interests of the States of the socialist community. The threat to the socialist system in Czechoslovakia at the same time constitutes a threat to the foundations of peace in Europe. The Soviet Government and the Governments of the allied countries the People's Republic of Bulgaria, the Hungarian People's Republic, the German Democratic Republic, and the Polish People's Republic proceeding from the principles of unbreakable friendship and co-operation and in accordance with existing contractual commitments, have decided to meet the abovementioned request to render the necessary help to the fraternal Czechoslovak people.

6 This decision is fully in accord with the right of States to individual and collective self-defence envisaged in the treaties of alliance concluded between the fraternal socialist countries. This decision is also in line with the vital interests of our countries in safeguarding peace in Europe against the forces of militarism, aggression, and revanche, which have more than once plunged the peoples of Europe into war. Soviet armed units, together with armed units of the above-mentioned allied countries, entered the territory of Czechoslovakia on Aug. 21. They will be immediately withdrawn from the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic as soon as the threat that exists to the gains of socialism in Czechoslovakia and the threat to the security of the countries of the socialist community is eliminated and the lawful authorities find that the further presence of these armed units is no longer necessary there. The actions which are being taken are not directed against any State and in no measure infringe the State interests of anyone. They serve the purpose of peace and have been prompted by concern for its consolidation. The fraternal countries firmly and resolutely counterpose their unbreakable solidarity to any threat from outside. Nobody will ever be allowed to wrest a single link from the community of socialist States. Tass also published what purported to be an appeal by the group of members of the Czechoslovak Communist Party, the Government, and the National Assembly who appealed to the Governments and Communist parties of fraternal countries for help. No names, however, were given of any individuals who had made this purported appeal, and as stated above the Soviet occupation forces found no Czechoslovaks prepared to collaborate with them after the invasion. August Anti-Soviet Demonstrations in Prague. - Pravda Attack on Mr. Dubcek and Associates. Despite warnings by the Soviet military command to disperse, large crowds of civilians, many of them young people, continued to demonstrate against the occupation forces in Prague. The centre of the demonstrations was in Wenceslas Square, and in particular round the statue of St. Wenceslas ( Good King Wenceslas ), where crowds shook their fists at the Russian soldiers, shouted Russians go home and other slogans, and queued up to sign petitions for the release of Mr. Dubcek and other interned Czechoslovak leaders. At noon a one-hour general strike was observed in Prague as a protest against the occupation, all factories and shops closing. Nearly everyone in the streets of Prague wore rosettes or ribbons in the Czechoslovak national colours red, white, and blue and in Wenceslas Square, the statue of St. Wenceslas bore a Czechoslovak flag at half-mast in one arm and a black flag in the other. Proclamations were posted all over the city by the Soviet military authorities banning public assemblies, warning the population that street gatherings would be regarded as a provocation and might lead to shooting, and imposing a curfew between 10 p.m. and 5 a.m. In Wenceslas Square, where many Soviet tanks were drawn up, Russian loudspeakers ordered

7 demonstrators to clear the square by 5 p.m or Soviet troops will shoot. The ultimatum, however, was ignored by thousands of young people who continued to jeer and whistle at the Soviet troops and demonstrate in support of President Svoboda and Mr. Dubcek. Soviet soldiers accordingly opened fire over the heads of the crowds, who scattered; it was not known whether there were any casualties, but a clandestine radio broadcast said that seven people had been killed and 250 wounded during the day in clashes with occupation troops. The only information on political developments in Czechoslovakia came in broadcasts from the clandestine radio stations, the Ceteka agency having closed down. According to broadcasts by free radio stations in Prague and Brno, 1,094 delegates had met secretly in a Prague factory during the morning to open the 14th extraordinary congress of the Czechoslovak Communist Party, normally not due to begin until Sept. 9. It was stated that a new Presidium had been elected, and that a resolution had been passed reiterating the party's confidence in Mr. Dubcek and the other leaders of the party elected in January last; repeating the demand for the withdrawal of the occupation forces; and warning the Soviet authorities that a general strike would be called if Mr. Dubcek and the other interned leaders were not released within 24 hours. Meanwhile there was no authentic news of the fate or whereabouts of Mr. Dubcek and his principal colleagues, some reports (unconfirmed at the time) saying that they had been flown to Russia. Other clandestine radio broadcasts said that three members of the Presidium, all hard-liners and believed to be opposed or lukewarm to Mr. Dubcek's liberalization policy, had met allegedly under Soviet auspices and agreed to serve jointly at the head of a Communist Party as a troika in the absence of Mr. Dubcek. They were stated to be Mr. Vasil Bilak, Mr. Alois Indra, and Mr. Drahomir Kolder, all members of the Presidium. The clandestine radio strongly attacked the three men for their alleged pro- Moscow attitude. In Moscow itself, Pravda launched a violent attack on Mr. Dubcek and other leading liberals in the Czechoslovak Communist Party, who were described as a minority right-wing revisionist group. Mr. Dubcek and his associates were accused of treacherous, perfidious activities as a result of which a real threat arose to socialist achievements in Czechoslovakia. Apart from attacking Mr. Dubcek, Pravda also made personal attacks on Dr. Cestmir Cisar, who was accused of trying to dilute Lite Communist Party by admitting 200,000 to 300,000 young members without regard to their class origin, which was held to be a repudiation of Leninism; on Dr. Otto Sik, the Vice-Premier, who was accused of advocating a pro-western economic policy cud disparaging economic collaboration with other Communist countries; on Dr. Jiri Hajek, the Foreign Minister, who was alleged to have favoured a pro-western orientation; and on Mr. Frantisek Kriegel, who was accused of being soft on anti-communism and of publicly approving on television the 2,000 Words document [see page 22885], which, according to Pravda, would have meant the virtual liquidation of the Communist Party in Czechoslovakia had it been put into effect. Pravda alleged that Mr. Dubcek and his associates had been in a minority in the Presidium which conferred with the Soviet Politburo at Cierna nad Tisou at the end of July [see page 22890], that they bad taken right-wing positions, and that they had sabotaged the agreement

8 reached at Bratislava on Aug. 3 [see page 22891]. It was also alleged that at Cierna a split had developed in the Czechoslovak Presidium and that the majority, taking a different line from the Dubcek minority, had spoken of the necessity of decisive struggle against reactionary antisocialist forces. However, Pravda added, the right-wing revisionist elements in the leadership of the Czechoslovak Communist Party and Government thwarted the fulfilment of the agreement reached in Cierna and Bratislava on defending the positions of socialism in Czechoslovakia, on the struggle against anti-socialist forces, and on a rebuff to the machinations of imperialism. While professing their desire to defend socialism, these people were in fact trying to gain time and were encouraging counter-revolution. Their wicked, treacherous actions created a threat to Czechoslovakia's socialist gains. An atmosphere absolutely unacceptable to socialist countries was created. In that situation it was necessary to act, and act purposefully and resolutely without losing time. Dr. Sik and Dr. Hajek, who were the objects of Pravda attacks as well as Mr. Dubcek, were outside Czechoslovakia at the time of the Soviet invasion, both being on holiday in Yugoslavia. August President Svoboda's Visit to Moscow. The 72-year-old President Svoboda flew to Moscow on this date for talks with the Soviet leaders aimed, as he stated in a broadcast before his departure, at finding an honourable and dignified way out of the present situation, which is threatening to have tragic consequences for our people and their fatherland. Accompanying him were General Martin Dzur (Minister of Defence), Mr. Vasil Bilak (first secretary of the Slovak Communist Party), Mr. Jan Piller (first secretary of the Central Bohemian regional committee), Dr. Bohuslav Kucera (Minister of Justice), Mr. Alois Indra (a member of the central committee), and Dr. Gustav Husak (a Vice-Premier). President Svoboda's broadcast was as follows, as monitored in Bonn: Dear fellow-citizens: Yesterday, August 22, I hold talks with representatives of the Soviet Union in Prague concerning the resolution of the situation that has arisen due to the entry of Soviet and other countries troops into Czechoslovak territory, and particularly with respect to the restoration of an orderly functioning of constitutional organs of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic. Later, when these talks failed to yield satisfactory results in the evening, I requested, in agreement with the Cabinet which gathered at the [Hradcany] Castle and is still in session here, direct negotiations with the highest representatives of the Soviet Union. This morning the Soviet Ambassador in Prague communicated a positive standpoint of the Soviet leadership. The following comrades will join me on this trip: Dr. Husak, General Dzur, Comrades Piller, Bilak, Indra, and Dr. Kucera. I have informed the National Assembly of our Republic about my trip. On this occasion I wish to address myself to all dear friends to thank you sincerely for all the support you have given me and for your confidence. I beg you to continue to support my actions with your confidence.

9 I urgently ask you to maintain prudence, to avoid any action or contacts that would exacerbate the atmosphere in our country and relations with the representatives of the foreign armies. I ask you to display a conscious attitude that will help me create favourable conditions for the forthcoming difficult negotiations. We must all be aware that the issue is to find an honourable and dignified way out of the present situation, which is threatening to have tragic consequences for our people and their fatherland. Please be aware that it is necessary to continue building our Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, to proceed farther on a path of democratic development of our socialist fatherland in a spirit of the January plenum of the Czechoslovak Communist Party Central Committee. I assume that we shall return by tonight. Upon my retrain I shall inform the constitutional organs and you all, dear fellow-citizens, on the results of my negotiations. President Svoboda was given a full State welcome in Moscow with a salute of 21 guns and a reception at Vnukovo airport by Mr. Brezhnev, Mr. Kosygin, and President Podgorny; he drove to the Kremlin in the same car as the three Soviet leaders along a route flying Soviet and Czechoslovak flags and lined with cheering crowds. Tass stated that the talks between the Soviet and Czechoslovak delegations were being held in a frank and comradely atmosphere. In Czechoslovakia, meanwhile, the clandestine radio network continued to operate, although some of the stations had closed down; underground newspapers and pamphlets were being widely circulated in Prague demanding the release of Mr. Dubcek and the other imprisoned leaders and the departure of the occupation forces; and Wenceslas Square remained the centre of popular demonstrations against the Soviet soldiery many of whom, according to press and radio reports, were embarrassed and unhappy at the hostile reception accorded them by the Czechoslovak people. Resistance to the occupying forces began to take increasingly imaginative forms as, on the instructions of the clandestine radio, street name-plates were obliterated or changed to confuse the Soviet security forces; in the countryside, road-signs were removed or reversed to mislead Soviet military traffic. The clandestine radio also began to broadcast the licence-numbers of cars belonging to tim Soviet secret police (a number of K.G.B. agents were reported to have arrived in Prague), as well as the names of collaborators. One of the clandestine broadcasts announced that Dr. Cisar had escaped from arrest and was under the protection of patriots. A feature of the civilian resistance was the appearance throughout Prague of thousands of posters, put up mainly by young people, expressing support for President Svoboda and Mr. Dubcek, denouncing the occupation, and bearing patriotic and anti-soviet slogans. Wall papers and crudely duplicated news sheets, handed out free, continued to appear in great numbers and were distributed and read under the eyes of the Soviet troops manning their tanks in Wenceslas Square and other strategic points. Another one-hour general strike took place in Prague and other cities at noon in protest against the occupation.

10 The members of the new Presidium of the Czechoslovak Communist Party (28 in all) were announced by the clandestine radio and also by the Czechoslovak Embassy in London; as stated above, it had been elected the previous day at a meeting in a Prague factory. The new Presidium included all the liberalizers in the former Presidium, the members including Mr. Dubcek, Mr. Cernik, Mr. Smrkovsky, Mr. Spacek, Mr. Kriegel, Dr. Cisar, Dr. Husak, Professor Sik, Mr. Eduard Goldstucker (president of the Writers Union), Mr. Bohumil Simon, and Mrs. Libuse Hrdinova. August Continuation of Kremlin Talks. - Participation of Mr. Dubcek, Mr. Cernik, and Mr. Smrkovsky. - Civilian Resistance to Occupation in Prague. In a radio message to the Czechoslovak people from Moscow, President Svoboda announced on Aug. 24 that Mr. Dubcek, Mr. Cernik, and Mr. Smrkovsky were taking part in the negotiations with the Soviet leaders. The President's broadcast, as monitored by the B.B.C., was as follows: Dear fellow-citizens: Before leaving I told you that I expected to return the same evening and that I would report to you on the results of the talks. Believe me that in these hard times I would not remain one moment were it not urgently required in the interests of our socialist Republic and all our people. Because our return home has been delayed and I feel the need to be with you from afar, I address you in this way. Immediately after our arrival at the Kremlin we started talks with the Soviet leaders. We considered it essential for comrades Alexander Dubcek, Oldrich Cernik, and Josef Smrkovsky to take part in our negotiations. I can inform you that at present these comrades are taking part with us in the preparation of the further talks, and this is also the reason why we have extended our stay in Moscow. I constantly think of you at home, dear friends, and I assure yon that the interests of our homeland, the interests of socialism and progress, the interests of all of you workers, farmers, intelligentsia determine all our actions. Dear fellow-citizens, I address you once again, on behalf of myself, on behalf of comrades Dubcek, Cernik, and Smrkovsky and the others present here, asking you to preserve calm, prudence, and confidence. Devote yourself with responsibility to your work in factories, fields, and all other places of work. This responsible attitude of yours will be the best support for our further talks. In Prague, tension mounted as thousands of young people, defying the Soviet curfew order, maintained a 24-hours-a-day sit-down strike in Wenceslas Square, which had become the centre of civilian resistance to the occupation in the capital. Though Russian troops were busily engaged in tearing down posters hearing anti-soviet slogans, new posters in great numbers were put up almost immediately throughout the city. Press reports from Prague said that Soviet troops had fired machine-gun bursts over the heads of demonstrators on a number of occasions, and that several youths had been slat and killed while distributing anti-soviet

11 leaflets. In central Prague, worshippers were ordered out of churches by Soviet troops on Aug. 25 (a Sunday) as services were about to begin, the doors being closed by Russian officials. Throughout these three days talks continued in Moscow between the Soviet and Czechoslovak leaders, on which complete silence was maintained. August Moscow Communiqué on Soviet-Czechoslovak Talks. - Broadcasts by Mr. Dubcek and President Svoboda. After four days of talks at the Kremlin, a communique was issued at their conclusion stating inter alia (1) that the occupation forces in Czechoslovakia would be withdrawn as the situation is normalized ; (2) that both sides had agreed to implement the decisions taken at Cierna and Bratislava; (3) that the Czechoslovak delegation had told the Soviet leaders about the steps to he taken to strengthen socialism in Czechoslovakia; (4) that the occupation forces would not interfere in Czechoslovakia's internal affairs. The text of the communique was as follows: During the talks, in a free and comradely discussion, the two sides considered questions relating to the present development of the international situation, the activization of imperialism's machinations against the socialist countries, the situation in Czechoslovakia in the recent period, and the temporary entry of troops of the five socialist countries into Czechoslovak territory. The two sides expressed their mutual firm belief that the main thing in the present situation is to carry out the mutual decisions adopted at Cierna nad Tisou and the provisions and principles formulated by the Bratislava conference, as well as consistently to implement the practical steps following from the agreement reached during the talks. The Soviet side stated its understanding of and support for the position of the leadership of the Czechoslovak Communist Party and the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, which intends to proceed from the decisions taken by the January and May plenary meetings of the central committee of the Czechoslovak Communist Party with a view to improving the methods of guiding society, developing socialist democracy, and strengthening the socialist system on the basis of Marxism-Leninism. Agreement was reached on measures aimed at the speediest possible normalization of the situation in the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic. The Czechoslovak leaders informed the Soviet side of the immediate measures they have planned to carry out with these aims in view. It was slated by the Czechoslovak side that all the work of party and State bodies, through all media, would be directed at ensuring the carrying out of effective measures which serve socialist power, the guiding role of the working class and the Communist Party, and the interests of developing and strengthening friendly relations with the peoples of the Soviet Union and the entire socialist community. Expressing the unanimous desire of the peoples of the U.S.S.R.for friendship and brotherhood with the peoples of socialist Czechoslovakia, the Soviet leaders reaffirmed their readiness for the

12 broadest sincere co-operation on the basis of mutual respect, equality, territorial integrity, independence, and socialist solidarity. The troops of the allied countries which temporarily entered the territory of Czechoslovakia will not interfere in the internal affairs of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic. Agreement was reached on the terms of the withdrawal of these troops as the situation in Czechoslovakia returns to normality. The Czechoslovak side informed the Soviet side that the Supreme Commander-in-Chief had given the Czechoslovak Armed Forces appropriate orders with the aim of preventing incidents and conflicts capable of violating peace and public order. He had also instructed the military command of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic to remain in contact with the command of the allied troops. In connexion with the discussion in the United Nations security Council of the so-called Question of the Situation in Czechoslovakia, the representatives of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic stated that the Czechoslovak side had not requested the submission of this question for consideration by the security Council and had demanded its removal from the agenda. The leaders of the C.P.S.U. and the leaders of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia reaffirmed their determination unswervingly to promote in the international arena a policy which meets the interests of strengthening the solidarity of the socialist community and upholds the cause of peace and international security. The Soviet Union and Czechoslovakia will continue to administer a resolute rebuff to the militaristic, revanchist, and neo-nazi forces which want to revise the results of the Second World War and to encroach on the inviolability of the existing frontiers of Europe. They reaffirmed once again their determination to fulfil unswervingly all the commitments undertaken by them under multilateral and bilateral agreements concluded between socialist States, to strengthen the defensive might of the socialist community, and increase the effectiveness of the defensive Warsaw Treaty Organization. The talks took place in an atmosphere of frankness, comradeship, sand friendship. The communiqué listed the participants in the Moscow talks, as follows: For the Soviet Union Mr. Brezhnev, Mr. Kosygin, President Podgorny, Mr. G. I Voronov, Mr. A. P. Kirilenko, Mr. Dmitri Polyansky, Mr Suslov, Mr. Shelepin, Mr. Shelest, Mr. K. F Katushev, Mr. B. N Ponomaryov, Marshal Grechko (the Defence Minister), and Mr. Gromyko (the Foreign Minister). For Czechoslovakia President Svoboda, Mr. Dubcek, Mr. Cernik, Mr. Smrkovsky, Mr. Bilak, Mr. Barbirek, Mr. Piller, Mr. Spacek, Mr. O. Svestka, Mr. M. Jakes, Mr. J Lenart, Mr. B. Simon, Dr. G. Husak, Mr. Alois Indra, Mr. Z. Mlynar, General Martin Dzur, and Dr. B. Kucera.

13 It was also announced in Moscow that party and Government delegates of Bulgaria, the German Democratic Republic, Hungary, and Poland had visited Moscow for consultations with Mr. Brezhnev, Mr. Kosygin, and President Podgorny on problems relating to the situation in Czechoslovakia and had unanimously taken appropriate decisions. The members of these delegations were: Bulgaria Mr Todor Zhivkov and Mr. B. Velchev. Hungary Mr. Janos Kadar, Mr. Jeno Fock, and Mr. Z. Komocsin. German Democratic Republic Herr Ulbricht, Herr Stoph, and Herr Honecker. Poland Mr Gomulka, Mr. Cyrankiewicz, and Mr Kliszko. The Czechoslovak delegation arrived back in Prague the same day, broadcasts on the Moscow meetings being made by both President Svoboda and Mr. Dubcek. President Svoboda spoke as follows: Dear fellow-citizens: After four days of negotiations in Moscow, we are back among you, in our fatherland. We have returned together with Comrades Dubcek, Cernik, Smrkovsky, and other comrades. Neither you nor we felt at ease. We were with you all the time in thought, thinking how you were living through these difficult days. We are truly glad that we are at home again among you. With deep sadness we received in particular news of the loss of life, the most valuable thing there is, mainly among the young. We feel deep sympathy for those whose dear ones have died. In our negotiations we have been strengthened by innumerable demonstrations of loyalty for which we thank you sincerely. I am sure we have not disappointed them. The circumspection and high discipline of you all Czechs and Slovaks, workers and our armed elements have helped us. The recent developments in our country have produced the most tragic events from hour to hour. As a soldier I know what bloodshed can be caused in a conflict between civilians and an army with modern equipment. Consequently, as your President, I considered it my duty to do all I could to ensure that this does not happen, that the blood of peoples that have always been friends is not spilled senselessly, and that at the same time the fundamental interests of our fatherland and its people are safeguarded. N.P. I do not want to hide the fact that painful sores caused by these events will long remain. Yet we are truly interested in the renewal of confidence and sincere co-operation between countries linked by destiny and a common road. The place of our country in today's world is, and cannot be anywhere but, in the socialist community.

14 As I stressed in my previous pronouncements, I left for negotiations in Moscow in agreement with the Government, feeling that the solution of a complicated situation must be based on complete normalization of the, work of the constitutional and other legitimate bodies of our socialist, State, our society, and its leading representatives. I told you from Moscow and you can now see for yourselves that I was returning with all these comrades, who are forthwith resuming the offices to which they have been democratically appointed and in which you have supported them with your full confidence. This is the first and for us important step towards the normalization of life in our country. The departure of the armies of the Soviet Union and the other socialist countries from our territory naturally bears on this. We have, above all, achieved fundamental agreement on gradual implementation of the complete departure of the armies. Pending this, their presence is a political reality. The circumspection and discipline which you have shown until now are the necessary precondition for the final solution of this problem. I am telling you this with full responsibility as your President, as a patriot and a soldier. Dear friends, in the past few days you have showered us, the constitutional representatives of the State and the leading workers of the Czechoslovak Communist Party, with expressions of confidence and loyalty to the interests of socialism. This is a great asset, a great force on which we count in our efforts to ensure the further, consistently socialist development of our country. In the spirit of the January, April, and May plenums of the Central Committee we want to continue to develop the socialist social order and strengthen its humanist democratic nature, as expressed in the Czechoslovak Communist Party's Action Programme and the Government's policy declaration. Together with the whole National Front we want to carry on building our country as the real homeland of the working people. We shall not retreat by a single step from these aims. We shall naturally not allow them to be misused for their own ends by those to whom the interests of socialism are alien. We must contribute towards this and organize work with decision and purpose. We appeal to you all, dear fellow-citizens workers, farmers, and members of the intelligentsia to you, my dear friends. In these difficult days I call you to unity and ask you to continue to manifest wisdom and prudence. Let us unite all socialist, patriotic, and creative forces in the work for the well-being of the peoples (if our Czechoslovak Socialist Republic. Mr. Dubcek, in an emotional broadcast during which he wept several times, stressed that bloodshed must at all costs be avoided and that order and discipline were essential both now and

15 in the future. The armies of the five Warsaw Pact countries would, he stated, gradually be withdrawn, and as a beginning it had been agreed that they would be moved immediately from towns and villages to areas reserved for them. In normalizing the present complex situation, said Mr. Dubcek, it would be necessary to take measures partially and temporarily limiting freedom of expression as we have become accustomed to it. Mr. Dubcek's broadcast speech was worded in part as follows: I find it, difficult to find words with which I can express my gratitude for the enormous expressions of confidence with which you have overwhelmed the comrades for whom you have been waiting. We are again among yon at our work. It is necessary at any price to prevent further destruction and farther losses, because that would not alter the real situation, and the abnormal situation in our homeland would be prolonged. The fact that we are determined to prevent bloodshed does not mean that we want to submit passively to the situation which has been created. On the contrary, we are doing everything so that we may find and we are convinced that we shall find ways and means of unfolding, and implementing together with you all, the policy which will in the end lead to a normalization of conditions. In this conviction, we are strengthened by the results of the negotiations which the representatives of our State, party, and National Front have had with the representatives of the Soviet Union in Moscow. The Soviet representatives, too, want to contribute to a normalization of our relations. We are in today's reality faced with the task of finding a way out of today's situation in Czechoslovakia. In the first place, there is an agreement about the gradual withdrawal of troops of the five States from the territory of our Republic. Hence, distrust in this direction is unjustified and harmful. We have agreed that troops will be moved immediately from villages and towns to areas reserved for them. This is related to the extent to which our own Czechoslovak authorities will be, able to ensure order and normal life in individual sectors. In this reflect the Government of the Republic has already acted to take appropriate measures for our own authorities to carry out measures towards a regulation of our civilian life. It would, therefore, be very imprudent and dangerous to hold up by any actions whatsoever the movement and finally the departure of the troops of the five States from our country. We beg you, dear fellow-citizens, to help us prevent any anti-socialist, provocations by some elements which are interested in worsening the situation, which is in any case very tense indeed. In this period we need order, we need deliberate discipline on the part of all our citizens. After saying that there is an obligation for us not to give up in this complicated time our striving for the expression of humanist and socialist principles, Mr. Dubcek continued:

16 The first thing we need is the consolidation normalization of the situation in the country as quickly as possible. I know that it will be very complicated. But we must understand it as the fundamental condition for further steps. For this very reason we trust that, just as you have supported us so far, you will also help today, on the basis of a realistic assessment of the situation, with your confidence and active participation and also when we will have to carry out some temporary exceptional measures restricting freedom of expression which, in a normal situation, we could not have carried out. We must seek the road to a solution of our problems by ourselves. We rely not only on our own strength, but above all on your strength on your moral strength, your character, your independent thinking, which must be based on prudence, circumspection, and the reality which has arisen in our country. I know what ideals you stand for. I know that you will never give up the ideas of socialism, humanism, and national independence of our Czechoslovak sovereignty. Permit me now to say a few words to honest, communists, members and functionaries of our party. We bear an all the greater responsibility for carrying out, in our practical policy, all that is in the interests of the people, even in the present extraordinary and incredibly difficult conditions. It would be the greatest, disaster for the party if its sound nucleus, all those forces which led the path of the post-january policy of the Party to success, were now to fall to pieces. This would inevitably mean the disintegration of the only force which is able to lead our nations out of their complicated situation. In the very near future we shall solve all necessary questions at a plenary meeting of the Central Committee of the Czechoslovak Communist Party attended by representatives of the delegates to the 14th congress. We must discuss matters with those communists, those leading functionaries of our party, who worked during the time when I, comrades, was unable to take part in the work of our party. We all know today that the way ahead will not be easy, that it will be complicated, that it, will be more complicated and also longer than we once thought as regards the fulfilment of the Action Programme. But whichever way life goes, we must bear in mind that we must in the future examine how we can fulfil the intentions of our post-january policy, how we can fulfil, in this now situation and these now conditions, the programme which we espoused in January and April. The nation our people belongs to the community of socialist nations. We believe that in spite of everything which has happened, and all that we are living through today, the relations between our nations and the nations of the other socialist countries will be arranged in such a way as to be in harmony with this reality. I beg you not to allow any provocations; do not let panic enter our ranks. In this difficult situation there is nothing left to us but to exert all our strength, our reason, so as to be truly able

17 to carry out our future work. A nation in which everyone will be guided by reason and conscience will not perish. I ask you, my dear fellow-citizens, Czechs and Slovaks, communists and members of the other political parties of the National Front, I ask all the workers and farmers, I ask our intelligentsia, all our people, to remain united, calm, and above all prudent. Let us realize that only our loyalty to socialism, our honour, our endeavours, and our firm character can guarantee our road forward. Although not specifically stated in the Moscow communique, it was understood that the Soviet leaders insisted on the reintroduction of press, radio, and television censorship in Czechoslovakia, and on the retention of Warsaw Pact predominantly Soviet troops in Czechoslovakia on the frontier with Western Germany. That the Russians had apparently insisted on the restoration of press censorship seemed borne out by Mr. Dubcek's reference in his broadcast to measures limiting freedom of expression as we have become accustomed to it. It was also reported on this date by press correspondents, and by Bavarian border officials, that Soviet troops were taking up positions on the West German border. In Prague the news of the outcome of the Moscow talks led to much popular uneasiness and indignation at the failure to secure an immediate withdrawal of the occupation forces; thousands of citizens marched from Wenceslas Square to the National Assembly building chanting We want to know the whole truth and We do not want to live on our knees. August National Assembly Protest against Occupation. - Mr. Cernik's Broadcast. - Dr. Husak resigns from Central Committee. The Czechoslovak National Assembly passed a resolution condemning the occupation of the country by the Warsaw Pact Powers as illegal. According to clandestine radio broadcasts, the resolution ()1 declared the occupation to be a violation of international treaties, of the U.N. Charter, and of the Warsaw Pact; (2) thanked President Svoboda and other governmental and party leaders for their efforts in Moscow aimed at removing the present abnormal state of affairs in our country ; and (3) expressed the conviction that Czechoslovakia's place was with the community of socialist nations. Calling on the Government to fix definite dates for the withdrawal of foreign troops, the National Assembly said it was convinced that the Czechoslovak forces were capable of securing the country's western frontiers. Mr. Oldrich Cernik, the Prime Minister, broadcast on this date, the main points of his speech being as follows: (1) Foreign troops would not interfere in the internal affairs of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic. At the same time Mr. Cernik said that it would be necessary to move more consistently against those who would threaten our socialist road. (2) Within a few days the Government would approach the Governments of the U.S.S.R., Poland, Hungary, the G.D.R., and Bulgaria with proposals to start talks as soon as possible on the gradual departure of foreign troops from Czechoslovak territory.