CHAPTER 4 POLITICAL PROFILE OF LEGISLATIVE LEADERSHIP IN PUNJAB

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1 CHAPTER 4 POLITICAL PROFILE OF LEGISLATIVE LEADERSHIP IN PUNJAB Politics as a vocation, aims either at bringing about change or offering resistance to it. It involves both a struggle for power and resistance to it. Politics can also be understood to be one of the mechanisms by which people seek, through the exploitation of both human and physical recourse to achieve control over others. Political behavior is also central to competition for scarce resources. Political activity involves the development of strategies and tactics through bargaining and negotiating, aimed at the protection of personal and community interests. 1 The attainment of independence heralded the taking over of the reins of power by political leadership groomed in liberal western philosophies. It appears to have been fully committed to the creation of a democratic, secular government, raising the standard of living of the masses, achieving a desirable measure of social justice, and eliminating those features of the old social order, which were felt to be anomalous. This elite set out to utilize the power of government to reconstruct society in its own image and those in the society who refused to accept the new values were forced to assert their opposition in the political arena. 2 With the decline of institutions and the rise of both the cult of personality and the politics of survival and insecurity on the part of dominant individuals a transformation in the composition of India s political elite has taken place. Several new faces dawned on the political horizon. To quote Rajni Kothari, 3 The newness seems to herald nothing except a deep vacuum in the structure of power at various levels. The vacuum is filled by the people who were never trained in the art of politics, ill at ease with the complex procedures of a democratic polity, unwilling to abide by any institutional discipline, including in an encouraging in others a zero tolerance approach to the excesses of power. To this end providing scope for one often involved conniving with professional fixers and their mercenaries and all this together moved the political process towards a free for all. Three types of procedures are involved in this phenomenon of a new political elite taking over the control of political process; 1. Displacement of party cadre by a new infrastructure of politics made up of musclemen, and local mafia. 2. The rise of celluloid personalities on 1 Tead Stephenson, Management: A Politics, Macmillan Press, Hong Kong, 1985, p Myron Weiner, Party Politics in India, Princeton University Press, Princeton, 1957,p Rajni Kothari, The Politicians, Seminar, No 29, July1984, p

2 political stage. 3. The vulgar nouveau riches (new rich) occupying new avenues brought forth by a rapid growth of industries, metropolitan towns and westernization. A profile can be defined as a set of characteristics for an individual or group of individuals that share some traits. Profile is interpreted differently in different areas of experience. For criminal identification, a profile establishes the likely age, appearance, psychology, or activities of an unknown suspect. "Racial profiling" or "ethnic profiling" refers to specifying a likely perpetrator by race or ethnic background, which involves a risk of sliding into a stereotype or over-generalization. Racial profiling has often been criticized as illegal or unfair, even where the available data would support such a profile because of the prejudicial attributes which may sneak into it 4. A Person s profile, especially online, has been recognized as an excellent way to distil information about him into a digestible and interesting format. For understanding the role perception of legislators and for profiling them politically, one needs to know the nature and character of political background, in addition to the details of socio-economic background of the legislators Elections are the blood and bread of democratic polity. As an expression of popular will, they lie at the heart of a democratic system. Elections are the medium through which the attitudes, values and beliefs of the people towards their political environment get reflected. It provides an opportunity for the people to either express their faith in the government or to change it when the need arises. Elections are the means through which experienced and successful members of political parties enter into the legislature after having participated in politics at different levels (local, state, and national levels) and in various capacities for a long time. Generally many factors like party experience, sacrifices made for the sake of political commitment, caste and sub caste, political ability, linkage with local self government institutions are the factors that singly and jointly help the aspirants get an opportunity to act as elected representatives of the people. The fundamental objective of the present chapter is to provide an insight into the level of political maturity, experience and understanding of the legislators. This exercise will in turn enable us to determine how well-equipped they are to perform the duties they are entrusted with by the electorate they represent. Representative democracy cannot run without political parties. Therefore, every government in such a system is essentially a

3 party government. This chapter, in concentrating on the political background of the legislators of Punjab from , aims to trace all these factors in relation to these legislators. Thus the theoretical objective is to identify and analyze all these factors affecting the legislative leadership of the four legislative assemblies that forms the scope of the present study. This needs to be done in order to form an understanding of the kind and extent of influence their background had on their ability to function as efficient or successful legislators. Several important areas have been identified about which information needed to be garnered in order to form a comprehensive understanding of their political background. Thus their background is studied in terms of their membership in and record of work in the various professional or social welfare organizations. The party affiliation of the leaders, their experience of operating representative institutions at the various levels considered to be of vital nature are other important experiential aspects in this study of leadership. A further probe into their perception about party sponsorship, support base and campaign has also been conducted with a view of getting a fair idea about the people who get the opportunity to enter the legislature. This analysis will enable to us to have a complete picture of the political profile of the legislators. Orientation of Legislative Leadership: Orientation of the legislative leadership is the main factor with which the extent and nature of motivational diversity which existed prior to the entry of the legislative leadership in the legislative assembly was tested. It was also helpful in assessing whether any change in this respect has occurred over years. Motivation may be individual or political depending on the different perspectives of the legislators about life and politics. Legislators who treat politics as a hobby or as a career may be stated as having individual motivation. While those who take it as a commitment and service to the society are likely to be motivated by political and social considerations. For the purpose of testing this presumption empirically, the respondents were asked a question as to how they took politics and they were required to make a choice out of four categories viz. hobby, career, commitment towards holistic improvement in society and social service and thus fix their orientation themselves. Table 4.1 shows the orientation of legislative leadership in Punjab from 1997 to

4 Table 4.1* Orientation of Legislative Leadership Orientation 1997 (34) 2002 (34) 2007 (34) 2012 (34) Total (136) No of Responses (50) (45) (50) (46) (191) Hobby 14 (7) (6) 22 (11) 6.5 (3) 14.1 (27) Career 6 (3) 2.2 (1) 8 (4) 4.3 (2) 5.2 (10) Commitment 30 (15) 26.6 (12) 12 (6) 21.7 (10) 22.5 (43) Social Service 50 (25) 57.7 (26) 58 (29) 67.3 (31) 58.1 (111) Source: Data collected through personal interview with respondents. *Multiple Response Table. It is clear from the above table that majority of legislators in all the four assemblies i.e. 1997, 2002, 2007 and 2012 were moved by political and social considerations and took up politics due to strong convictions about the role of politics as a means of constructive intervention in social reality. In all the four assemblies taken together a total of 58.1 percent legislators took politics as social service, 22.5 percent legislators look politics as commitment towards holistic social improvement, 14.1 percent took politics as a hobby and only 5.2 percent legislators looked at politics as a career. In the 1997 legislative assembly, 50 percent legislators took politics as social service whereas 30 percent took it as a commitment emanating from consciousness of social responsibility, 14 percent took it as a past time or hobby and 6 percent saw a career in politics. The percentage of 2002 legislative assembly was 57.7 percent and 26.6 percent for social service and commitment respectively and 13.6 percent and 2.2 percent respectively for hobby and career. The percentage in 2007 was 58 percent and12 percent for social service and commitment respectively and 22 percent and 8 percent for hobby and career. In 2012 assembly 67.3 percent, 21.7 percent respectively were in favour of social service and commitment and 6.5 percent and 4.3 percent respectively for hobby and career. After combining the figures of those who took politics as hobby and career, i.e. those having individual orientation, it became clear that merely 19.3 legislators took politics as career and hobby in all the four assemblies. Their percentage came to 20 percent, 15.5 percent, 30 percent, percent in 1997, 2002, 2007 and 2012 legislative 133

5 assemblies of Punjab respectively. A word to rationalize the above figures may be in place here. The overwhelming number of respondents prompt responses that they took politics as social service or as a commitment towards society could be because it seemed to be an idealistic and safe response. One is bound to suspect that a large proportion of the answers may not have been premeditated and were preferred over others for expedient reasons. The question of orientation is a profound question and only those legislators who had really thought about this aspect of their public life could be taken to have given creditable responses. Moreover the fact that smallest number of respondents chose the option of career strengthens the suspicion that no one actually wants to be seen to be in politics for improving personal prospects. Motivation of Legislative leadership: The definition of motivation is to have a valid reason, incentive, enthusiasm, or interest that causes a specific action or certain type of behavior. Motivation is the spur behind every function in life. Simple acts such as eating are motivated by hunger. Education is motivated by a desire for knowledge. Motivators may range from anything like an expectation of reward to coercion. There are two main kinds of motivation: intrinsic and extrinsic. Intrinsic motivation is internal. It occurs when people are compelled to do something out of pleasure, importance, or desire. Extrinsic motivation occurs when external factors compel the person to do something. However, there are many theories and labels that serve as subtitles to the definition of motivation. For example: "I will give you a candy bar if you clean your room." This is an example of reward motivation. A common place where we see the need to apply motivation is in the work place. In the work force, we can see that motivation plays a key role in leadership success. A person who is unable to grasp the importance of motivation or fails to apply it, will not become or stay a leader. It is critical that anyone seeking to lead or motivate must understand "Howlett s Hierarchy of Work Motivators." 5 Definition: As has been mentioned above motivation can be understood as internal and external factors that stimulate desire and energy in people to be continually interested and committed to a job or role, or to make to an effort to attain a goal. Motivation results from the interaction of both conscious and unconscious factors such as the (1) intensity of 5 Article Source: 134

6 desire or need,(2) incentive or reward value of the goal, and (3) expectations of the individual and of his or her peers. These factors are the reasons one has for behaving a certain way. A good example could be that of a student who spends extra time studying for a test because he or she wants a better grade in the class. 6 The question asked to respondents was as to what was the inspiration behind their entry into politics. There were six categories from which respondents were required to choose their answers. The different categories, were, personal interest, family tradition, particular event, social service, commitment to some ideology and the requirements of the area they represented. Table 4.2 brings out the position of legislators in this regard. Table 4.2 * Influence Under Which They Joined Politics Factors 1997 (34 ) 2002 (34) (34) 2012 (34) Total (136) Responses (48) (45) (43) (45) (181) Personal 27.0 (13) 28.8 (13) 13.9 (6) 35.5 (16) 26.5 (48) interest Family (10) 28.5 (13) 37.2 (16) 6.6 (3) 23 (42) Tradition Particular Event 14.5 (7) 11.1 (5) 13.9 (6) 6.6 (3) 11.6 (21) Social Service 29.1 (14) 22.2 (10) 25.5 (11) 20 (9) 24.3 (44) Commitment to _ some Ideology Requirements of Area 8.3 (4) 8.8 (4) 9.3 (4) 31.1 (14) 14.3 (26) Source: Data collected through personal Interview. * Multiple Response Table. The above table reveals that a majority of legislative leadership of all the four legislatures felt motivated by family tradition and social service. Another factor that goaded most of them into politics was personal interest. In all the four assemblies taken together a total of 26.5 percent legislators stated personal interest as the main reason for entry into politics percent of the respondents were those who quoted social service as the prime motivation. Several Senior Akali, Congress and BJP leaders responded by 6 ixzz2ysstxjid /// 135

7 answering that the desire to do social service was responsible for their entry into politics. Most of the legislators with a long experience in politics of approximately more than 40 years also opted for social service. They were specific enough to make a mention of the fact that in their times (before 1960s) the socio-economic and political conditions played a major role in the life of the people of Punjab and their families had dedicated themselves to social work from those days. They also believed that the present system is very different as compared to the old one. In the present day politics power and money are the only incentives. Apart from these 23 percent legislators quoted family background as the major reason for contesting elections or joining politics, 14.3 were those who said that their entry into politics was due to the demands of area. On the other hand 11.6 legislators admitted that they found their way into politics accidently. Some female legislators said that the death of their husband brought them into politics. The data thus collected makes it evident that 20.8 percent, 28.5 percent, 37.2 percent and 6.6 percent legislators respectively of 1997, 2002, 2007 and 2012 assemblies had joined politics as they already had some close relatives in politics. For example 7 In the category of those legislators who cited particular events as the reason for their entry into politics there were many legislators who responded by saying that in the early years of their youth they came face to face with lamentable lack of basic needs, problems of law and order, unemployment, poverty, crime and terrorism in the state. This provoked them to take the decision of confronting these challenges in order to remove them by actively participating in politics. Even though the percentage of these respondents is merely 14.5 percent, 11.1 percent, 13.9 percent, 6.6 percent such idealistic answers can only be accepted with a grain of salt for the simple reason that the ills of the society are 7 Chaudhary Mohal Lal from Banga constituency (SAD) joined politics because his father, Chaudhary Swarana Ram (BJP) from Phagwara constituency was already in politics. Gurkanwal Kaur, from Jalandhar Cant, Counstituency (Indian National Congress) was in politics because her father, Beant Singh (former C.M. of Punjab) was a senior congress leader. Karan Kaur from Muktsar constituency, a Congress legislator, joined politics because her entire family had actively participated in politics. Sukhbir Singh Badal (SAD) also joined politics because he is the son of Parkash Singh Badal (Chief Minister) of Punjab. A large number of members in different assemblies with family background of active political participation could easily be identified. The legislators, who had joined politics accidently, mentioned one or the other reason or some family problems. For example Rajwinder Kaur Bhullar (SAD) from Nurmahal constituency and Sukhjinder Kaur Sahi (BJP) from Dasuya constituency had joined politics because of their husband s death in 2012 assembly. Parminder Singh Dhindsa, the present finance minister of Punjab and Amarpal Singh Ajnala (both SAD legislators) joined politics because of their fathers. Mr.Sukhdev Singh Dhindsa and Mr Ratan Singh Ajanala were established politicians before the entry of their sons into active politics. 136

8 still far from being eradicated. Had even a handful of politicians earnestly dedicated themselves to serious attempt at removing these social ills there could have been remarkable improvement percent, 28.8 percent, 13.9 percent, 35.5 percent legislators in 1997, 2002, 2007 and 2012, mentioned personal interest as the main reason for joining politics. On the other hand, 29.1 percent, 22.2 percent, 25.5 percent and 20 percent respondents mentioned a feeling of responsibility for engaging in social service as the reason for their entry into politics. Response to the demands of their area was stated as a major reason for contesting elections and entering politics by 8.3 percent, 8.8 percent, 9.3 percent, 31.1 percent legislators in the four assemblies respectively. An ideology is a set of conscious and unconscious ideas that find maturity in one's goals, expectations, and actions. Ideologies are systems of abstract thought applied to public matters thus making this concept central to politics. Implicitly every political or economic tendency entails an ideology whether or not it is propounded as an explicit system of thought. 8 The term "ideology" has its roots in the highly controversial philosophical and political debates at the time of the French Revolution and the term acquired several other meanings and connotations from the early days of the First French Empire to the present. The word was coined by Destutt de Tracy in 1796, assembling the parts idea (close to the Lockean sense) and -logy. He used it to refer to one aspect of his "science of ideas". According to Karl Mannheim's historical reconstruction of the shifts in the meaning of ideology, the modern meaning of the word was born when Napoleon Bonaparte (as a politician) used it in an abusive way against "the ideologues" (a group which included Cabanis, Condorcet, Constant, Daunou, Say, Madame de Staël, and Tracy), to express the pettiness of his (liberal republican) political opponents. 9 We find that not even a single legislator mentioned this factor as the reason for entry into politics in all the four legislative assemblies. The reason for this could be that as said above whether or not an ideology finds an explicit expression it is implicitly present in political and economic tendencies. However, the dangers of openly voicing an ideology are too many for populist leaders who do not want to be seen in partisan shades. It can be concluded that in all the four respective assemblies majority of legislators were influenced by family tradition and the desire for social service. Personal interest was another major factor for joining politics. Comparatively lesser number of legislators opted for the other options i.e. the demands for the area and particular event. As seen above no legislator responded by saying that it was commitment to some ideology which brought them into See also, Kennedy, Emmet (Jul. Sep. 1979). ""Ideology" from Destutt De Tracy to Marx". Journal of the History of Ideas 40 (3): Susan Silbey, Ideology at Cambridge Dictionary of Sociology. 137

9 politics. In order to get some idea about the perception of the legislators about their own decision of contesting elections and joining the legislature six options i.e. their own enthusiasm, political interest, encouragement from senior party leaders or party workers, encouragement from friends, supporters and relatives, encouragement from some organization and any other factors were offered to the legislators. These options were offered to them to make them identify the factors which they felt were responsible for their decision to contest the elections to the state legislature. Table 4.3 shows the result of this survey. Table 4.3* Influence under Contested Elections to State Assembly Factors 1997 (34 ) 2002 (34) 2007 (34) 292 (34) Total (136) Responses (81) (85) (73) (77) 316 Own enthusiasm 25.9 (21) 25.8 (22) 34.2 (25) 28.5 (22) 28.4 (90) Political Interest 14.8 (12) 16.4 (14) 16.4 (12) 10.3 (8) 14.5 (46) Encouragement from 25.9 (21) 21.1 (18) 21.9 (16) 25.3 (20) 23.7 (75) Senior Party leaders/workers Encouragement from 20.9 (17) 23.5 (20) 21.9 (16) 22 (17) 22.1 (70) friends, supports and relatives Encouragement from 6.1 (5) 8.2 (7) 2.7 (2) 6.4 (5) 6 (19) some organization Can t Say 6.1 (05) 4.7 (4) 2.7 (2) 6.4 (5) 5.0 (16) Source: Personal Interview * Multiple responses Table. The above table indicates that for contesting elections and joining legislature different factors played a significant role in all the four assemblies. Majority of the legislators took the decision to contest elections due to their own personal enthusiasm. Their percentage was 28.4 in all the four legislative assemblies taken together. Encouragement from senior party leaders and workers influenced the decision of 23.7 percent legislators percent legislators were motivated by the support from their friends, relatives and predominantly that of their families. Political interests motivated 14.5 percent legislators to contest the elections to the legislative assembly. Different pressure groups also played an important role in influencing the decision of 6 percent respondents for contesting elections and joining the assembly. The data makes it evident that 25.9 percent, 25.8 percent, 34.2 percent and 28.5 percent legislators 138

10 respectively of 1997, 2002, 2007 and 2012 legislative assemblies had fought the election due to their own enthusiasm and political ambition percent, 21.1 percent, 21.9 percent and 25.3 percent legislators in all the four legislative assemblies were encouraged by their senior party leaders and party workers percent, 23.5 percent, 21.9 percent and 22 percent legislators were motivated by their friends, supporters or contested election due to the background of their family in politics. Political interest was also a main factor for joining legislature as the percentage of legislators opting form this option was 14.8 percent, 16.4 percent, 16.4 percent and 10.3 percent in all the legislative assemblies. A few legislators decided to contest because of their connection with some organization of political orientation. 10 Some of the respondents had to be put into a no response category because they were not clear about their orientation or influence under which they joined politics. Their percentage was 6.1 percent, 4.7 percent, 2.7 percent and 6.4 percent respectively. Their total in all the four assemblies was 5.0 percent. According to the legislators own perception enthusiasm for participation in public life and politics and the patronage of senior leaders were the two most important reasons behind contesting elections. According to the legislators own perception enthusiasm for participation in public life and politics and the percentage of senior leaders were the two most important reasons behind contesting elections. If we combine the figures of those who were influenced by their own enthusiasm and their political interest, it can be concluded that in all four respective assemblies majority of the legislators i.e percent in all were influenced by these two factors alone. In 1997, 40.7 percent, 42.2 percent in 2002, 50.6 in 2007 and 38.8 in 2012, was the percentage of those who were influenced either by their political interest or their own enthusiasm, which was higher in comparison with all other factors taken singly. Thus it becomes clear that most of the legislators profess to have contested elections because of their individual conviction. However the percentage of those who were encouraged either by senior mentors in the party or those in their social connection is not small. Background of Political Sufferings: With the passage of time political participation has assumed great salience in democratic politics. As a government of the people, democracy, in fact is a mass 10. Gurdwara trust, Mandia Trust, Sports Club, Youth organization, Mahila Sansthas, Rotary Club, Schools, Colleges, Doctors union, teacher union, Syam Sevi Sansthas, Labour Union, Farmer Unions Punjab Mahila Wing, Durgyana Mandir Committe etc. They joined legislature under their suggestions. 139

11 participation. Participation is the principle by which consent is either granted or withdrawn in a democracy. Rulers are made accountable to the ruled. 11 In the Words of Myrn Winer, political participation refers to, any voluntary action, successful or, unsuccessful, organized or unorganized, episodic or continuous, employing legitimate or illegitimate method intended to influence the choice of public policies, the administration of public affairs, or the choice of political leaders at any level of government, local or national. 12 Involvement and participation in different movements of national character used to be a popular passage to the legislature after the early days of independence when national consciousness was more vigorous than regional concerns. But these national level movements and party affiliations gave way to smaller and more diffuse movements of local character. It is evident from the entry and proliferation of regional parties like AKALI DAL, DMK, AIADMK, and TELGU DESHAM which have come into existence after independence. The rank and file of these parties expressed open dissent and differences with the conventional political positions held by major Indian parties having a national presence. They appeared to belong to a different culture altogether which emphasized the perspective of regional entities. This became one of the important reasons for political contest and many of the founding leaders of these emerging parties with a distinct ideology had to suffer in the process of assertion of regional political demands. Generally speaking participation in various political activities has often resulted in defiance of authority which might lead to imprisonment. Particularly in countries like India with a history of imperial rule political incarcerations have always been very common. In fact, jail going was an important political tool in the programme of passive resistance. The quantum of sacrifice that a political leader has made was gauged in terms of the years spent in jail. Even today the older generation of the leaders very often remark that leaders in younger age group do not possess the spirit of dedication and sacrifice because the latter have scarcely experienced jail life and excesses of police. However, in the past sufferings and detentions in jails were a major factor for getting tickets and entering into legislature. Imprisonment of different legislators took place 11 H. Mc, Closky, Political Participation, in Enclyopedia of Social Science, Macmillan Press, New York, 1968, Vol. 12, p Myron Weiner, Political Participation: Crisis of Political Process, quoted in Leanard Binder at.al, Crisis and Sequence in Political Development, Princeton University Press, Princeton, 1971, p

12 because of their political activities which were seen as subversive by the ruling dispensations whether imperial or indigenous. Even after independence when India became free there were several movements on contentious issues which led to political detentions. During the regime of Janta government there was the famous imprisonment of Mrs Indira Gandhi. Senior Congress leaders like Mrs. Rajinder Kaur Batthal went to jail against the imprisonment of Indira Gandhi for a long time. 13 There is a long list of movements built around different political issues which led to large scale detentions and political arrests. Some of them are Dharm Youdh Morcha, 14 Punjabi Suba Movement, Urban Freedom Movement, 1997 Emergency, Revolt against the imprisonment of Mrs. Indira Gandhi, Punjabi Suba Morcha, Delhi Sikh Gurdwara Morcha, Civil Liberation Agition, Moga Goli Kand (1972), SYL Morcha, Kapoor Village Morcha, Operation Blue Star (1984), 15 Bansi Lal Karnal Morcha, Emergency 1975 and 1991 Agitation. To identify the pattern of background of political suffering, respondents were asked whether they were ever sent to jail for their political activities and if yes, for how long. The duration of imprisonment was divided into three categories i.e. less than one month, one to twelve months and more than one year. In all the three categories put together the percentage of legislators was approximately 38.1 percent. Significantly, the largest percentage i.e.52 percent were those who had not suffered any imprisonment at all. 8.8 percent were those who did not give any reply to the question. Table 4.4 gives an Idea of legislators courting imprisonment during various political movements. 13 Mantar Singh Brar, Hardyal Singh Kamboj, Gurkirat Singh (Khanna), Rajnesh Kumar (Mukherian), Ramesh Datt Sharma, Gurpreet Kangar, Sadhi Singh Nabha, Harchand Kulwant all had been to jails. Mr. Parkash Singh Badal, (C. M. of Punjab had been to jail) during 1975 emergency (9 July 1975, 19 Jan 1977, 202 and June June). Charanjit Sing Atwal Speaker Punjab, Vidhan Sabha went to jail several times (19 months) Bachan Singh Khanna, Capt. Balbir Singh Bath, Makhan Singh Pacca Kalan, etc. had been to jails for many times. 14 Dharm Youdh Morcha (The Holly War) Akali Dal was replaced from power in 1980 by the Congress (i) It restored the mobilize masses. The particular, against the congress government for certain demands, religious as well as political. The Agitation was named as Dharm Youdh Morcha (The Religious War Movement) by the Akali Dal. It was formally imitated in all the All World Sikh Convention held at Amritsar on July 26, Some important demands included enactment of all India Gurdwara Act, inclusion of Chandigarh and other Punjabi speaking areas of Punjab, control over dams and Hydro electric works and setting up of heavy industry in the state. 15 The militancy action at Golden Temple could not eliminate militancy in Punjab. Rather it added the fule to fire Millitants started making the demand for Khalistan more forcefully than ever before. The heart Sikh psyche provided a fertile soil to grow this demand. The battle started on July 6, 1984, and the Golden Temple complex was stromed on July 6, 1984.The room to room fighting took place in the Akali Takth but it was only on the 7th June that the troops managed to penetrate the basement of the Akal Takth.Akal Takth was totally destroyed in the army action. On the eve of launching of military operation called Operation Blue Star. Kuldeep Nayar and Kushwant Singh, Tregdy of Punjab: Operation Blue Star and Aftermath, Vision Books, New Delhi, 1984, p

13 Table 4.4 Imprisonment Due to Political Activities Political 1997 (34 ) 2002 (34) 2007 (34) 2012 (34) Total (136) Sufferings No. Response 14.7 (5) 5.8 (2) 8.8 (3) 5.8 (2) 8.8 (12) Nil 38.2 (13) 55.8 (19) 58.8 (20) 58.8 (20) 52.9 (72) Less than one month 11.7 (4) 8.8 (3) 8.8 (3) 14.7 (5) 11.0 (15) One to (6) 17.6 (6) 14.7 (5) 14.7 (5) 16.1 (22) months More than one year 17.6 (6) 11.7 (4) 8.8 (3) 5.8 (02) 11 (15) Source: Personal Interview: Note: Figures in brackets show the actual number of respondents. The above table 4.4 establishes that 17.6 percent, 17.6 percent, 14.7 percent and 14.7 percent legislators in the four different assemblies respectively were those who had been to jails for less than one year. It was found that 11.7 percent, 8.8 percent, 8.8 percent, and 14.7 percent legislators respectively of 1997, 2002, 2007 and 2012 legislative assemblies were such as had been to jails for less than one month and 17.6 percent, 11.7 percent, 8.8 percent and 5.8 percent of 1997, 2002, 2007 and 2012 legislative leadership consisted of those who had been to jails for more than one year. If we add all the three categories of legislators who were imprisoned for their political activities, then out of total 46.9 percent, 38.1 percent 32.3 percent and 35.2 percent legislators had undergone prison in all the four respective assemblies. It can be said that the incidence of imprisonment showed a decreasing trend from 1997 to Longevity of Political Experience of Legislative Leadership: An insight into the length of political experience of the legislative leadership not only reveals their experience and maturity but also their versatility in handling various affairs and also their capacity to deal with different kinds of people. 16 A probe was thus found necessary to find out the year of entry of leadership into politics. Seven categories were formed for this purpose i.e., before 1960, , , , , and 2011 onward. The table accounts for the total experiences as distinct from the entry into the legislature. 16. Ravinder Kaur, Legislative Leadership In Punjab, Madaan Publishers, 2003, p

14 Table 4.5 Year of Entry of Legislators in Politics Years 1997 (34) 2002 (34) 2007 (34) 2012 (34) Total (136) Before (1)* (1) (3) (2) 5.8 (2) 5.1 (7) (9) 17.6 (6) 20.5 (7) 14.7 (5) 19.8 (27) (9) 20.5 (7) 29.4 (10) 26.4 (9) 25.7 (35) (12) 35.2 (12) 23.5 (8) 23.5 (8) 29.4 (40) (9) 20.5 (7) (10) 19.1 (26) Source: Personal Interview and Punjab Vidhan Sabha Who s Who. Note: Figures in brackets show the actual number of respondents. As it is clear from the preceding table, in all the four respective assemblies total of 29.4 percent legislators joined politics between the years and 25.7 percent legislators joined politics between On the other hand, 19.8 percent and 19.1 percent legislators joined politics between the years and respectively. Before the 1960s and between , 0.7 and 5.1 percent legislators respectively came into politics. The data thus indicates that majority of legislators made an entry in politics during the decade between The years were the decade that saw the entry of the second largest number of legislators. Only 0.7 percent of the total i.e. one legislator in all had an experience of more the 50 years (he joined politics from class 7th). In the respective assemblies of 1997, 2002, 2007 and 2012, 35.2 percent, 35.2 percent, 23.5 percent and 23.5 percent legislators were those who had joined politics in On the other hand 26.4 percent, 20.5 percent, 29.4 percent and 26.4 percent legislators entered in politics during in the four assemblies taken separately. Again in all the four legislative assemblies taken separately the percentage of entrants was 26.4 percent, 17.6 percent, 20.5 percent and 14.7 percent respectively. From the percentage of entrants was 26.4 percent, 20.5 percent and 29.4 in the 2002, 2007 and 2012 legislative assemblies. 143

15 Political Experience: The party members participating in party politics at different levels and in various capacities work with the ultimate aim of getting into the portals of legislature. For this, party activities serve as a ladder for political ascent by providing the party cadre an opportunity to master the technique and rules of the political game. To work for the party and thereby create a place for themselves and to get tickets for election to the assembly is generally the final goal of party workers. 17 It is generally the cases that in the arena of politics old and experienced members from different political parties return to the legislature again and again. This can be made possible only through unflinching service and loyalty to the party and through the fulfillment of the promises made to the voters and through consistent development of their area. While some leaders create the possibility of enduring and long term presence in the legislature oftentimes scope for change is also created. It is at such times that different parties, viz. SAD, INC, BJP sponsor the young blood or emerging new leadership giving chance to loyal party workers who come from local and grass root (rural and urban) level party branches. In order to assess the importance of the length of experience, the respondents were asked when they entered into the politics and for how long have they been engaged in politics. Total four categories were formed to order to form an understanding of their experience ranging from less than 10 years, years, years, years and above 41 years. Table 4.6 Political Experience of Legislators Experience 1997 (34) 2002 (34) (34) 2012 (34) Total (136) (years) Below (10) 26.4 (9) 13.9 (19) (15) 26.4 (9) 20.5 (7) 23.5 (8) 28.6 (39) (9) 23.5 (8) 29.4 (10) 20.5 (7) 25 (34) (7) 14.7 (5) 14.7 (5) 23.5 (8) 18.3 (25) Above (3) 35.2 (12) 5.8 (2) 5.8 (2) 13.9 (19) Source: Personal Interview. Note: Figures in brackets show the number of respondents. 17 S. Nagendra Ambedker, Political Elites, Printwell, Jaipur, 1991,

16 The above table 4.6 clearly brings out that majority of legislators in all the assemblies possessed experience either between years or years. The data also makes it clear that legislators with experience above 41 years or below 10 years are very few i.e percent and 13.9 percent in all the assemblies taken together. On the basis of the above data it can be said that in all the four assemblies the percentage of legislators in terms of their experience was highest from the 2nd category (11-20), higher from the 3rd category (21-30), high from the 4 th category, low from the 4th category and very low from the first category. Legislative Experience Political experience of legislators can be broken up into two main parts: the experience prior to the entry into the legislative assembly and the experience after it. Whereas the experience before entry into the legislative assembly mainly involves working for the party in various capacities and at various levels, once the legislator enters the assembly his identity gets attached to his or her constituency. As such the experiences prior to entry in the assembly and after it are substantially different. The table given below tries to account for the length of experience after entry in the assembly. Year of Entry (117+2) Table 4.7 Year of Entry into Legislature (117+3) (117+5) (117+1) Total 479 (468+11) Before (17) 12.5 (15) 9.0 (11) 7.6 (9) 10.8 (52) ( 23) 17.5 (21) 10.6 (13) 14.4 (17) 15.4 (74) ( 31) 24.1 (29) 25.4 (31) 22.8 (27) 24.6 (118) (25) 15 (18) 22.1 (27) 20.3 (24) 19.6 (94) ( 23) 23.3 (28) 25.4 (31) 11.8 (14) 20.0 (96) (9) 7.3 (9) 11.0 (13) 6.4 (31) 2011 onward (14) 2.9 (14) Source: Personal Interview. Note: Figures in brackets show the number of respondents. 145

17 Table 4.7 indicates that out of all the legislators in the four legislative assemblies 10.8 percent, 15.4 percent, 24.6 percent, 19.6 percent, 20.0 percent, 6.4 percent and 2.9 percent legislators entered the legislature before 1960 and from , , , , and 2011 onward in that order. The legislators in the maximum experience category were only 10.8 percent (more than 50 years) and 15.4 percent (50 years or less) in all the four assemblies. Legislators with an experience of 40 years or less were 24.6 percent in all the assemblies taken together percent in all the legislative assemblies were those who had experience of 30 years or less and those with the least experience (20 years or less experience) were 20.0 percent, 6.4 percent (10 years or less) in all the four assemblies, out of total 2.9 percent respondents are in legislature from 2011 onward. Nature of Political Experience Elections to the State Assembly is not a sudden event, it is rather a culmination of a long period of training & apprenticeship which a person undergoes at the local and state levels. In other words, an aspirant for this public office needs sufficiently long experience of having served people by working in various social and political organizations, at the local or state level, before he is considered fit for being nominated for a party ticket. A few exceptions to this generally adhered rule, however cannot be ruled out. 18 Following table shows the experience of legislative leadership with different social, economic and religious bodies. Such a study will go a long way in not only understanding the nature of preparation that the legislators underwent but it will also throw a lot of light on the nature of institutions that the legislators were attached to or owed allegiance. As all the institutions taken here are institutions of social and political relevance, the experience of the legislators with these institutions can be indicative of their overall orientation and political views. 18 Ravinder Kaur, op.cit, pp

18 Table 4.8* Association and Linkage with Local Bodies Bodies 1997 (34) 2002 (34) 2007 (34) 2012 (34) Total (136) Responses (44) (49) (51) (47) (191) Panchayat 34.0 (15) 42.8 (21) 37.2 (19) 38.2 (18) 38.2 (73) Block Samiti 9.0 (4) 14.2 (7) 15.6 (8) 14.8 (7) 13.6 (26) Muncipal 22.7 (10) 22.4 (11) 17.6 (9) 17.0 (8) 19.8 (38) Corporation Zila Parishad 6.8 (3) 8.1(4) 5.8 (3) 8.5 (4) 7.3 (14) Panchayat 4.5 (2) 2.0 (1) 5.8 (3) 4.2 (2) 4.1 (8) Samiti No Experience 22.7 (10) 10.2 ( 5) 17.6 (9) 17.0 (8) 16.7 (32) Source: Personal Interview Note: Figures in bracket shows the actual number of respondents. *Multiple Response Table. Rural populations have always been very open about their dependence on local bodies. The rural masses have had a belief that their living conditions, their socio- economic, cultural and political mode of life are directly or indirectly linked with local bodies. Even though the rural populations are largely illiterate and may not have an awareness of the ideal functioning of the local bodies and the responsibilities of the elected representatives, yet they have an intense consciousness of their place in their social life. This may be the reason that these people keep a critical eye on these institutions. The elected representatives in these bodies have a very close relationship with the people they represent. The reason for this is physical proximity between the elected and the electorate in a closely knit and small rural society. This entails a great sense of responsibility in these representatives as greater proximity always implies greater transparency. This could also be the reason that people are pitching their expectations from local self governments higher and higher. If the representatives in these bodies were indifferent and apathetic to the people s interests, they would be thrown out by them. Therefore it has always been more essential for the leaders to recognize and serve people s aspirations at these levels. Local self Government demands 147

19 a purposive and dynamic leadership and faith of the people is the cornerstone of the entire structure and programmee of Community development and Panchayat; Raj. 19 Panchayat: The Panchayat is the executive committee of gram Sabha. It is known by a variety of names. It is called the Panchayat in Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Naidu, Maharashtra and Rajasthan, the Gram Panchayat in Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Orissa, Punjab and West Bengal, and the gaon Panchayat in Assam, Gujarat and Uttar Pradesh. A Panchayat generally caters to a population of about 2,000. Such a small population, particularly in the context of the widespread illiteracy in the countryside may not ensure leadership of the type required for an effective performance of functions which are expected to be performed by a Panchayat. Besides, the finances at the disposal of an average Panchayat are severely limited. In view of these limitations it may look more realistic to entrust only a limited number of important functions to a Panchayat. It has been felt that the Panchayat should function primarily as a local government addressing itself to the task of providing what may be called civic facilities to the people under its jurisdiction. At present, the Panchayat represents an area which is too small to supply leadership of requisite caliber. Only people at the incipient stages of their political career participate in these lower level rural bodies. Many members of these bodies have aspirations of moving vertically towards higher and larger political bodies. 20 The presiding officer of the Panchayat is known by variety of names, for example he is called Sarpanch in Andhra Pradesh, Gujarat and Punjab. The tenure of the Panchayat in various states varies from three to five years. It is five years in Punjab, Andhra Pradesh and Orissa. The Panchayat has traditionally been assigned all functions which a local government is normally expected to perform. The Panchayat is also the agent of the state government for performance of certain specified tasks allotted to it. The functions of a Panchayat are usually classified into two lists-obligatory and discretionary 21 For the purpose of this study an effort was made to find out as to what percentage of legislators had risen to the state assembly from the Panchayat level. These members could be expected to have substantial and meaningful experience of the grass root level political bodies and these bodies in turn must have played a vital role in their grooming and self perception. Thus, it was found that 38.2 percent legislators in all the four 19. Leela Dube, Leadership in Community Development and Decentralized Democracy, Kurukshetra University Press, Kurukshetra, 1966, p S.R. Mashewari, Local Government in India, Laxmi Narayan Aggarwal, Agra, 2004, p S.R. Mashewari, op. cit., p

20 assemblies had their background in the Panchayat and they have risen from the position of Sarpanch of their village. Block Samiti: Block Samiti is the second tier body in the Panchayati System of Government. Panchayat Samitis in India work for villages in a Tehsil or Taluka which is together known as the Development Block. A Panchayat Samiti consists of the following members - (i) All the heads of the Gram Panchayats within the Block (ex-officio); (ii) Any member of the Council of States who is not a minister and has a place of residence in the Block; (iii) Members of the House of the People and Legislative Assembly of the State elected thereto from a constituency comprising the Block who are not ministers; (iv) Three persons are to be elected by each Gram within the Block Organization of Panchayat Samiti. Every Panchayat Samiti has an Executive Officer and a Block Development Officer is the ex-officio Executive Officer. Besides the Executive Officer, there is a Secretary for all Panchayat Samitis. The Extension Officer of the Panchayats acts as the ex-officio Secretary. Six Standing Committees (Sthayee Samitis) remain attached with the Panchayat Samiti. The Panchayat Samiti holds meeting every three months. One-fourth of the total members of the Samiti form a quorum. The Panchayat Samiti executes a number of functions in the villages. The Panchayat Samiti has the power to undertake schemes of giving financial assistance relating to the development of agriculture, livestock, cottage industries, co-operative movement, rural credit, water supply, irrigation, public health and sanitation including establishment of dispensaries and hospitals, communication, primary and adult education. It is the duty of the Panchayat Samiti to look after the welfare of students, society and other objects of general public utility. The Samiti also has the power to undertake the execution of any scheme entrusted to it by the State Government or Zilla Parishad. The Panchayat Samiti coordinates and integrates the development plans and schemes prepared by the Gram Panchayats in the Block. It also examines and sanctions the budget estimates of Gram Panchayats in the Block. A Panchayat Samiti has the power to acquire, hold and dispose of property and to enter into contracts. There is a provision for forming a co-ordination committee for every Panchayat percent respondents had been members of the block simiti in 1997, 2002, 2007 and 2012 assemblies taken together