CHAPTER - III CONGRESS PARTY IN HIMACHAL PRADESH: HISTORY AND PERFORMANCE. The President of HHSRC (Himalayan Hills States Regional

Transcription

1 CHAPTER - III CGRESS PARTY IN HIMACHAL PRADESH: HISTORY AND PERFORMANCE The President f HHSRC (Himalayan Hills States Reginal Cuncil frmed in 1946) wrte t the Praja Mandals t pass reslutins t the effect that "with the likely frmatin f the new prvince the Ecaja/Mandals shuld cease t exist as such and shuld be cnverted int Cngress Cmmittees s that steps can be taken nt nly t get recgnitin fr them but t frm a Pradesh Cngress Cmmittee fr the Prvince".^ Simultaneusly a case was made ut and placed befre the AICC fr the creatin f separate Prvince Cmmittee. It was pleaded: "The peple inhabiting these hills have a cmmn culture, language and manners and are different frm the peple f Punjab. There, was a scheme t amalgamate them with the East Punjab but the peple with ne vice had ppsed it as they culd nt tlerate their amalgamatin r absrptin int Punjab in anyway whatsever. Cnsidering the educatinal and ecnmic backwardness f the peple and in rder t safeguard the culture and language f these hills the Indian Gvernment agreed t frm a small prvince f their wn called the Himachal Pradesh t be administered by the center". 83

2 It was further stressed that since Himachal peple had nthing in cmmn with the East Punjab, therefre, fr the purpses f the plitical rganizatin t, this regin shuld have its separate identity and the PrvincjaTCngress Cmmittee fr this new prvince shuld be established at a very early date... s that side by side with the inauguratin f the new Prvince n 15*^ f April, 1948 the Himachal Prvincial cngress cmmittee als ^ started functining. The AICC was requested t treat Praja Mandals as Cngress Cmmittee and t t^ke,,x3ver Praja Mandal wrkers as cngress members n signing the cngress pledge.2 ^The Cngress was als keen t extend its activities t the states. As such a reslutin f AICC authrized^he Wrking Cmmittee t arrange fr the inclusin f nt mre than thirty members in AICC frm Indian States and directed it t take all measures fr the extensin f the Cngress rganizatin int the states.^vnther reslutin passed stated, accrding t the standing cmmittee f the All India State's Peple, cnference the Praja Mandals cntinue t functin till the plenary sessin f the cnference which wuld take the final decisin n the disslutin f AISP cnference. As, hwever, Praja Mandals have been required t fall in line during the perid, with general plicy f the cngress, it is hereby decided that fr purpses f the cngress rganizatin, the Praja Mandals be recgnized as Cngress Cmmittees and 84

3 ReginaL 5uncils as Prvincial Cngress Cmmittees. Members f the Praja Mandals shall sign the frm prescribed fr effective members. The Standing Cmmittee f AISPC meeting at Bmbay n 25th April 1948, passed the fllwing reslutins cncerning the hill peple and abut the disslutin f AISPC: (i) It is n lnger necessary fr AISPC t cntinue functining as separate rganizatin. (ii) The Standing Cmmittee welcmes the frmatin f the Himachal Pradesh as a separate prvince in the Indian Unin and cngratulates the Maharajas f Sirmur and Mandi fr jining the Pradesh but regrets that Raja f Bilaspur shuld be still adhering t his ld ways, threatening t fight the Indian Unin rather that merge with it. His cnduct in running fr the electin t assembly fr grup XIV f the states has been expsed.'* The Wrking Cmmittee appinted a states sub-cmmittee t prepare a reprt n the rganizatin f cngress in the states, hwever, befre its reprt was submitted a decisin was taken by the cngress wrking cmmittee t nminate prvisinal prvincial cngress cmmittee fr Himachal Pradesh in May Fur members were nminated t the Himachal Pradesh Cngress Cmmittee (HPCC) n 6* June, 1948, raising its strength t seventeen. The HPCC n 6* June held its first meeting. Dr. Y.S. 85

4 Parmar was elected President and was empwered t nminate ther ffice-bearers. As several representatins had been made against the nminatins t the HPCC, the AICC in rder t make the psitin clear, declared it as the prperly cnstituted bdy. This decisin was taken by the cngress wrking cmmittee n the basis f a reprt submitted by its states sub-cmmittee. The wrking cmmittee als laid dwn the prcedure fr cngress electins in the states. It may be pinted ut that Tehri Praja Mandal frmerly a part f Himalayan Hills States Reginal Cuncil, was placed under Uttar Pradesh Cngress Cmmittee whereas Bilaspur, thugh nt a part f Himachal Pradesh, then, was placed under Himachal Pradesh Cngress Cmmittee. In accrdance with the prcedure laid dwn by the wrking cmmittee, mre members were included and the strength f the Pradesh Cngress Cmmittee was raised t twenty-five. This gave representatin t the Praja Mandal Wrkers wh had attended the Gwalir Cnference f AISPC as well t an unpresented grup f Praja Mandal Wrkers frm Mandi.^ /The Cngress Party in Himachal Pradesh, thus, has been funded n the infrastructure supplied by the Praja Mandals, and, therefre, it began its career with certain initial difficulties. As cmpared t the frmer British areas f Kangra, KuUu and Simla where the cngress party had participated directly in the natinal struggle and in the prcess^ develped cterminus with the 86

5 plitic-gegraphical frntiers,^ in the erstwhile princely areas f Himachal Pradesh, the integratin tk place in the wake f independence. The plitical and scial mvement challenging the ld rder was neither intensive nr widespread. Therefre, it culd nt bast f any leader even f all Himachal level nt t speak f all India level. Absence f widespread mvement als prevented experience in intensive plitical rganisatin and activity. Further mre, Himachal Pradesh befre 1948 was nt under cmmn administratin and this encuraged the develpment f plitics alng reginal lines cinciding with the bundaries f the erstwhile princely states. Thus, in the beginning a systematic rganizatin and crdinatin f different plitical grups s as t give rise t well develped party was bund t be rather difficult. The prcess f rganizatin thrugh which the cngress, as als the ther parties which established themselves as identifiable units in the wake f the inauguratin f demcratic institutins n the basis f adult franchise, was t be full f difficulties. In fact the sudden extensin f the franchise t all the adults in Himachal Pradesh which was in sharp cntrast t the develpment in the British gverned areas where the extensin f the franchise was gradual, put the develpment f plitical parties in Himachal Pradesh, under a heavy strain. Of curse, in sme f the erstwhile states f Mandi and Sirmur, the peple had sme limited experience f the exercise 87

6 f vte, but, it was fr t shrt a perid. Thus, relatively underdevelped party system had t cpe with the impact f a mass electrate. The Cngress Party, as als ther parties, were called upn t perfrm a crucial and difficult rle in a traditinal sciety under ging rapid transfrmatin. It was required simultaneusly t develp and strengthen its apparatus as als fight electins. The cngress party f Himachal Pradesh, in spite f numerus hurdles, has cntinued t grw frm strength t strength. The number f primary units grew manifld. The membership has als been grwing. The party has been winning all the seats in the parliament since the first electin in 1951 t 1972 and has maintained its majrity in the Himachal Pradesh Legislative Assembly frm 1951 t It has been ging ahead with the develpmental prgramme leading t the acceleratin f the mdernizatin prcess f the Pradesh, It has thrwn up energetic, frward lking and prgressive leadership which has been vigilant in safeguarding the interest f hill peple. There have been factinal struggles, but they have been cntained and have never been able t weaken the hld f the party ver the peple,'^ Plitics and party system in Himachal Pradesh present a picture which nce smaller scales reflects mainly the natin scene. The cngress retained the status f dminant party in this state frm 1952 t 1972 with tleratin f varius minr parties. The 88

7 criterin t testify the dminant psitin f a party is that if ne party btain fewer than 90% and mre than 55% f ttal seats in an assembly, then it is a dminant party system.^ The Cngress Party had the initial advantage in Himachal Pradesh plitics due t the cnversin f Praja Mandal int cngress cmmittee in Apart frm this advantage, the dynamic and fresighted leadership f Dr. Y.S. Parmar prvided the necessary input t cngress. Parmar as an astute party manager never allwed the cntrl f party machinery t slip thrugh his hands resulting in t the less factinsdism in the party. Althugh, factinalism did exist in the party yet it never reached t a pint f n-return. This helped cngress during the crises. If ever, there had been crises thse were reslved amicably thus helping the party t win almst all the seats t Lk Sabha electins at majrity f times and t maintain its dminant psitin mst f the times in Vidhan Sabha Electins. It is evident frm the freging discussin that in Himachal Pradesh 'dminant party system' has emerged and ther parties have prefrmed their rle frm utside. Their rle has been f critical imprtance fr the peratin t the system. The cngress party had been the dminant party in Himachal Pradesh since The ppsitin parties acted as the 'parties f pressure' s as t influence the internal balance f the party in pwer. Where as 89

8 cngress was already an established fact all ver the cuntry because f its identificatin with freedm mvement ther newly rganized parties which emerged after independence, unlike the cngress lacked the psitive legacies in terms f duratin, penetratin and leadership. In rder t make their presence felt all ver the cuntry they started expanding their units in all states f Indian federatin. As a result f this penetrative prcess a mushrm grwth f plitical parties was witnessed in Himachal Pradesh frm 1950 nweirds. The Cmmunist Party f India (CPI), the Praja Scialist Party (PSP), the Lk Raj party (LRP), the Janta Party (JP) the Janta Dal (JD), the Bhartiya Janta Party (BJP) and ther splinter parties kept up the pressure during the curse f electral and plitical develpment f the state at different perids f time.^ The party system that emerged after the first general electins was that f 'ne party dminant system'. The cngress ver shadwing all ther parties, emerged as dminant party. The party attained an aura f legitimacy in the first general electin itself. It was largely due t its heritage derived frm the natinal mvement seeking independence frm the British Yke. Its rise and its prgress came naturally and settled sberly n the minds f the masses, althugh in magnificence, leaving them in the luxurius cmfrt f spring twilight. But the cngress did nt sit pretty n its 90

9 laurels and bask in the glry f plitical legitimacy, instead it strve t cnslidate its gains in successive electins. With the help f patrnage and multiplied resurces, the party succeeded in bringing int its fld all strata f sciety frm the highest t the lwest. 1 Grwth f Plitical Parties in Himachal Pradesh The grwth f plitical parties in Himachal Pradesh is a recent phenmena. The grant f universal adult franchise under the cnstitutin f India and the prspects f first general electins ( ) diverted the attentin f the leaders f the ther all- Indian Plitical Parties t this plitically backward state. They set up new units and appinted their lieutenants fr initiating the prcess f scial mbilizatin. Thus during a perid f eighteen years a mushrm grwth f plitical parties was witnessed in Himachal Pradesh, frm ne in 1948, seven parties in 1951, ten parties in 1966 and grwing and declined thereafter. 11 But tday tw plitical parties are dminating the state plitics viz., the Cngress Party and Bhartiya Janta Party. Other parties are mere entities and have little, if any, say in the bdy plitic f the Pradesh. Upt 1990, Cngress had emerged as the dminating party mnplizing the plitical arena f the state except a brief perid frm 1977 t After that the battle t capture plitical pwer remained with Cngress and B.J.P. As a 91

10 plitical party cngress had cntributed mre than any plitical rganizatin t the freedm struggle, the Cngress had lng been in the minds and imaginatin f the peple nt nly in British India but als in the princely states. This was the principle future f the party. The credit fr the ablitin f the persnal rule f the princes went t this party. Even the Praja Mandal mvement was accepted by the peple as a variant f cngress. Besides this, the sciecnmic prgramme f the party was dynamically develpment riented, with a strng cntent f emphasis n welfare and uplift f back ward classes especially the scheduled castes and scheduled tribes. Perfrmance f Cngress Party In Hhnachal Pradesh Sci-ecnmic features cmputed with histrical antecedents have all alng shaped plitics in the state particularly its electin plicies. The mst significant impact f these factrs has been the emergence f a clear cut-tw party system. The cntest fr pwer is nly between the Indian Natinal Cngress and the Bharatiya Janta Party. Althugh bth f them are all India parties, they have develped sme srt f a lcalised character. Willy-nilly each cmes t be identified with an ecnmic zne. The supprt structures f the tw are als demarcated in such a way that ne is strng in the ld areas; while the ther has its strnghld in the new areas. S much s that each has als acquired a caste identity. 92

11 In shrt, the electral plitics in the state revlves arund the Cngress and BJP. Parties like the CPI, CPI (M) JD, SP, BSP and thers have nly a very nminal existence. ^2 Few years back a reginal utfit funded by Sukh Ram, Frmer Unin Cmmunicatin Minister, named Himachal Vikas Cngress (HVC) had acquired a strategic psitin in the plitics f the state. In a situatin where the Cngress and the BJP were evenly balanced the HVC was capable f tilting the scales in favur f the ne with wh it chses t align itself n terms dictated by it. Given the fact that Sukh Ram has been fr three decades a pwerful leader f the Cngress in the state he was mre likely t erde the electral base f his parent party than that f the BJP. Further, given the fact that Sukh Ram was unceremniusly thrwn ut f Cngress in the wake f the telecm scami. He preferred t align with BJP. Nw Himachal Vikas Cngress has merged with the Cngress Party and tw party system is cntinuing in the state. The evlutin f the tw party system in the state can be traced t the furth general electins held in Till then, Himachal like ther states f the cuntry had nly the Cngress Party. The Cngress Party's vte share during the first three general electins t the Lk Sabha ranged between 47.3 and 68.7 per cent which enabled it t capture all the seats. In the Vidhan Sabha/territrial cuncil electins, the 93

12 party was able t win a cleair majrity and its vte share ranged between 47.3 and 63.8 percent. On the ther hand, the Jan Singh failed t win a single seat in any f the three electins and its vte share ranged between 2.2 and 5.6 percent.13 In the Vidhan Sabha/territrial cuncil electins, next t Cngress, the secnd largest chunk f seats and vtes was captured by independents. Even the Kisan Mazdr Praja Party (KMPP), Swatantra, All-India Schedule Caste Federatin (SCF), Praja Scialist Party (PSP) and cmmunists registered their victries but the Jan Sangh's perfrmance culd nt match them. The 1967 general electins mark a watershed in the electral histry f the state. The Jan Sangh, fr the first time made an impressive shwing. Even thugh it did nt win any seat t the Lk Sabha it plled 19.6 per cent vte which was higher than the percentage f vtes plled by any ther plitical party except Cngress. In the Vidhan Sabha electins, its perfrmance was even better. With merely 15.2 per cent vte (Table 2.2) the party was able t capture 4 seven seats in a huse f 68. Incidentally, this was the first electin after the merger f new areas and five f the seven seats wn by the party were frm these areas, these are Shimla, Bhta, Mewa, Hamirpur and Sulah. 94

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17 vte. The ppularity graph f the Cbhgress further imprved because f India's rle in the liberatin f Bangladesh in late Cnsequently in the 1972 Vidhan Sabha pll, the Jan Sangh's vte share declined t 7.9 per cent but it was able t win five seats in the assembly including three which it had wn in 1967 in the new areas. One can say that by 1972 sme assembly segments had clearly becme strnghlds f the Jan Sangh. Hwever, the party was yet in n psitin t displace the Cngress frm its ruling psitin. It was in 1977 that several nn-cngress plitical parties came tgether t frm the Janata Party. It swept the Lk Sabha pll in all the states f nrth India and the Cngress Party drew a blank. In Himachal the Cngress vte fell t 38.6 percent, the lwest ever. In the Vidhan Sabha electins held a few mnths later, the cngress was cmpletely ruted. It culd win nly nine seats in a huse f 68. The Janta Party secured a massive majrity winning 53 seats. The character f Janta Party in Himachal Pradesh was such that its majr cnstituent was the Jan Sangh. Other cnstituents like Cngress (O) and Cngress fr Demcracy were nly minr partners. Cnsequently, after the assembly pll, Shanta Kumar f Jan Sangh became the Chief Minister. Hwever, his electin as leader f the Janta legislative party was nt withut a cntest. In fact, a lt f bitterness was 1

18 created between Jan Sangh and nn-jan Sangh cmpnents f the party because f this cntest. Caste and reginal feelings were whipped up. Thereafter, the Janta Party in the state remained highly factin-ridden all alng and the chief minister was repeatedly frced t seek a vte f cnfidence. Tw years f Janta rule were plitically quite eventful. The Jan Sangh used this perid t cnslidate its supprt-base at the cst f ther cnstituents f the alliance. One way chsen was t prject itself as the dispenser f justice t the new areas, which std discriminated against at the hands f cngress gvernments. Secndly, this was dne by inducting all the heavy weights f the Jan Sangh grup in the cuncil f ministers and by assigning them imprtant prtflis. On the ther hand, nly lightweights f nn Jan Sangh cmpnents fund berths in the ministry and they were given nly the less significant departments. When the Janta party finally split under the weight f internal dissensins, the BJP was able t walk away with mst f the rganisatinal netwrk. Hwever, it culd retain nly 23 f the 53 party legislatrs and was reduced t a minrity in the assembly. Despite its bradened supprt base, it was unable t retain any f the fur Lk Sabha seats during the 1980 parliamentary electins even thugh it plled 36.4 percent vte, which was quite impressive. With the Cngress having plled 52.1 per cent vte, the tw main 101

19 plitical parties accunted fr 88.5 percent f the vtes plled. The rump Janta Party's perfrmance was very pr and its vte share was nly 5.3 per cent in the parliamentary electins. In ther wrds, the BJP was able t win ver mst f the Janta Party's electral base. Hwever, the failure f the BJP t win and Lk Sabha seat in the parliamentary electins frm the state, cupled with the return f Indira Gandhi t pwer at the center had its fall ut and the Shanta Kumar gvernment had t bw ut. Sn the cngress was able t frm its gvernment. Althugh in 1977 it had wn nly nine seats in a huse f 68, it managed t secure a majrity by admitting large number f Janata party legislatrs. The Cngress cntinued t rule the state fr abut tw years thrugh this make-shift arrangement. In the 1982 Vidhan Sabha Electins, bth the parties made a serius bid fr pwer. Hwever, the electral verdict was unclear. It was a hung assembly. Bth the parties were almst evenly balanced. While the Cngress bagged 31 seats, the BJP gt 29. The vte share f the Cngress was 42.5 per cent while that f the BJP was 35.2 per cent. The Janta Party was virtually wiped ut and culd win nly tw seats. Its vte was a miserable 4.2 per cent. It is interesting t nte that 20 ut f the BJP's 29 seats came frm the new areas, while nly nine came frm the ld areas. On the ther 102

20 hand, ut f 31 seats wn by the cngress nly 10 were frm the new areas. The remaining 21 came frm the ld areas. The 1982 Vidhan Sabha clearly established the fact that the BJP had been able t sell the argument that the new areas were getting a step mtherly treatment frm the cngress gvernment and nly the BJP culd prtect the legitimate interests f this regin, i"* The 1984 Lk Sabha and 1985 Vidhan Sabha electins were held fllwing the assassinatin f Indira Gandhi, which caused a strng sjnpathy wave in favur f Cngress. Cnsequently, in the parliamentary pll, the Cngress Party's vte in the state swelled t 67.6 per cent, while that f the BJP fell t 23.3 per cent. Interestingly in the Vidhan Sabha electins, which came clse n the heels f Lk Sabha pll, the BJP recvered sme f the lst grund and its vte share rse t 30.6 percent, while that f the Cngress fell t 55.4 per cent. Hwever, it was enugh t ensure massive majrity fr the cngress. The BJP culd win nly seven seats while Cngress wn 58 an-all-time high. The break up f these 58 seats reveals that the party retained 30 f the 31 seats that it had wn in 1982 (Table 2M). It lst nly ne, Thural. It snatched 22 cnstituencies where the BJP had wn in Its remaining six victries were in cnstituencies where the Janata Party and independents had wn in the earlier electins. Thus, the 103

21 Cngress fully recvered the grund that it had lst in 1977 and 1982 t the Janata Party and the BJP. On the eve f the 1989 Lk Sabha electins in the cuntry, the Cngress was engulfed in intense intra-party factinalism. The Janata Dal as a natinal party was making waves. Credibility f the Cngress leadership had been seriusly erded because f alleged kick-backs in the Bfrs deal. All these factrs had their fallut n the Cngress party's electral frtunes during the Lk Sabha pll. In Himachal, the party's perfrmance was pr and it retained nly ne f the fur seats. This was the Shimla reserved seat which falls in the ld areas. All the remaining three seats which were general seats were wn by the BJP. One f them, Mandi falls largely in the ld areas, while the ther tw-kangra and Hamirpur-fall in the new areas. The Cngress lss f the Mandi seat was primarily n accunt f wide-spread resentment generated due t rising prices and scarcity f sugar fr which the minister f civil supplies wh represented this cnstituency was blamed. Embldened by its impressive perfrmance in the Lk Sabha electins; the BJP made a serius bid f pwer during the 1990 Vidhan Sabha electins. T avid divisin f nn-cngress vte it entered int electral alliance with the state unit f the Janata Dal. As a part f this alliance the BJP cntested nly 51 (i.e. 75 per cent) seats and left the remaining 17 (i.e. 25 per cent) fr the Janata Dal. 104

22 This strategy paid expected dividends t the BJP which plled 41.8 per cent vte and wn 46 f the 51 seats that it cntested. The perfrmance f the Janata Dal was equally impressive. The party increased its vte share t 10.8 per cent and captured 11 f 17 seats cntested (Table 2.<(). The Cngress which had 58seats in the disslved huse was reduced t a single digit, having wn nly nine seats. Thus, the party was pushed nce again t its humiliating psitin f 1977 in the state. This was the first time after 1977 when there was sme srt f electral alliance between the BJP suid the JD. Fr the secnd time BJP reached int electral alliance with Himachal Vikas Cngress fr 1999 Lk Sabha Pll. In all the remaining electins each plitical party cntested the electins n its wn. Hwever, having wn a massive majrity fr itself, the BJP did nt pt fr a calitin gvernment^ Aather, it decided t frm its wn gvernment. This decisin f the BJP significantly affected the future pattern f plitics in the state. The JD having wn 11 seats seemed t be emerging as the third frce. Hwever, after the pll it was neither a part f the gvernment nr a part f the ppsitin because it had been BJPs electral ally. The JD remained aflat fr a while but gradually mst f its legislatrs gravitated twards and jined the Cngress. Of curse, this was dne by the JD members mre with a view t securing their plitical future than fr any 105

23 idelgical reasns. They fully realised that they culd exist nly by aligning with ne f the tw principal parties f the state. Hwever, the BJP, being a cadre-based party and sitting pretty with a massive majrity in the huse, was nt in a md t blige them. On the ther hand, the Cngress was ready t admit them hping that their admissin wuld enhance the party's electral chances, which it actually did. Thus, the Cngress cntributed in a big way t the develpment f a tw-party system in the state. It did nt allw the JD r the Janata Party t gain any fthld. Rather it facilitated their disintegratin. The 1991 Lk Sabha electins shwed that the Cngress and the BJP were almst evenly balanced. While the Cngress bagged 46.2 per cent vte; the BJP gt 42.8 percent (Table 2.f.). With just 4 per cent additin t the tally f vtes that it had plled in 1989, the Cngress Party increased its tally f seats frm ne t tw in 1991; while the BJP's lss f just 2.5 per cent vte cst it ne f the three seats that it had wn in The Cngress victry was in cnstituencies in the ld areas, while the BJP victries were in the new areas. Assembly segmentwise analysis f the tw Lk Sabha cnstituencies where the Cngress wn reveals that the party led in 21 segments, while the BJP led in the remaining 13 segments. On the ther hand in the tw Lk Sabha cnstituencies where the BJP wn, it led in 21 segments while Cngress led in 11. In the 106

24 remaining tw segments it was the JD candidate wh led. This electin revealed that in electral terms the BJP was nearly as strng in the new areas as the Cngress was in the ld areas. Hwever, this equatin radically chamged during the 1993 vidhan sabha electins where the Cngress plled 49.4 per cent vte and captured 52 seats. The BJP's vte declined t 36.1 per cent and its tally f seats drpped t eight. One reasn fr this unprecedented recvery by the Cngress was the fact that the party was ruling at the centre and this fact titled the balance in its favur in the state. But mre imprtant than this, it was due t wrng and unimaginative plicies f the Shanta Kumar gvernment that the BJP had t face the vters wrath. Tw pwerful lbbies which the BJP gvernment had annyed during its rule were hrticulturists and gvernment emplyees. The BJP withdrew apple supprt price which the Cngress gvernments had all alng given t the grwers. Instead it came ut with a market interventin scheme. This led t huge lsses t the rchardists. The BJP gvernment was als lukewarm n the issue f supply f varius inputs t the fruitgrwers and sft pedalled the prvisin f infrastructural supprt t them. When the rchardists agitated there was plice firing which resulted in sme causalities. Thereafter, the whle fruit grwers lbby turned against the BJP. Secndly, when the state gvernment emplyees went n strike in supprt f their demands, the BJP 107

25 gvernment invked the N Wrk N Pay rule. Sme emplyee leaders were dismissed, terminated and a large number were transferred t punishment statins, the BJP became s unppular that Shanta Kumar and several f his ministers had t face a humiliating defeat in After cming t pwer in 1993, the Cngress has fllwed a single pint prgramme. It has been trying t weaken the BJP strnghlds in the new areas. It has initiated several measures t squarely meet the change f discriminatin. Special attentin was paid t undertake develpment prgrammes in these areas. Farmers in the new areas have been persuaded t take t cultivatin f fruit and vegetables. Attempts have als been made t prject Dharamsala, which falls in the new area as the winter capital f the state. The ruling party has als been trying t und the injustice meted ut t the emplyees by the previus BJP gvernment. Dismissal and terminatin rders t sme f them have been revked. The strike perid has been adjusted against leave. In the ld areas the grievances f apple rchardists have been suitably remved. All these measures have pushed the BJP t the wall. There is n issue n which it may mbilize the electrate against the Cngress gvernment. ^^ 108

26 The net utcme f these effrts f the Cngress Party during three years f its rule in the state has been its 'unexpected' - thugh nt s unexpected-success during the 1996 Lk Sabha pll. The party nt nly retained the tw seats it had wn in 1991 but als wreste the remaining tw frm the BJP, The party bagged 54.3 percent f the vtes plled: while the BJP gt nly 39.6 per cent. Thus the Cngress victry in Lk Slabha electins in the state was bth cmfrtable and cnvicting. The assembly segmentwise analysis f vting figure shws that the Cngress led in 55 segments; while the BJP lead nly in 13. Out f these 13, as many as 10 were in the new areas and nly three in the ld. A cmparisn f the Cngress Party's perfrmance in 1991 and 1996 Lk Sabha electins shws that there were 33 assembly segments in which the party led in bth the electins. These 33 were s distributed that 11 each lie in Shimla reserve and Mandi parliamentary cnstituencies, three in Kangra and eight in Hamirpur parliamentary cnstituencies. The Cngress als snatched tw segments frm the JD. In ther wrds, the Cngress was nt nly able t cnslidate its electral supprt in the ld areas but als stabilised itself in the new areas. There is nly ne assembly segment (Nsdagarh) where Cngress had led in 1991 but which it lst t the BJP in

27 The failure f the BJP t retain any f the tw Lk Sabha seats was the result f cntinuus effrts f the Cngress t keep the anti-peple measures f the BJP gvernment fresh in public memry. In additin, the BJP defeat was als the result f sme persnal factrs. In the Kangra Parliamentary cnstituency, the BJP instead f fielding its sitting MP decided t put up the frmer chief minister f the party, as its candidate. Fr a vast sectin f the Kangra electrate, the candidature f Shanta Kumar was like a red rag t bull. The emplyees leaders jumped int the fray and penly campaigned against the BJP candidate. In Himachal gvernment emplyees cnstitute ne f mst articulate sectins f the electrate and their stiff ppsitin was enugh t seal the fate f the BJP candidate. In Hamirpur parliamentary cnstituency, the BJP fielded its sitting MP. He had carefully nursed this cnstituency since He was a frmidable candidate and Cngress needed all its plitical acumen t defeat him. The character f this cnstituency was such that it was spread ver fur districts. Of the 17 assembly segments which cnstitute it, three segments fall in Kangra district, fur in Bilaspur and five each in Hamirpur and Una districts. This candidate belngs t Hamirpur district, and was bund t sweep the five segments f the district. T cunter it, the Cngress decided t put up a candidate wh hailed frm Una district. The calculatin 110

28 was that as sn as the electin campaign picked up, the inter district rivalry was likely t cme int play. If the BJP culd play up district identity t gamer vtes fr its candidate in Hamirpur, the Cngress culd d the same fr its candidate in Una district. This is precisely what happened. While BJP candidate led in fur ut f the five assembly segments that fall in Hamirpur district, the Cngress candidate led in all the five assembly segments f Una district. The ttal lead f BJP in Hamirpur district was 12,561 which was mre than neutralised by the lead f Cngress in Una district which was 21,598. There was anther factr which went in favur f the Cngress candidate. Hamirpur parliamentary cnstituency has a very large number f ex-servicemen vters. The BJP candidate, has n backgrund as an ex-serviceman. On the ther hand, the Cngress put up a retired majr-general as its candidate. This earned him a substantial prtin f ex-servicemen vtes. Mrever, the Cngress candidate belnged t the dminant Rajput caste. As against this, the BJP candidate belnged t the minrity middle caste. The Cngress kept the scial demgraphy f the cnstituency in mind while selecting the party nminee fr the Lk Sabha pll. In sum, ne can say that the BJP's decisin nt t nminate its sitting MP in Kangra parliamentary cnstituency and the Cngress strategy f putting up a retired general in the Hamirpur 111

29 Parliamentary Cnstituency which has number f ex-servicemen led t ruting f the BJP. In the wake f such impressive electral utcme Cngress gvernment in the state began with a fairly the high ppularity rating. It seemed that the BJP wuld find it difficult t make inrads in its supprt base. The Cngress Party's chances f retaining pwer during the Vidhan Sabha electins which were scheduled t be held in Nvember 1998 seemed gd. Despite such a favurable situatin, the Cngress apple-cart up-turned during the 1998 Lk Sabha pll which was necessitated by the sudden fall f the United Frnt gvernment cnsequent t the withdrawal f supprt by the Cngress Party. The perfnnance f Cngress was pr. It culd retain nly ne f the fur seats that it had wn in It was a reserved seat and 15 f its 17 assembly segments were in the ld areas. Lking at the state as a whle ne finds that while the Cngress had led in 1996 in 55 f the 68 assembly segments; in 1998it led nly 17. Its wrst perfrmance in this electin has nt nly been in Kangra r Hamirpur parliamentary cnstituencies bth f which fall in the new areas, but als in Mandi which falls mstly in the ld areas. In this cnstituency, the Cngress Party had led in all the 17 assembly segment in 1996, but in 1998, it culd maintain its lead nly in tw (Rampur and Nachan), bth f which are reserved and fall in the ld areas. The 112

30 BJP shwing in the state as a whle has been quite impressive. While in 1996, it had led nly 13 assembly segments, in 1998, it led in 51. The perfrmance f the Cngress Party in the 1998 Vidhan Sabha pll was equally unimpressive. While the party's tally f seats decline frm 52 t 3l(Table2.^), its vte share drpped frm 49.3 per cent t 43.3 per cent. Cnstituency wise analysis shws that ut f 52 wins in 1993, 22 f which were in the new areas and 30 in the ld, the party culd retain nly 27 (seven in the new areas and 20 in the ld). The party lst 15 in the new areas and 10 in the ld. It wn anther fur seats which it had lst in Three f these were wn in 1993 by independents and ne (Theg) by the BJP. On the ther hand, the BJP retained seven ut f eight seats that it had wn in The BJP which had been gruping fr a substantive issue n which it culd challenge the ruling party suddenly rse t the ccasin and made an impressive shwing at the hustings. Several factrs cntributed t this 1998 electral smersault. Amng them the mst significant nes that need t be mentined are the fllwing. Vajpayee factr There was a general feeling in the cuntry that in the Lk Sabha electins the BJP was mst likely t emerge as the single largest party and was likely t frm gvernment at the centre, singly 113

31 r in assciatin with smaller parties. Given the fact that Himachal Pradesh suffers frm acute financial crunch, the electrate usually vtes fr that party in the Lk Sabha and Vidhan Sabha electins whse chances f frming a gvernment at the centre appear the brightest, fr that makes the flw f funds frm centre t the state in the frm f special grants pssible. This factr weights heavily with the electrate f the state. It was this cnsideratin that prmted Virbhadra Singh t recmmend the disslutin f state legislature ne year in advance. And it did pay rich dividends t the party and it lst pwer t the BJP nly by a whisker. It may be recalled that Cngress wn 31 f the 65 seats fr which plling was held in February 1998 after the installatin f a BJP gvernment at the centre the chances were that the Cngress tally wuld have been reduced t a single digit. This is amply brne ut by the fact that the cngress lst all the three tribal assembly seats fr which electins were held (in the secnd phase in June 1998) after the installatin f Vajpayee gvernment at the centre. Nt nly that, in the Lk Sabha pll held in June fr the Mandi parliamentary cnstituency, the Cngress cnceded lead t the BJP in 15 f the 17 assembly segments, while the February 1998 vidhan sabha pll, the peirty had led in six f the 14 seats electins t which were held then. 114

32 Sukh Ram factr The secnd factr that decisively upset the Cngress applecart may be called the Sukh Ram factr. The frmer unin cmmunicatin minister, after his uster frm the Cngress Party in the wake f telecm and ther scams, flated a lcal plitical utfit called the Himachal Vikas Cngress. Its presence made the electral cntest in the state virtually triangular. It was able t split the Cngress supprt base. Althugh it culd win nly five seats it led t the defeat f Cngress candidates in at least nine ther assembly cnstituencies falling in three different parliamentary cnstituencies. The mst impressive shwing by the HVC was in the Mandi parliamentary cnstituency. In 1998 Cngress perfrmance was the wrst ever in this cnstituency. The plitical clut f Sukh Ram which brders nw n a sympathy wave has been s immense in his hme district that the HVC which plled nly 8 per cent vte n the whle, secured as high as 29 per cent vtes in this district. The Sukh Ram factr alne can be said t have led t lss f pwer by the Cngress in the state. Dhumal factr Third factr revlves rund the candidature f Prem Kumar Dhumal. The decisin f the BJP leadership t prject him as its chief ministerial candidate instead f Shanta Kumar, prved quite 115

33 prductive. He had represented the party in the Lk Sabha frm Hamirpur during and again during Unlike Shanta Kumar, he faced n hstility frm any segment f the electrate. The fact that he belnged t the lwer area as against his Cngress cunterpart becme an imprtant electin issue in the lwer areas, particularly in Hamirpur district where the BJP's vte share swelled t 56 per cent. 17 per cent higher than the state average. (Of curse, the same is true f Cngress vte share in the Shimla district which rse t 58 per cent, 15 per cent higher than the state average.) Caste TABLE 2.5 SOCIAL COMOSITI OF MPs IN HIMACHAL PRADESH Upper caste 75.0 Brahmins 25.0 Rajputs 25.0 Khatries 25.0 OBC 25.0 Scheduled Caste 25.0 Chamars 25.0 Scheduled Tribe Per Cent Share X In terms f its supprt structure, the 1996 Lk Sabha pll shws that the BJP had little supprt amng the yuth. Its main electral supprt came frm age grup vters. It als has a very weak base amng wmen vters. The party seems t have 116

34 imprved its psitin amng bth these segments in Similarly, amng the scheduled castes and scheduled tribes, the BJP's influence was marginal in But it imprved its psitin in 1998 amng these segments pgirticularly amng the tribals. Its majr supprt cmes frm the tw upper caste grups, namely, the Brahmins and the Rajputs. The pr and the very pr were still within the Cngress fld, while the BJP has cnsiderable supprt in the middle class and the highly educated strata f the electrate. Hwever, numerically this strata was very small. TABLE 2.6 SOCIAL COMPOSITI OF MLAs IN HIMACHAL PRADESH Caste Per Cent Share Upper caste 63.2 Rajputs 42.6 Brahmins 14.7 Khatri/Vaishyas 5.9 OBC 7.4 Ghiraths 4.4 Guijars 1.5 Others 1.5 Scheduled Caste 23.5 Balxnikies 2.9 Chamars/Kabirpanthis etc Dhimans 1.5 Scheduled tribe 4.5 Kinnauras 1.5 Lahaulas 1.5 Caddies 1.5 Others 1.5 Sikhs 1.5 Surce: T.R. Shanna, p.cit. p The illiterate and less educated vters were largely with the Cngress. In terms f the reginal spread f Cngress and BJP's electral supprt, ne finds a paradx. The Cngress which was a 117

35 centrist party was strng in the ld areas which had been under princely feudal rule befre On the ther hand, the BJP which was a rightist plitical utfit, was strng in thse areas which were part f Punjab befre 1966 and have had cnsiderable experience f electral plitics. The Cngress party's vte share which had risen frm 46.2 per cent in 1991 t 54.3 per cent in 1996 fell t 43.5 per cent in It is interesting t nte that the 1996 upswing fr the Cngress Party came in the hill state at a time when its electral frtunes sharply declined in the rest f the cuntry and its tally f seats fell frm 232 t a dismal 140 an all time lw. Further, the 1998, dismal shwing f the party in the state came at a time when it imprved its vte share and tally f seats in the cuntry as a whle. The party als suffered badly in the 1998 Vidhan Sabha electins which were held simultaneusly with the Lk Sabha plls. Here, the party's tally f seats which was 52 in the disslved huse drpped t 31. Its vte share drpped frm 49.3 in the 1993 assembly pll t 43.3 per cent. The BJP's track recrd is n less interesting. While it had wn tw f the fur Lk Sabha seats in the state in 1991, it drew a blank in Its vte share fell frm 42.8 percent in 1991 t 39.6 per cent in The 1998 electin shafted this dwnslide f the BJP. Even thugh its vte share did nt shw any ntable increase ver It was able t 118

36 capture three f the fur Lk Sabha seats. The ttal rut f the BJP in 1996 and its spectacular cme back in 1998 in terms f seats wn, despite the fact that there was hardly any swing in its favur, is cmpletely at variance with the general electral pattern witnessed in the rest f the cuntry. A clse lk at the electral data f 1996 and 1998 als reveals that in many ways these tw electins mark a clear departure frm the earlier electral trend where the ppular verdict in the state, right since 1972, has been very much in line with the pattern exhibited by the ther state f the regin, particularly by thse f the Hindi heartland. It is necessary t explain the 1996 and 1998 variance by identifying the bjective and subjective factrs that accunt fr it. In physigraphic terms mst f Himachal Pradesh is muntainus and bears clse resemblance t the seven sisters f nrth east India: nly a small part f it is akin t the plains f Punjab. In cmmn parlance the frmer is usually referred t as the upper areas: while the latter has cme t be knwn as the lwer areas. In demgraphic terms, 60 per cent f the state cnstitutes the nn-tribal belt and accunts fr 96 per cent f its ppulatin; while the remaining 40 per cent area cnstitutes the tribal belt and sustains nly fur per cent f the state's ppulatin. ^^ 119

37 In additin t these physigraphic and demgraphic factrs. The plitics f Himachal Pradesh is strngly influenced, almst determined, by the sci-ecnmic factrs and histrical antecedents t which a brief reference seems apprpriate. At the time f its birth n April 15, 1948 as a part 'C state f the Indian Unin. Himachal Pradesh cnsisted f abut 30 Shimla Hill princely states. The plitical structure f these princely states was ttally undemcratic, the sciety was highly feudal and the ecnmy was extremely primitive almst tribal. Peple lived in abject pverty and servility scarred their psyche. Centuries f ppressin had rendered them t weak and t passive t aspire t break their chains. They had very little interactin with the utside wrld except thrugh sldiers supplied fr the defense f British rule during and between the tw wrld wars. It was nly twards the late 1930s and early 1940s that the Praja Mandal Mvement fr the liberatin f these states frm the feudal princely rder began t g ain grund. Hwever the mvement was limited t nly a micrscpe minrity f plitical activists. The mvement never acquired a mass character. It was after the integratin f princely states int Himachal Pradesh and the hlding f the first general electins in 1952, that the peple f Shimla Hills gt the first representative gvernment. In 1999 mid term electins were held fr Lk Sabha as ppsitin spnsred 'n cnfidence mtin' unseated Vajpayee 120

38 gvernment. Natinal Demcratic Alliance (NDA) under Vajpayee in this electin explited, 'Kargil Cnflict' as an issue. BJP reached an electral understanding with Himachal Vikas Cngress (HVC) f Sukh Ram. The alliance prved fruitful t bth the partners and it swept the Lk Sabha pll in the Pradesh. Cngress party culd nt retain even ne seat which it had wn in 1998 electins. Cngress vte share als fell dwn frm per cent (1998) t per cent (1999). BJP wn three seats with imprving its vte share frm per cent (1998) t per cent (1999). HVC als wn Shimla Lk Sabha seat and als imprved its vte share frm 9.63 per cent (1998) t per cent (1999). In February, 23 legislative assembly electins Cngress Party came back with thumping majrity winning per cent seats (43) and 41 percent f ttal vtes plled. BJP culd secure nly per cent (16) seats and per cent vtes plled. Independents frm 8.82 per cent (6) seats with per cent vtes. Other minr parties i.e. H.V.C^ Him Lk Tantric Mrcha and Lk Janshakti Party secured 5.87, 2'.17 and 1. per cent vtes and 1.47 per cent (1) seats each respectively. Electins t 14*^ Lk Sabha here held in April, May, 24. Cngress Party wn three f the fur Lk Sabha seats (75%) by plling percent f vtes. 121

39 Cngress Party Presidents Since Y.S. Parmar t Padam Dev 3. Y.S. Parmar 4. Puma Nand 5. Daulat Ram Sankhyan 6. Shiva Nand Ramaul 7. Y.S. Parmar 8. Mrs. Satya Wati Dang 9. Amar Nath Sharma 10. Kunj Bihari Lai Butail 11. Tapinder Singh 12. SatMahajan 13. Vir Bhadar Singh 14. Smt. Sarla Sharma 15. Gian Chand Tuttu 16. K.D. Sultanpuri 17. Piru Ram 18. N.C. Prashar 19. V.B. Singh 20. Sat Majahan 21. V.B. Singh 22. Sant Ram t t t t t t t t t t t t t t t t t t t t t

40 23. Sat Mahajan 0L t Vidya Stkes t Kuldeep Kumar t Viplp Thakur t cntinue 123

41 REFERENCES 1. Y.S. Parmar, Circular Letter, New Delhi, 29 March, 1948, quted frm Ranbir Sharma, p. cit P.'^^ 2. H.H.S.R.C. File, Dr. Parmar's letter addressed t General Secretary, AICC, quted frm Ranbir Sharma, p.cit, PJ2 3. Dr. Y.S. Parmar wh nminated a member f AICC t represent the States integrated in t Himachal Pradesh. 4. H.H.S.R.C. File, Reslutins, quted frm Rabir Sharma, p.cit. P Ranbir Sharma, p.cit. PP. 7i-V3 6. C.P. Bhambri, "Plitical Parties and State Plitics" in Iqbal Narain ed., p.cit. P Ranbir Sharma, p.cit. PP Devika Rani, p. cit, PP K.D. Gupta, 'Himachal Pradesh: Plitics f Split level mdernisatin in state plitics,' ed Iqbal Narain, p.cit., P.ii"* 10. Devika Rani, p.cit. P Ranbir Sharma, p.cit. P.i T.R. Sharma, p.cit. PP Ibid. P Ibid. P Ibid. P Ibid. P