Divided&We&Fall:& The&Story&of&Separate&and&Unequal&& Suburban&Schools&60#Years#after#Brown&v.&Board&of&Education&#

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2 # # # Divided&We&Fall:& The&Story&of&Separate&and&Unequal&& Suburban&Schools&60#Years#after#Brown&v.&Board&of&Education&# AmyStuartWells,DouglasReady,LaurenFox,MiyaWarner,AllisonRoda,TamekaSpence, ElizabethWilliamsandAllenWright TheCenterforUnderstandingRaceandEducation(CURE) TeachersCollege,ColumbiaUniversity May2,2014 Originally[early1950s]welookedforhousesinBrooklyn,andIsaidoneday thisisreallynotwhatiwant.iwantedsuburbiaandthat swhenwestarted lookingoutontheisland.thenwefoundthiscommunity Theschoolwas closeby.itwasalsoprobably99%jewish Yeahwemovedfromoneghettoto anotherghetto. wemovedbecauseiwantedsuburbia. Z awhitewomanwhomovedfrombrooklyntoalongislandsuburb in1956 [Thisschooldistrict]wasmyfinalchoicebecauseit sdiverse.there remany differentculturesthere,andtheschoolsystemisactuallyverygood.iknewi couldn taffordtosendhertoprivateschoolsoinlookingforahouseineededa goodschooldistrict,and[thisone]kindofwonintwoways itwasagood schoolsystemandthenitwasadiverseschoolsystem. Z ablackwomanwhomovedfromqueenstothesamesuburb50yearslater 1

3 Thisreportisaclarioncallforthosepayingattentiontothechangingracialandethnic demographicsofthiscountryanditssuburbsinparticular.itistheinzdepthstoryofone suburbancountyanditspublicschoolsasthedemographicsofwholivesinthesuburbsversus thecitiesinthe21 st Centuryisshiftingquickly,astheaffluentandthepoor,theblackandthe whitearetradingplacesacrossurbanzsuburbanboundarylines.thesamestorycouldbetold abouthundredsofsuburbancountiesacrossthecountrythatarefacingsimilarpressuresand approachingsimilarbreakingpoints. Inthestatisticaldataweanalyzedandinthevoicesofthe800peopleweinterviewed andsurveyedinnassaucounty,longisland thehomeoflevittown,thefirstpostzwwii archetypalsuburbzzthereismountinganxietyaboutthefutureofamericansuburbsandtheir publicschools.wefoundmuchfrustrationabouthowtheeconomy,housingmarket,lackof infrastructureandpublicpoliciesnegativelyaffectthesecommunities.inthisreport,weconvert thisangstintoarealitycheckforanyonewhomaythinkthatraciallyandethnicallydiverse suburbsareeasilyaccomplishedorthattheydonotfaceseriousobstacles. Theseobstaclesincluderaciallyandethnicallysegregatedhousingpatternsamid fragmentedanddividedmunicipalitiesandschooldistrictsandthe braindrain ofmore affluentandeducatedresidentswhogrewupinthesuburbsbutnowprefercitylife. Meanwhile,thesesuburbsare tubsontheirownbottoms, heavilyrelianton local sourcesof funding,namelypropertytaxes,topayforpublicschoolsandmunicipalservices.thismeans thatpublicschoolresourcesandreputationsarespreadunevenlyacrossseparateandunequal suburbandistricts. Preciselybecausesomanysuburbsaresmallandautonomous,theyandtheirpublic schoolsfacemountingpressurestosustainthemselveseconomically.without good public schoolsthatattracthomebuyersandstabilizecommunities,thingsstarttofallapart.people withtheincometopayhigherpropertytaxesandwiththeeducationlevelstodemandmoreof publicschoolsleaveinsearchofschoolsandcommunitiesthatareviewedasbeing higher quality. Communitiesandpublicschoolsthenbecomeoverwhelmedbytheneedsofless advantagedstudentsamidshrinkingtaxrevenuesanddecliningresources. Inthenewsuburbanreality, good publicschoolsarebecomingmorediverseinterms oftheraces,ethnicities,incomelevels,countriesoforiginandreligionsofthestudentstheynow serve.americansuburbs,therefore,providethebestsettingforaddressinghowtomakediverse publicschoolsworkforallstudents. ) Thisreporttellstwointertwinedstoriesaboutsuburbanpubliceducation: 1. Theeconomic,politicalandsocialpressuressuburbanpublicschooldistrictsfacetoday, whichwerefertoas the#perfect#storm offactors,fromtaxcapsandbudgetcutsto theburdensomeaccountabilitysystemandtheantizpublicschoolpolitics. 2. Theprocessbywhichcreatingseparateandunequalschoolsandcommunitiestendsto repeatitselfagainandagain. Thisreportalsoofferssomeinsightintohowwecouldreversethistrendinacountrythatis changingrapidlyintermsofourdemographics,ourpublic,andoursenseofwhoweare. Section#One:## Suburban9City#Migration#Patterns# #Race#and#Trading#Places:# The#Demographic#Sea#Change#of#a#Nation#and#its#Suburbs# # MuchattentionhasbeenpaidtothefactthattheU.S.populationoverallisbecoming moreraciallyandethnicallydiverse.themediahavepointedoutrepeatedlythatbythemiddle ofthe21 st Century,thiscountry spopulationoverallwillnolongerbemajoritywhite,nonz Hispanic.Evenmorenotably,thistransitionishappeningmuchmorequicklyamidouryounger 2

4 population.comeseptember2014,forthefirsttimeinournation shistory,whitestudentswill nolongerconstituteamajorityofthecountry spublicschoolenrollment,accordingtotheu.s. DepartmentofEducation.RapidgrowthintheHispanicandAsianpopulationscoupledwitha blackpopulationthathasremainedconstantandadeclineinthepercentageofwhiteshasled toatotalkindergartenz12 th gradeenrollmentthatwillbe49percentwhite,26percenthispanic, 15percentblack;and5percentAsianinthe2014Z15schoolyear. Coincidingwiththischangingracialmakeupofourcountryandourpublicschoolsisa profoundshiftinwholiveswhere.inmanyways,ourpostwwiiparadigmof chocolatecities andvanillasuburbs hasbeenturnedonitshead.forthelast25yearsinparticular,thefirstand secondringsuburbsofmajorcitieshavebeenattheforefrontofthereversalof whiteflight fromcitiestosuburbsafterwwii.indeed,by1980,manycitieshadbecomepredominantly blackand/orlatino,housing67percentofblacksand50percentoflatinos,butonly24percent ofwhiteslivedinthesecitycenters(u.s.census,1993).atthattime,only23percentofblacks livedinthesuburbs.furthermore,blacksuburbanizationrateswereevenlower about12z15 percentzzinthenortheast(harrigan,1993). 1 Asubsequentphaseofmetropolitanchange,beginningslowlyinthe1980s,entailed increasingminoritysuburbanization.duringthistime,growingnumbersofmiddlezclassblack, LatinoandAsianfamilieslefturbancommunitiesforthesuburbs,seekingthelifestyle advantageswhiteshadsoughtdecadesearlier largerhomeswithyards,lowercrimerates,less noiseanddirt,and,theperceptionofbetterpublicschools.by2000,nearly40percentofblacks werelivinginthesuburbs.suburbanizationhasalsoincreasedamongimmigrantfamilies mostlylatinoandasianzzandby2000,48percentofimmigrantswereresidinginsuburban areas,asthehousingbubblewasinflating(frey,2001). Bythe1990s,journalistsandresearcherswereincreasinglyreportingonthegrowing numberofdistressedsuburbsthatwerecomingtoresemblepoorinnerzcitycommunities.for instance,lucyandphillips(2003)notethatfrom1990to2000,whilesomenewlydeveloping suburbsexperiencedrapidgrowthinpeopleandjobs, manyoldersuburbsexperiencedcentralz cityzlikechallenges,includinganaginginfrastructure,inadequatehousingstock,deteriorating schoolsandcommercialcorridors andpopulationdecline (p.117). A2000reportoncitiesversussuburbsconcludedthatwhilesuburbswerestillmore affluentthancitiesonaverage,certaincitieswerebecominglesspoorandtheirresidentswere moreeducatedthantheirsuburbancounterparts(mumfordcenter,2000).by2008,anatlantic) MonthlyarticlehighlightedtheimpactofthesubZprimemortgagecrisisonsuburban communitiesexperiencinghighratesofforeclosures.buttheauthorwasquicktonotethat decliningsuburbanneighborhoodsdidnotbeginwiththemortgagecrisisandthattheywould notendwithitasmorepeoplewithhighincomesmoveintothecities(leinberger,2008). Thisleadstowhatwehaveconceptualizedinthecurrent,postZ2000era,asthestill evolvingperiodofmetromigrations,whichwerefertoasthe tradingplaces phase(illustrated infigure1belowzseefrey,2011).inthislastdecade,blackandrecentimmigrant suburbanizationhascontinued,butafterahalfzcenturyofwhiteflighttothesuburbs,agrowing numberofupperzmiddleclassandrelativelymoreaffluentwhitesaremovingbackintourban centers(lees,slayter,&wyly,2008).luredbytheconvenience,excitementandcultureofcity 1 It is important to bear in mind, however, that many black suburbs are simply smaller, high-poverty cities located near large cities (e.g., Camden, NJ and East St. Louis, IL; Massey & Denton, 1993). Areas that experienced substantial growth in black populations during this second phase of metropolitan change also tended to be older, inner-ring suburbs that were poor, experiencing social and economic decline, and rarely called to mind the suburban ideal. 3

5 living,increasingnumbersofhighlyskilledwhitesinsozcalled globalcities suchasnewyork andsanfranciscohaveoptedoutoflongdailycommutesbylivinginnearbyurban,andoften gentrified,neighborhoods(sassen,2006).citylife,onceconsideredbymanywhitesas dangerous,dirtyandcrowded,isnowincreasinglyassociatedwithexcitement,funand convenience(seeleinberger,2008).asehrenhalt(2012)notes,citiesandsuburbshave experienceda demographicinversion asaresultoftheirchangingracialcomposition. WhileasmalltrickleofwhitesbeganmovingbackintosoZcalledgentrifiedareasofcities inthelate1970s,thepaceofgentrificationhasacceleratedmuchmorerapidlyinrecentyears (Lees,Slayter&Wyly,2008).TheNewYorkCitymetropolitanarearepresentsaprimeexample ofthemostrecenttradingspacesphenomenon.forinstance,thepercentageofwhitesin Manhattanincreased28percentbetween2000and2006,whileitdeclinedinnearbysuburban NassauCounty.DuringthesamesixZyearperiod,theHispanicpopulationdeclinedby2percent inmanhattan,butincreasedby20percentinnassau.this21 st centuryurbanaristocracy or gentry isdrivinguphomepricesinselectcityneighborhoods,sometimespushinglower incomeresidents mostlyblackandlatino intooutlyingurbanandinnerzringsuburban communities(freeman,2006). Asthecitiesbecomemagnetsforyoungwhiteprofessionals,mostofwhomgrewupin thesuburbs,thereisagrowingconcernaboutthe braindrain fromthesuburbs(berger,2014; DowntownAlliance,2012;LongIslandIndex,2010)andwhatthefutureofthesuburbswillbe. Figure1:ShareofPopulationbyRace/Ethnicity,PrimaryCitiesandSuburbs,1990Z2010 Source:Frey,2011. Thiscurrent, tradingplaces phaseofmetromigrationsdidnothappenbyaccident. JustasfederalpoliciesafterWWIIenabledwhitefamiliestofleethecitieswhilekeepingmany peopleofcoloroutofthesuburbs,severalmorerecentfederalpoliciesencouragedlowerz incomeblackandlatinofamiliestobuyhousesinthesuburbsinthelasttwodecades(jackson, 1985;Hayden,2003;Lamb,2005;MasseyandDenton,1993).Startinginthelate1980s,asetof federalpoliciessimultaneouslysupportedanewformof urbanrenewal, whichpushed millionsofpoorfamiliesoutofcities,andgreaterhomeownershipforthosefamilieswhohad notbeenabletoaffordahome.thehopeviprograminthe1990sreplacedpublichousing projectswithmixedzincomehousingandprovidedvoucherstodisplacedhousingproject 4

6 residentsforthemtofindhousingintheprivatemarket oftenininnerringsuburbs.atotalof about80,000unitsweredestroyed,andonly19percentoftheresidentsoftheseurbanpublic housingprojectsactuallymovedbacktothesamesites.thosewhomovedoutofassisted housingweremorelikelytoendupinlesszpoor(althoughstillnotaffluent)communities.butat thesametime,theblackresidentsinparticular,remainedinraciallysegregatedcommunities thatwere90percentormoreblack(sharkey,2013;urbaninstitute,2004). Meanwhile,federalpoliciessuchastheCommunityReinvestmentActof1995provided incentivesforbanksandsavinginstitutionstoloanmoneytolowzincomehomebuyers.while thisfederallawgreatlycontributedtopredatorylendingpracticesandtheeventualmortgage lendingcrisis,itfirstencouragedmanyblackandlatinofamiliestoleavetheirurban neighborhoodsandmovetoagingsuburbswherethecostofhousingremainedrelativelylow comparedtomoreaffluentsuburbsandmanyareasofgentrifyingcities.accordingtoengeland McCoy(2008),between1994and2003,blackhomeownershiprose15percentandHispanic homeownershiprosemorethan13percent.together,blackandhispanichomeownershiprates rosenearlytwiceasfastasthewhitehomeownershiprateduringthatdecade.thus,itisno surprisethatby2006,thenumberofpeoplelivingbelowthefederalpovertylinewasgreaterin thesuburbsthanthecities.infact,accordingtoauniversityofminnesotareport,by2012,only 18percentofthepopulationinthe50largestmetroareasofthecountrystilllivesin predominantlywhite,nonzhispanicsuburbs(orfieldandluce,2012). Overall,thesefluctuatingmetropolitancharacteristicssuggestthattraditionalparadigms of cities versus suburbs arerapidlyevolvinginwaysthatwecannotyetcompletely comprehend.theadventofthetradingplacesphenomenon,inparticular,complicatesour50z yearzoldnotionsofclearlydelineatedurbanzsuburbanboundaries intermsofdemographics, buteconomictransformationsaswell.thus,commoncategorizationsofcitiesversussuburbs onecharacterizedbycommunitiesinneed,withhighzrisehousingprojectsandconcentrated poverty,andtheothermiddlezclass(orhigher)withsinglezfamilyhomesandpeaceful neighborhoodszzmayhaveoutliveditsusefulness.indeed,itisincreasinglyclearthat contemporaryurbanandsuburbancommunitieseachcontainpocketsofpovertyandaffluence, oftenfunctioningasraciallyandethnicallydistinctspaces.infact,by2005,onemillionmorepoor peoplelivedinsuburbancomparedtourbanareas(berube&kneebone,2006). The#End#of#the#Suburbs?## Americansuburbsareinthemidstofanidentitycrisis.Nolongertheguaranteed destinationforwealthyhomebuyers,thesuburbshavebeendeclared dead bythosetracking themigrationofemptyznestbabyboomersandtheirmillennialoffspringintohippercity dwellings.solidifiedbytheuncertaintysurroundinghomezbuyinginthewakeofthehousing crisis,77%ofmillennialsexpressedapreferenceforurbanlife(ehrenhalt,2012).inherrecent book,the)end)of)the)suburbs,galliger(2013)notesthat2011wasthefirstyearindecadesthat populationgrowthinthecitiesoutpacedthatofthesuburbs,andhomebuildersnowsaytheir bestmarketsaretheurban,gentrifyingneighborhoods. Inmanyways,thisexodusfromthesuburbstothecitiesismorethanamigrationZZit sa blatantrejectionofthesuburbanlifestyleinfavorofcityliving,includingmorewalkable neighborhoods,betterpublictransportationandnightlife,andlowzmaintenanceapartments withnoyardstomowordrivewaystoshovel.meanwhile,manyoldersuburbsarefacing mountingchallengessuchasaginginfrastructure,highpropertytaxrates,shrinkingtaxbases, lackofsocialservicesandpublicschoolsystemsheavilydependentonlocalfunding.atthesame time,themortgagelendingcrisisandrecessionhitmanymiddlezclasssuburbshard,leaving foreclosedandabandonedhousesandarisingpovertytaxrateinitswake. 5

7 6 Butbeforethesuburbanepitaphiswritten,itisworthnotingthatmorethanhalfoftheU.S. population about53percentzzstilllivesinthesesupposedlydyingsuburbs.furthermore, thesesuburbanresidentsareincreasinglydiverseintermsofrace,ethnicity,andculture,giving thesuburbsafarmorecosmopolitanfeelthaninthepostzwwiiera.infact,today,inthe50 largestmetropolitanareas,44percentofresidentsliveinraciallyandethnicallydiversesuburbs, definedasbetween20and60percentnonzwhite(orfieldandluce,2012). SuburbiaattheCrossroads # Amidthisseachange,anascentsuburbanrevitalizationmovementistakinghold.Atthe centerofthisgrowingefforttosavethesuburbsisanappreciationofsmall,diverse communitieswherepeopleworktogethertosolvelocalproblems,crossculturalboundariesand gainmutualrespect.thisisatallorderforsuburbsestablishedintheeraof whiteflight from thecities.butasthedemographicsofthecountryasawholehavechanged nowonly63 percentwhite,nonzhispaniczzracialattitudeshavechangedaswell,withmoreamericansthan eversayingtheyarewillingtoliveinraciallydiversecommunities. Sustainingraciallydiversesuburbsiseasiersaidthandone,however,astoomany realtorsandhomebuyersinadvertentlyperpetuatepatternsofsegregationcoupledwith differencesinpropertyvaluesforthesamehousesacrossraciallydistinctcommunities. Inthefollowingsectionsofthisreport,weillustratemanyofthestructuralforces workingagainstsustainingdiverseanddynamicsuburbancommunities.wealsoprovidesome hopethatthosewhowanttomakeithappencansucceed. ) Section#Two# Patterns#of#Suburban#Segregation#and#the#Value#of#Place:# Long#Island#as#a#Microcosm# Thus,)while)much)has)changed)in)both)urban)and)suburban)communities)since)World) War)II,)much)has)also)stayed)the)same.)In)fact,)the)most)consistent)finding)to)emerge)from) research)across)these)three)phases)of)metropolitan)change)is)that)segregation)along) racial/ethnic)lines)has)remained)fairly)constant)in)both)urban)and)suburban)contexts.these patternsofsegregationareexperiencedevenmoreconsistentlybyafricanamericansthanby membersofotherracialgroups.numerousauthorshavenotedthatblacksuburbanizationis rarelyaccompaniedbyracialintegration,andthatevenmiddlezclassafricanamericansremain highlysegregated(adelman,2005). Itistruethatinthemidstofmigrationswithinlocalsites,segregationusuallylessensto somedegreewhenblacksorlatinosfirstmoveintopredominantlywhitesuburbsorwhen whitesbegintohabitatmostlyblackorlatinogentrifyingurbanneighborhoods.butovertime, theseneighborhoods,moreoftenthannot,becomeresegregatedaswhitesdeparteconomically decliningsuburbsandminoritiesbecomepricedoutofgentrifiedurbanspaces(farley&squires, 2005;Freeman,2006;Sethi&Somanathan,2004;ReardonandBischoff,2011). Meanwhile,therapidincreaseinincomeinequalityintheU.S.appearstobe accompaniedbyarelatedincreaseinresidentialsegregationbyclass.accordingtoreardonand Bischoff(2009),bothincomeinequalityandincomesegregationgrewsubstantiallyinthe decadesfrom1970to2000,theresultofspatialconcentrationofthemostaffluentresidents. TheRoleofPublicSchools Thus,asmetromigrationpatternshavechangedandevenreversedandpatternsof segregationbyraceandincomecontinueandworseninsomeinstances,acriticalquestion remainsunansweredbytheexistingresearchonthesepopulationshifts:whatroledopublic schoolsplay giventhemanyfactorsthataffectpeople sdecisionsaboutwheretheylive in

8 wheredifferentpeopleendupandtheonzgoingsegregationandstratificationacrossspaceand boundaries? WhileagrowingnumberofsocialscientistsareattemptingtoexplaintheseurbanZ suburbanchangesintermsofdemographics,segregationpatterns,housingandlabormarkets, therehasbeenlittlesystematic,multizmethodanalysisoftheimpactofpublicschools their reputations,resourcesandenrollmentsinparticular onthemovementoffamiliesacrossurban andsuburbanschooldistrictboundarylines(seefrankenbergandorfield,2013;lareau,2014). Nordowereallyunderstandhowracial/ethnic,socioZeconomicandpoliticalpopulationshifts areimpactingeducatorsandtheirabilitytoserverapidlychangingstudentpopulations.if,as Leinberger(2008)suggests,theimpactoftheserecentmetropolitanmigrationpatternsoncities andsuburbsarelikelytobeprofound,nolesscanbesaidoftheirpotentialimpactonpublic schools. Furthermore,wedoknowthat,aswithresidentialsegregation,segregationinpublic schoolsappearstopersistacrossurbanandsuburbancontexts.forinstance,reardonandyun s (2001;2008)workdemonstratesthatsuburbanpublicschoolstendtobecomemoreracially diverseinitiallyasafricanamericansorlatinosmoveintoformerlywhitesuburbanenclaves, butthatovertime,whitesfleethesepublicschools,astheydidinurbanschooldistrictsinthe 1950s,60sand70s,leavingbehindpocketsofseparateandunequalblackandbrownschools anddistrictsinsuburbia.wealsoknowthatracialandsociozeconomicsegregationinpublic schoolsoverallisontherise(orfield&lee,2007;reardonandowens,2014),furthersuggesting thatthemovementofpeopleovercityzsuburbanboundariesisnotleadingtomoreintegrated educationalexperiencesformoststudents. Wealsoknowthatsuburbanschooldistrictstendtobesmallerbecausesuburban counties especiallyinthenorthandmidwestzzarefarmorefragmented,ordivided,intotiny jurisdictions(bischoff,2008).thismeansthatschoolsegregationinsuburbiais,onaverage, moreinsidiousthanitwasinthelargeurbanschoolsdistrictsinthe1950sand60sbecauseany effortto desegregate studentswouldrequirecrossinglegal,impenetrableandhighlysymbolic schooldistrictboundaries(seebischoffandreardon,2012).italsomeansthatraciallyand sociozeconomicallysegregatedschoolsarenotonlyseparate,butduetotheirheavyrelianceon propertytaxes,theyarealsoextremelyunequal.theseissuesoffragmentationandsegregation astheyplayoutindemographicallyshiftingsuburbsledustostudyonenortheasternsuburban countythatepitomizesthemanychallengesthesuburbsnowfaceastheirpopulationschange. Nassau#County,#Long#Island:#A#Microcosm#of#All#Things#Suburban#Circa#2014### Ofalltheplacesinthecountrytostudychangingsuburbsandtheirpublicschools, NassauCounty,NewYork,justtotheeastofNewYorkCityonLongIsland,embodiessomeof themostdifficulthardshipsfacingamericansuburbiatoday.weknow,forinstance,thatnew YorkState,includingtheNewYorkCityMetropolitanArea,isoneofthemostsegregatedstates inthecountry(civilrightsproject,2014).meanwhile,nassaucountyoverallisincredibly diverseintermsofrace,ethnicityandclass,butitisalsooneofthemostfragmented, segregatedandunequalcountiesintheu.s. Infact,basedonanumberofindicators,NassauCountyisevenmoredividedbylocal (municipalandschooldistrict)boundarylinesthanothercountiesinthehighlyfragmented northeast.bischoff(2008)notesthatthenewyork/newjerseymetroareaisoneofthemost fragmentednationally.morespecifically,whenlookingatlongisland,bishoff(2008)reports thatcomparedtoanationalaverageofschooldistrictfragmentationmeasureof.72,whichis theprobabilitythatanytworandomlyselectedstudentswillliveindifferentschooldistricts,the 7

9 twolongislandcountiesofnassauandsuffolkhaveafragmentationscoreof.986combined(p. 16). AsillustratedinFigure2below,the220squaremilesofNassauCountyaredividedinto threetowns,twocities,64villages,hundredsofunincorporatedhamlets,and56schooldistricts. Figure2.MapofNassauCountySchoolDistricts,CityZTownandVillageBoundaries 8

10 Villagesinparticularappeartobethemostsignificantmunicipalboundarylinestohome buyers/leasersbasedonourresearch.theyprovide localcontrol andseverallocalizedservices (althoughthesevaryfromonevillagetothenext),includinggarbageandsnowremoval,fire fighters,and perhapsmostimportantly localzoningregulations.propertytaxratesvary acrossvillageboundaries. Meanwhile,theboundarylinesforthe56schooldistrictsservingatotalof225,000 studentsinaggregateintersectwiththeseresidentialboundariesinratherinconsistentand unpredictableways,onlyaddingtothedegreeoffragmentation.forinstance,thereareschool districtsinnassaucountythatencompassallorpartofatotalofninevillages.similarly,there arevillagesinnassaucountythataredividedbyasmanyasnineschooldistricts.these intersectingandintertwinedboundariesoftenleadtoasenseoflocal identity thatismore tightlytiedtoschooldistrictsthantotownsorvillages,eventhoughthesemunicipalboundaries matteraswell. If,asseveralpeopleweinterviewedinNassauCountynoted,schooldistrictsmatter mostintermsofwheresomeonelivesandtheplacestheycall home orwheretheysaythey are from, thentheymustcertainlymatteragreatdealintermsofwherepeoplebuyhomes andhowmuchtheywillpayforthem.itisalsotruethatwhentimesaretough whenjobsare scarceandincometopaypropertytaxesistight thepublicschools,whichabsorb,onaverage, about65z70percentofthelocaltaxrevenueonlongisland,willbethetargetofmuchscrutiny andcriticism. OurmixedZmethod,fiveZyearstudyofNassauCountyanditspublicschoolsexamined howtheresidents value publiceducation aswellaswhichpublicschoolstheyvaluedthe mostandwhy.wedidthisthoughavarietyofdatacollectionandanalysis fromstatistical analysisofpropertyvaluesandschooldistrictboundariestoasurveyofrecenthomebuyersand about300inzdepthinterviews.whatwelearnedisthatthe value NassauCountyresidents placeontheirpublicschools bothintermsofthe materialvalue ofthepriceofhousingand the emotionalvalue ofreputation,identityandappreciationofaplace istightlytiedtowho livesinagivencommunityandwhoattendsthepublicschools.suchevaluations,weargue,are forcesofsegregationandinequality.butwearguethattheseevaluations,inlightofchanging racialattitudes,couldalsoworkinfavorofeffortstocreateandsustainraciallyandethnically diverseschoolsandneighborhoods. The#Segregated#Housing#Market#from#Place#to#Place:## Similar#Houses;#Different#Neighbors#with#Different# Values ## Between1950and1960,thepopulationofNassauCountymorethandoubledtoabout 1.3million.Inthelate1960s,afterbuildersliketheLevittbrothershadconstructedmilesof singlezfamilyhomesandthefederalgovernmenthadassistedwhitefamiliesinmovingfrom citiestosuburbs,thepopulationofnassaucountywas97percentwhiteoverall.by1980, NassauCounty soverallpopulationwasstill92percentwhite,nonzhispanic.butbetween1980 and2008,thewhitepopulationbegantodeclinemorerapidlytolessthan69percentwhite, nonzhispanic.meanwhile,thepublicschoolpopulationchangedevenmoredramaticallyduring thattimeframe,withthewhitestudentpopulationshiftingfrom92to62percentforthe countyzwideaveragebetween1970and2008(seefigure3below). 9

11 Figure3.NassauCountyResidentialandPublicSchoolProportionWhite 120 Percent White Total Population Percent White Percent White Public School Population Throughmuchanalysisofdataonracial/ethnicandsocioeconomiccharacteristicsof studentsinnassaucountyschooldistrictsovertime,wefoundthatdemographicchange(or lackthereof)canbedescribedusingfourmaincategories: 1. Suburbsandpublicschoolsthatsteadilyremainpredominantlywhite(andoften,but notalways,affluent). 2. DiversesuburbsandpublicschoolswithanincreasingAsianpopulation,asthewhite populationdeclines. 3. DiversesuburbsandpublicschoolswithanincreasinglydiverseblackandLatino population,asthewhitepopulationdeclines. 4. Suburbsandpublicschoolswithvirtuallynowhitestudentsremaining.These communitiesareusuallyhometoresidentsofavarietyofracialandethnicidentities, butaremorelikelytobepredominantlyblackand/orhispanicandlessaffluent. Weselectedthesefourcategoriesbecausealthoughsegregationanddemographicchangeare oftendiscussedintermsofawhite/nonzwhiteparadigm,ourinterviewdatasuggestthatall demographicchangeisnotthesameintermsofhowitrelatestotheshiftingreputationand statusofaparticularschooldistrict.thus,forouranalyses,itisimportanttodistinguish betweendifferentformsofdiversification. Figures4and5showtheextenttowhichdemographicchangehasoccurredinNassau Countyinthetimeperiodbetweenthe1998Z1999and2011Z2012schoolyears.Itisclearfrom thesemapsthattherearefarfewerpredominantlywhitedistrictsinnassaucountythanthere werejustoveradecadeago. Figure4.NassauCountyRacialDiversity(bySchoolDistrict)1998Z

12 11 Figure5.NassauCountyRacialDiversity(bySchoolDistrict)2011Z2012!! o o Syosset Jericho Locust.Valley Oyster.Bay Great.Neck Plainview Cold.Spring.Harbor Roslyn Farmingdale Lawrence Hicksville Elmont Glen.Cove Uniondale North.Shore Port.Washington Levittown East.Meadow Massapequa Westbury Oceanside Herricks Baldwin Freeport Bethpage Garden.City Manhasset Merrick Wantagh Long.Beach Seaford East.Williston Plainedge Hempstead Malverne Mineola Lynbrook North.Bellmore Bellmore Roosevelt Rockville.Centre Hewlett.Woodmere Island.Trees Valley.Str.Hemp.13 Floral.Park New.Hyde.Park Franklin.Square West.Hempstead Carle.Place North.Merrick Island.Park Valley.Str.Hemp.30 East.Rockaway Valley.Str.Hemp.24 Suffolk '''''''County Atlantic(Ocean Long(Island( Sound Queens NJ CT NY PA RI Atlantic...Ocean Bronx Westchester County Nassau(County Racial(Diversity 1998=1999 Legend Racial(Diversity(for(1998=1999(by( Elementary(School(District L Map.Scale:.1:205, Miles Diverse.(40X79%.White).and 50%.or.More.of.NonXWhite Population.is.Asian Predominately.White (80%.or.more.White) Diverse.(40X79%.White).and Less.than.50%.of.NonXWhite Population.is.Asian Predominately.NonXWhite (0X39%.White)

13 12!! o o Syosset Jericho Locust.Valley Oyster.Bay Great.Neck Plainview Cold.Spring.Harbor Roslyn Farmingdale Lawrence Hicksville Elmont Glen.Cove Uniondale North.Shore Port.Washington Levittown East.Meadow Massapequa Westbury Oceanside Herricks Baldwin Freeport Bethpage Garden.City Manhasset Merrick Wantagh Long.Beach Seaford East.Williston Plainedge Hempstead Malverne Mineola Lynbrook North.Bellmore Bellmore Roosevelt Rockville.Centre Hewlett.Woodmere Island.Trees Valley.Str.Hemp.13 Floral.Park New.Hyde.Park Franklin.Square West.Hempstead Carle.Place North.Merrick Island.Park Valley.Str.Hemp.30 East.Rockaway Valley.Str.Hemp.24 Suffolk '''''''County Atlantic(Ocean Long(Island( Sound Queens NJ CT NY PA RI Atlantic...Ocean Bronx Westchester County Nassau(County Racial(Diversity 2011=2012 Legend Racial(Diversity(for(2011=2012(by( Elementary(School(District Diverse.(40U79%.White).and 50%.or.More.of.NonUWhite Population.is.Asian Predominately.White (80%.or.more.White) Diverse.(40U79%.White).and Less.than.50%.of.NonUWhite Population.is.Asian Predominately.NonUWhite (0U39%.White) L Map.Scale:.1:205, Miles

14 13 Still,thedistributionofthewhitepopulationandstudentsofcolorisfarfromeven acrossnassaucounty s56schooldistricts.racial/ethnicsegregation,asindicatedbyh,has remainedsteadyatapproximately.4overthelastseveraldecades,whichismorethandouble thenationalaverage.importantly,roughly95percentofthesegregationliesbetweenrather thanwithindistricts.theredlineatthebottomoffigure4belowindicatestheproportionof segregationthatlieswithinschooldistricts.theyellowlineindicatestheproportionof segregationthatliesbetweendistricts,whiletheblacklineindicatesoverallsegregation.note thattheyellowandblacklinesvirtuallyoverlap,indicatingthetremendousamountofbetweenz districtsegregation.theseratherdramaticracialandethnicdistinctionsacrossschooldistrict boundarieshaveimplicationsforwhomoveswhereinnassaucountyandhowmuchtheypay fortheirhome. Figure6.NassauCountySchoolSegregationIndex(H),BetweenandWithinDistricts SchoolDistrictBoundariesandPropertyValues Tofullyappreciatehowthedemographicshiftsnotedaboveandtheresultingracial segregationintersectedwiththe value thathomebuyersplacedonhousesacrossboundary lines,weconductedastatisticalanalysisofthepricesthathomebuyersinnassaucountyinthe years2007and2010paidfortheirhousesacrossschooldistrictboundarylines.inorderto conductthisanalysis,weobtaineddatafromthenassaucountyassessor sofficeonthe quality ofeachhomeboughtandsoldduringthetimeperiod.thisdatabaseincludedallthe material,tangiblefactorswewouldthinkofthatshouldaffectthepriceofahomezzthesizeof thelot;thesizeofthehouse,includingnumberofbedroomsandbathrooms;andcharacteristics oftheconstruction,suchaswoodversusvinylsidingorarenovatedkitchen.wealsohadthe addressofeachhouseandwereabletotherefore,locateeachresidencewithintheboundaries oftheschooldistrictsonnassaucounty Segregation Index (H) Total Segregation Between-District Segregation Within-District Desregation

15 14 Ouranalysesindicatethatpatternsofdemographicchange,homebuyingand segregationoverlapwiththeearly21 st Century housingbubble andsubsequentpopofthat bubbleininterestingways.forinstance,wefoundthatin2007,duringtheheightoftheu.s. housingbubble,homesinnassaucountyschooldistrictswithblack/hispanicenrollmentsunder 10percentsoldata50percentpremiumoverhomesinmajorityblackandHispanicdistricts (roughly700,000versus470,000).by2010,however,whenthehousingbubblehadburstand consequentlythepredatorylendingandinflatedhousingpricesinlowzincomeneighborhoods declined,homesindistrictswithlessthan10percentblackandhispanicenrollmentshad declinedinvaluebylessthan20,000(a2.5percentdecline),whilehomesinmajorityblack districtshaddeclinedbywellover100,000(analmost25percentdecline).by2010,ahousein ahighzminoritydistrictwasworthjustoverhalfasmuchasahomeinalowzminorityenrollment district. Inbothyears,substantialdifferencesinhomecharacteristicsacrosslowZandhighZ minoritydistrictsappeartolargelyexplainthesehomepricedifferentials.homesindistricts withproportionatelyfewerblackandhispanicstudentsarelargerintermsofbothsquarefeet andlotsize,aretypicallynewer,andhavemorebathroomsandfireplaces.countyassessorsalso awardhomesinthesedistrictshigherratingsbasedonthequalityandtypeofhome construction.unsurprisingly,schooldistrictracial/ethniccompositionisalsotightlylinkedwith otherdistrictcharacteristics.highzminoritydistrictsenrolllargerproportionsofbothesl studentsandthosewhoqualifyforfreelunches.butthemostglaringdisparitiesareinschool districtacademicprofiles.overtwofullstandarddeviationsseparatehighzandlowzminority enrollmentdistrictsintermsofstudenttestscoresandpostzsecondaryschooling. ThesedistrictcharacteristicsarealsoreflectedinthesocioZeconomicbackgroundsof schooldistrictresidents.householdmedianincomeinhighzminoritydistrictsisconsiderably lower,asareadultcollegecompletionrates.residentsinlowzminoritydistrictsarealmosttwice aslikelytohavehouseholdincomefromdividends,interest,andrentalproperties.interestingly, childreninhighzminoritydistrictsareactuallymorelikelytoattendprivateschool.ourgoalwas toexploretheextenttowhichhomevaluesandschooldistrictracial/ethniccompositionare linkedonceweaccountforthesetangibledifferencesinhome,schooldistrict,and neighborhoodcharacteristics. Weemployedananalyticapproachoftenreferredtoasaboundaryfixedeffectsmodel, whichallowedustoestimatetherelationshipbetweenschooldistrictracial/ethniccomposition andhomepricesfortwohomesinthesameneighborhoodthatwereseparatedbyaschool districtboundary.themodelsfurthercontrolledforahostofhome,neighborhood,anddistrict characteristics.the)most)powerful)finding)to)emerge)from)this)analysis)is)that)place)(namely) school)district))and)the)different)people)who)live)and)go)to)school)in)these)different)places) continue)to)matter)even)after)accounting)for)the)physical)or)tangible)qualities)of)the)home.)) Table1displaystheresultsofourboundaryfixedZeffectsanalyses.Thefirstmodelinthe farleftcolumncompareshomeswithin0.25milesofthesameschooldistrictboundary. Analysesusinghomeslocatedsoclosetothesameboundary particularlyinsuburbannassau County arequitelikelytosharesimilarneighborhoodcharacteristics.theseanalyses,which use124boundarycomparisongroups,indicatenoassociationbetweenschooldistrict racial/ethniccompositionandhomepricesonceweadjustforcovariatesrelatedtohome, district,andneighborhoodcharacteristics.(theunadjustedblack/hispaniccomposition coefficientisz0.004;p<.001).apparently,thedescriptiveassociationsbetween2007home pricesandschooldistrictracial/ethniccompositiondisplayedintable1canbeexplainedby measureddifferencesinhome,schooldistrict,andneighborhoodattributes.evenafter

16 consideringtheseschooldistrictandhomeattributes,homessellformoreinhigherzincome, wealthier,andmoreeducatedneighborhoods characteristicsthatareobviouslystronglylinked toschooldistrictsociozdemographiccomposition. Table1.SchoolDistrictRacial/EthnicCompositionandHomeValuesinNassauCounty, MileBoundaryFixedEffectModels (n=3,347) FullSample (n=11,243) School#District#Characteristics# %#Black/Hispanic# #######90.002~# #######90.001# ########0.000# ######90.001***# %ESL Z0.003 Z0.003 Z0.002 Z0.001 %freelunch 0.003** 0.003** 0.003** 0.004*** Academicprofile *** 0.062*** 0.062*** 0.068*** Spending/pupil(1000s) Z0.001* Taxrate 2 Z0.003* Z0.003*** Z0.002** Z0.006*** Home#Characteristics# Homeage Z0.001** Z0.001** Squarefeet(100s) 0.002*** 0.002*** 0.002*** Lotsize(acres) 0.220** 0.204** 0.160*** #fullbaths 0.051*** 0.049*** 0.057*** #halfbaths 0.040*** 0.036*** 0.028*** #fireplaces 0.057*** 0.049*** 0.040*** Assessorgrade *** 0.042*** 0.047*** Medium/heavytraffic Z0.039 Z0.033 Z0.023 Neighborhood## Characteristics# %Black/Hispanic Med.househldinc.(1000s) 0.001*** 0.001*** %homesnonzworkinc * 0.001*** %childrenprivateschools %homesschoolzagechildren %adultscollegegrads 0.001*** 0.003*** Constant *** *** *** *** R *** 65.18*** 67.53*** 72.25*** ~p<.10;p<.05;p<.01;p<.001.outcomeishomesalespriceinlogdollars. 1 Acompositemeasureofschooldistrictacademicoutcomes,includingmeanthirdandeighthgrademathematicsandEnglishtestscores,New YorkStatehighschoolEnglish,mathematicsandphysicsRegentstestscores,andthepercentofdistrictgraduateswhosubsequentlyattended fourzyearcollegesanduniversities.measureiszzscored(m=0,sd=1). 2 Taxrateper400,000assessedhomevalue 3 A17Zlevelmeasureofhomequalitywhere17= A+ ;16= A ;15= AZ,etc. 4 Includesincomefromdividends,interest,andrentalincome. 15

17 ThesecondmodelinTable2includesdatafromallhomessoldinNassauCountyin 2010.Noteherethesignificantestimateassociatedwithschooldistrictblack/Hispanic enrollments,whichsuggeststhepresenceofunmeasuredvariablebiaspotentiallyaccountedfor bythefixedzeffectmodelinthefirstcolumn.thethirdandfourthcolumnsemploydatafrom homessoldin2010. Table2.SchoolDistrictRacial/EthnicCompositionandHomeValuesinNassauCounty, MileBoundaryFixedEffectModels (n=3,057) FullSample (n=9,924) School#District#Characteristics# %#Black/Hispanic# #######90.002# #####90.002**# #######90.003**# ######90.001***# %ESL Z0.001 Z0.007 Z0.007 Z0.001 %freelunch Z *** Academicprofile * ~ 0.068*** Spending/pupil(1000s) Z0.001* Taxrate 2 Z0.003 Z0.004*** Z0.004*** Z0.006*** Home#Characteristics# Homeage Squarefeet(100s) 0.002*** 0.002*** 0.002*** Lotsize(acres) *** #fullbaths 0.027~ 0.027~ 0.057*** #halfbaths *** #fireplaces 0.036~ 0.034~ 0.040*** Assessorgrade *** 0.093*** 0.047*** Medium/heavytraffic Z0.010 Z0.012 Z0.023 Neighborhood## Characteristics# %Black/Hispanic Med.househldinc.(1000s) *** %homesnonzworkinc *** %childrenprivateschools 0.002~ %homesschoolzagechildren %adultscollegegrads *** Constant *** *** *** *** R *** 42.87*** 42.86*** 72.25*** ~p<.10;p<.05;p<.01;p<.001.outcomeishomesalespriceinlogdollars. 1 Acompositemeasureofschooldistrictacademicoutcomes,includingmeanthirdandeighthgrademathematicsandEnglishtestscores, NewYorkStatehighschoolEnglish,mathematicsandphysicsRegentstestscores,andthepercentofdistrictgraduateswhosubsequently attendedfourzyearcollegesanduniversities.measureiszzscored(m=0,sd=1). 2 Taxrateper400,000assessedhomevalue 3 A17Zlevelmeasureofhomequalitywhere17= A+ ;16= A ;15= AZ,etc. 4 Includesincomefromdividends,interest,andrentalincome. Importantly,)the)fixedGeffect)analyses)and)those)using)the)full)sample)both)suggest) negative)associations)between)school)district)racial/ethnic)composition)and)home)values,)even) after)accounting)for)a)wide)array)of)covariates,)including)neighborhood)racial/ethnic) 16

18 17 composition)and)household)income.)specifically,bothmodelsindicatethataonezpercent increaseinblack/hispanicenrollmentsisassociatedwitha0.3percentdecreaseinhomevalues (p<.001).putanotherway,almost50,000inpricewouldseparatetwootherwisesimilar homes,onelocatedinadistrictthatis30percentblack/hispanic,andotherlocatedinadistrict with70percentblack/hispanicenrollments(givennassaucounty s2010medianhomepriceof 415,000).Thesefindingsstronglysuggestthatatleastsomeproportionofhome value differencesinpostzmortgagelendingfrenzyeraisrelatedtotheracialmakeupofthepublic schooldistrictinwhichahomeislocated. Section#Three:# Mounting#Pressures#on#Suburban#Communities#and#their#Public#Schools# DuringthetimeperiodinwhichwestudiedNassauCountyanditssuburbanschools(2008Z 2013),weheardfromeducatorsinvirtuallyeveryschooldistrictthatthemountingpressuresof tightbudgets,anewaccountabilitysystemwithahighzstakesteacherevaluationsystem,and thegrowingantizpubliceducationpoliticshadallcomedownuponthematonce.this confluenceoffactorswasoftenreferredtoas theperfectstorm. Whilethe storm wasnodoubtimpactingall56publicschooldistrictsinnassaucounty andbeyondtovaryingdegrees,itappearstohavehitthosedistrictsexperiencingdemographic changesintermsoftheirstudentbodiesespeciallyhard.thesedistricts,asdiscussedinmore detailbelow,arenowservingastudentbodywithdifferenteducationalneedsthanthestudents theyenrolledinthepast.theseneedsrangefromlimitedenglishproficiencytolackofhealth caretothegreaterdemandsonstudentstotakeonfamilyresponsibilitiesasbothoftheir parentsworklonghourstoaffordtheirsuburbanhomes.theseissuesarehardenoughto addressinthefaceofbudgetcutsandapressurizedaccountabilitysystem.addtothattheantiz publicschoolpoliticsthataresweepingthenation,andquitepossiblyrelatedtothechanging demographicsofthestudentsandthecountry,andmanyeducatorsonlongislandfind themselvesfightinganuphillbattletomaintaintheirreputations,andthustheirattractionto homebuyerswhocanpaytheirpropertytaxes.aviciouscycleensues. Inthissection,wediscussthreedimensionsofthesoZcalledPerfectStormandquestionthe sustainabilityofthecurrentmodeloffunding,governingandpoliticalsupportforsuburban publiceducation: The#Perfect#Storm#Part#One#=#Scarce#Resources;#Growing#Need:## When#the#System#of#Locally#Funded#Public#Schools#Begin#to#Fall#Apart## PublicschoolsintheU.S.andinNewYorkState,particularlymostofthoseinsuburban schooldistricts,arepredominantlyfundedbylocalpropertytaxes.thus,theabilityoflocal communitiestofundschoolsatahighlevelvariesincrediblyfromschooldistricttoschool districtdependingonthevalueofthepropertieswithinthatdistrictandtheabilityofthe propertyownerstosupportthepublicschoolbudget.asanassaucountyofficialinthetax collector sofficenoted,ofallthelocalmunicipalitiesandjurisdictionsinthehyperfragmented Nassau e.g.thethreetowns,twocitiesand64villages formostpeople,theirlocalschool districtisgeographicallythesmallest,butitisthelargestportionoftheirtaxbill usually65to 70percent. Furthermore,themorecommercialpropertyyouhaveinadistrict,orthemore industrialproperty e.g.alocalpowerplantzzthelessofataxandfundingburdenthereison thehomeowners.accordingtoonenassaucountysuperintendentwhohasworkedinseveral schooldistrictsinthenewyorkcitymetroarea,includingonewithapowerplantinit,these

19 18 plantscanpayupto30or40percentofthelocalschooldistrictbudget.thus,sometimes,asis oftenthecaseonlongisland,themostaffluentschooldistrictswiththehighestpropertyvalues actuallyhavethelowestpropertytaxratesandthehighestperzpupilexpendituresbecauseof thecommercialpropertylocatedinthedistrict. Inthebestofsuburbantimes,thissystemofpublicschoolfundingledtolarge disparitiesbetweenthe haves andthe havenots. Inthecurrent,difficulteconomicsuburban times,asmoreoftheaffluentprospectivehomebuyersmoveintoluxurycondosinthecity,this systembeginstounravelbecauseonlythemostaffluentofthesegeographicallysmall,highly fragmentedschooldistrictscansustainthemselves andeventheyarestruggling.tomake mattersevenworse,thismodelofaselfzsustainingsuburbanpubliceducationsystemisonthe brinkofdisasterattheverymomentthatitsstudentbodyisshiftingfrompredominantlywhite andworkingztozupperzmiddlezclasstoincreasinglyraciallyandethnicallydiverseandless affluentoverall. GiventhesechangingtimesandtheshakyfeasibilityoftheselfZsustainingsuburban fundingmodel,itisnowonderthatin2011,thenewyorkstatelegislaturepassedaproperty taxcaplaw,whichrequiresthelocalgovernmentsandschooldistrictstoraisetaxesbynomore thantwopercentperyearoratrateofinflation,whicheverisless.anyoverrideofthecapmust besupportedby60percentofthevotersinthelocalcommunity.thistwopercentpropertytax cap,coupledwiththesloweconomy,astillweakhousingmarket,andtherisingcostofschool districtemployeehealthcareandpensions,forcedallbutoneoftheschoolboardsintwelve NassauCountydistrictswestudiedtocuttheirregularoperatingbudgets. Thesebudgetconstraintswererealandfeltacrossbothaffluentandpoorerschool districts.becauseofthefundingformula,mostschooldistrictsareheavilyreliantonlocal revenuesfor60z70percentofitstotalfunding.thisdependenceonlocalrevenueisproblematic onseverallevels;nottheleastofwhichisthatitperpetuatesmaterialinequalityacrossdistrict boundaries,whileleavingeach tub orschooldistrictonitsownbottom. Eveninschooldistrictsthatarenotstruggling,thissystemoffundingisstartingtoweigh heavilyonthelocalcommunity.accordingtooneschoolboardmemberinaschooldistrictof veryaffluent,predominantlywhitehomeowners: wegetverylittle,almostnogovernmentaid,soessentiallythe95 milliondollarbudgetthatwehave,allsave4to5milliondollars,isborne byourresidents.thatisatremendouschallenge tremendous.andnow withtheeconomy,thewayit sbeenhasbeenanincreasingburdenon theresidentsofthedistrict.imean atthispointintimewewantto maintainwhatwehaveandimprovequalitywherewecan,butwe renot atapointnowwherewe regoingtobeexpandingwithalotofnew programsandalotofnewthings. Thisschoolboardmembernotedthatherdistrictisfocusednowonmaintainingwhatit hasandkeepingthedistrictintactandaspositiveandasstrongastheycangiventhefinancial constraints.shedidnote,however,thatdespitethehistoryofcommunitysupportforpublic education,peoplehavebeenhithardoverthelastfewyearsbythebadeconomy.she explainedthat Idon tthinkthereisanybodywholivesinthistownthatdoesn tknow somebodywholostajoborseensavingserodeoreverythingelse. Inallthedistrictswestudied,schoolboardmembersandadministratorstalkedabout risinghealthcareandpensioncostsforschooldistrictemployees.inastrongereconomy,when moreschooldistrictconstituentsareworkingandabletopayhighpropertytaxes,therisingcost ofthesefinancialcommitmentsisdifficultenoughtosustain.butwhentaxpayerseveninthe

20 moremiddleandupperzmiddleclasscommunitiesarestrugglingtomaintaintheirfiscal commitments,theburdenofpayingforpublicschooldistrictemployees benefitshasbecome overbearing bothpoliticallyandfinancially.accordingtoaschoolboardpresidentinan affluentnassaucountyschooldistrictwithhighpropertyvaluesandperzpupilexpenditures, Ithinkthehealthcarecostsandtheretirementcosts,whichfor[ourdistrict] wasassessedsomewherearound80milliondollarsinouractuaryreportabout threeyearsagoorfouryearsago,i msureitshighernow.that sarealliability it sgonnashowupinthesizeofthebudgetthatthepublicsees.nevermind tryingtomaintainthequalityofeducationandplanforthekindofeducationa graduate[needsnow]. Inthelessaffluentcommunities,thisstruggleforpeopletokeepsupportingschool budgetsandthelocalpublicschools,especiallyasthedemographicsofthestudentpopulation shiftsmorequicklythantheresidentialpopulation,isbecomingevenmoreproblematic.in thesedistricts,theolderhomeowners,mostofwhomliveonfixedincomes,arepredominantly white.meanwhile,thepublicschoolpopulationisnowmorethan50percentblackand Hispanic. Inonesuchdistrictwherethestudentpopulationisnowabout70percentblackand Hispanic,thelocalschoolboardconductedademographicstudyofthevotersandfoundthat onlyathirdofresidentshadchildreninpublicschools,andtherestwereeithercoupleswithno childrenorseniorcitizens.theyalsofoundthatmostoftheirseniorshadgrownchildrenwho hadattendedthedistrict sschoolsinapriorerawhenithadbeenpredominantlywhite. Theschoolboardmembernotedthattheseseniorsaretheoneswhogetnervousabout demographicchangebecausetheyareworriedabouttheirpropertyvalues. Theywantthe leveloftheschoolstostaywheretheyaresotheirpropertyvaluesdon tdrop,sotheyarevery involvedandconcernedaboutit Rememberalotofthoseparents,thoseseniorcitizens,when theirkidswereinschoolitwasalilywhitedistrictandit snotanymore,soitmakesthem nervous. Thisboardmemberaddedthatthedistricthasbeentrying towintheseelderlyvotes over bysendingstudentsdowntheblocktotheseniorcenter. Youknowthingslikethat,soI thinkwe rekeepingpeopleinvolvedintheschoolsasmuchaswecan. InanotherNassauCountyschooldistrictthathasshiftedfromabout85percentwhitein 1993toabout40%whitetoday,thesuperintendedcitedseveraleffortstoreachouttothelocal agingwhitepopulationtogarnersupportforaschooldistrictthatnolongerlookslikethepublic schoolstheirkidsattended.hesaidthathegoestoseniorcitizensluncheonsseveraltimesa year.hedescribedtheseniorpopulationasthe folkswhohavelivedin[here]for40,50,60 years,someofthemalltheirlivesandthey reintheir80 snow,andtheyloveithere.youknow ifanythingtheydon twanttoleave.they restrugglingtomakeendsmeetasyoucanimagine onafixedincome.theywillactuallyapologizetomeifthebudgetnumberistoughonthem. They llsaygeewe resosorrybutmysocialsecuritycheck,iwanttodomore,andwegetthat, andthosearetheseniorcitizens.they reprettysupportiveconsideringtheissuesthatthey maybefacing. Atthesametime,theassistantsuperintendentinthisdistrictnotedthatthedistrict feelsagreatdealofpressuretokeeptheschoolqualityhighinordertokeepmoreaffluent families generallythewhitefamilieswhohavelivedinthisdistrictlonger frommovingout. Shenotedthatinherefforttoreachouttotheseparents,shewantstoformagroupofthese parents wewanttokeephere,whoareinterestedinhighquality. Sheandthesuperintendentbothnotedthattheyaredoingalltheycantomakesure thoseparentsdon tleaveandtaketheirpropertytaxdollarswiththem.theseparents,she noted, wanttheirchildrenchallenged;theywillnotstayifwedon tchallengetheirchildren. 19

21 Yet,atthesametimethisassistantsuperintendentnotedthatwiththeimpendingbudgetcuts, thisismoredifficulttodo,especiallywhentherearemorestudentsandmoreneedstoserve. BurgeoningEnrollmentsandStudentMobility Aswenotedabove,asof2013,thereareonly18NassauCountyschooldistrictsin whichthestudentpopulationsarestillpredominantly(morethan80percent)white,nonz Hispanic.ThismeansthatthevastmajorityofschooldistrictsinNassauCountyarefacingrapid demographicchangesandinmanycases,alargeinfluxofstudentsaslargerandmorefamilies movetothesuburbs. Weknowfromourinterviewsin9ofthe12districtswestudiedwherestudent populationshadchangedsignificantlyoverthelastthreedecades,thatnotonlyarethese educatorsnowservingstudentswithadditionaleducationalneedssuchasbilingualeducation, buttheyarealsooftenservingmorestudentsasnewsuburbanresidents.accordingtoseveral reports,newersuburbanfamiliesaremorelikelytohouseextendedfamilymembersorrenters inone single familyhome.thisisinfact,anationaltrendinsuburbia,reportedinthenews media,asmoremoderatezincomeandpoorfamiliesmovetothesuburbs(berubeand Kneebone,2006). OnLongIsland,thedemographicchangesareputtingpressureonlocalmunicipalitiesto makewayformoremixedzincomeandmultizfamilyhousing.thishasbecomeanonzgoingbattle betweenfairhousingadvocatesandbuildersontheonehandversuslocaltownandvillage zoningboardsontheother.accordingtoanexpertonbuildinganddevelopmentissuesonlong Island,thepoliticalresistancetobuildingsuchmultipleZfamilyhousingunitsinthesuburbsis fierce,whichmeansnolocalzoningboardwillallowsuchdevelopmentplanstomoveforward despitegrowingdemandinthesuburbanhousingmarket. It sthelocalpoliticsandthezoning boardstaketheircuefromthepeople.theydon tmakethisup. Inthemidstofthispoliticalimpasse,onewayforcityZtoZsuburbanmigrantstowork aroundthelackofmultizfamilydwellingsistocreatethemoutofsinglezfamilyhomes.this, however,createsmorepressureonthelocalschooldistrictbecausethesamehouseis generatingaboutthesameamountofpropertytaxesperassessedvalueasitdidwhenonlyone familyandfewerschoolzagechildrenlivedthere. Suchsharedlivingspacesarereferredtoas illegalapartments insomeschooldistricts wherethelocalzoningisforsinglefamilyandnottwozfamilyhomes.accordingtooneassistant superintendentinaschooldistrictthathaschangeddramaticallyintermsoftheracialand ethnicmakeupofitsschoolagepopulationzfromover90%whitein1993tolessthan30%white in2012. SometimespeoplesaywellI llrentoutthebasementandi llgetsome extramoney.theproblemisthatitmaynotbeuptocodeorifyouhave alegaltwofamilyhomeit staxedatadifferentratesoyou renotpaying yourfairshareofthetaxes.ifyougettwoapartmentsyou regonna generatemoregarbage,you regonnaneedmoreservicesandalotof thosebasementapartmentsarenotreallyuptocode.it sproblematic. Infact,thisisespeciallyproblematicforthepublicschoolsthatarenoweducatingmore studentsper singlefamily houses.furthermore,astheeducationalandsocialserviceneedsof theincomingstudentsincrease,andtheneedformorefacilitiesandspaceiscompounded.as oneschoolsuperintendentwhowastheheadofacountyzwideorganizationofschool administratorsatthetimeweinterviewedhim,explained: WehaveschoolsonLongIsland that30yearsagocomfortablyhoused eighteenhundredkids,ahighschool,wherenowwouldbeburstingat theseamswithmorethantwelvehundred.roomshavebeenwholesale 20