Title: Philippine Social Movements: Challenging the Rule of the Oligarchy*

Transcription

1 May 11, 2016 Title: Philippine Social Movements: Challenging the Rule of the Oligarchy* Teresa S. EncarnacionTadem, PhD** Introduction The overthrow of President Joseph E. Estrada in 2001 seemed to be another defining moment in the history of social movements in the Philippines as these continued to play a key role in what was billed as EDSA 2. But the bigger challenge which emerged however seemed to be the role of social movements in pushing for the democratization process under the Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo Administration from 2001 to This period marked the continuation of elite democracy in the country and a continuing test of the strategies taken by social movements in confronting this. These include participation in electoral politics as well as alliances with political elites, engagement as well as confrontation with government and the pursuit of armed and unarmed struggles among others. The former refers specifically to the continuing left insurgency movement in the country as represented by the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP), its military arm, the New People s Army (NPA) and its illegal united front, the National Democratic Front (NDF). The latter, on the other, hand, refers to the other left ideological blocs in Philippines society. Although there are other players in Philippine social movements, those mainly involved in the left movement or left ideological/political blocs have generally defined the nature of social movements in the country. As defined by Heywood (2007, 308), A social movement is a particular form of collective behavior in which the motive to act springs largely from the attitudes and aspirations of members, typically acting within a loose organizational framework A movement is different from spontaneous mass action (such as an uprising or rebellion) in that it implies a level of intended and planned action in pursuit of recognized social goals. Not uncommonly, social movements embrace interest groups and may even spawn political parties, trade unions and socialist parties, for instance, as part of a broader labor movement. *Paper to be presented in the 24 th World Congress of Political Science, International Political Science Association (IPSA). Politics in a World of Inequality. Poznan, Poland, July **The author is Professor of Political Science, College of Social Sciences and Philosophy, University of the Philippines, Dalian. 1

2 Presently, Philippine social movements continue to be defined in class terms which is associated with old social movements, i.e., labor and peasant movements as against the elites. The split in the CPP-NDF-NPA as brought about, by among others, differences in the analysis of Philippine society as well as strategies to pursue in a period of democratization with the advent of the 1986 People Power Revolution ushered in new forms of struggles. 1 Movements which have emerged from this has been referred to as new social movements (NSMs). These NSMs have given more emphasis to non-class issues such as the rights of women and indigenous peoples. Although these issues continue to address material concerns it also brings forth non-class aspects such as a broader set of values associated with gender equality and opposition to patriarchy as in the case of the women s movement (Heywood 2007, 308) as well as an assertion of one s identity which is also shared by the indigenous people s movement with emphasis on ethnicity and a better quality of life as in the case of the environmental movement. These movements in the Philippine combine both class and non-class concerns giving priority to both of these. In terms of its ideological stance, NSMs are identified with the New Left as it challenges prevailing social goals and political styles, and embraces libertarian aspirations such as personal fulfillment and self-expression. CPP-NPA-NDF members who continued to support the old Left s priority to the class struggle with the armed struggle as the priority means of attaining this are referred to as the reaffirm or RA faction of the CPP-NPA-NDF. Those who oppose this, on the other hand, are referred to as the rejectionists or RJ factions. The RJs believe among others that armed struggle need not be the priority in attaining one s goals and a faction of them also do not believe that the armed struggle could be only attained in the countryside but also in the urban area. More importantly, non-class issues are as important as class concerns. These developments in Philippine social movements seem to reflect the emergence of what is referred to as the New Left which Comprises thinkers and intellectual movements (prominent in the 1960s and early 1970s) that sought to revitalize socialist thought by developing a radical critique of advanced industrial society. The New Left rejected both old left alternatives: Soviet-style state socialism and de-radicalized western social democracy Common themes nevertheless included a fundamental rejection of conventional society ( the system ) as oppressive, a commitment to personal autonomy and self-fulfillment in the form of liberation, disillusionment with the role of the working class as the revolutionary agency, and a preference for decentralization and participatory democracy (Heywood 2007, 308). Thus, NSMs identified with the New Left, have focused on organizational structures that stress decentralization and participatory decision-making and have also developed new forms of political activism (Heywood 2007, 308). As what also characterized Philippine social movements, what has emerged is new politics which turns away from established parties, interest groups and representative processes towards a more innovative and theatrical form of protest politics (Heywood 2007, 309). This has generally been seen in the anti-globalization and anti-capitalist movements as epitomized by the Battle of Seattle in as participated in by Filipino activists. 1 Please see Tadem, Teresa S. Encarnacion and Jorge V. Tigno, Philippine Social Movements after Martial Law in Tadem, Teresa S. Encarnacion and Noel M. Morada, Editors Philippine Politics and Governance. Department of Political Science, University of the Philippines, Diliman, pp The Battle of Seattle of 1999 occurred during the WTO Seattle Ministerial Meeting due to the growing global discontent over liberalization. The said meeting was interrupted by massive protests by many cause-oriented groups carrying a broad range of issues, including economic, environmental, social and even cultural concerns. The protests 2

3 Thus, one has the concern for class issues at the local as well as transnational level, but the form of struggle has changed. In all of these, the question which perennially emerges is to what extent have these old NSMs successfully pushed further the democratization process in the Philippines? This paper seeks to examine this by looking into the issues which have confronted Philippine social movements from 2001 to 2013, spanning the Arroyo Administration and the current administration of Benigno Simeon Aquino (2010 to the present) and examining how these issues have been analyzed. Secondly, it will discuss the strategies which have been used to attain these goals and objectives as well as the factors which have facilitated as well as hindered these. These will be examined using the political process theory which looks into three important aspects which helps determine the success or failures of social movements, that is, the political opportunity structures, both internal and external, which have given impetus to social movements struggles, the manner in which issues have been framed and the resources available for movement mobilization towards desired objectives and goals. I. Issues and Concerns confronting Philippine Social Movements from The issues and concerns confronting Philippine social movements from 2000 to 2013 may be categorized into two major themes which are important in laying down the foundations of the democratization process. These are good governance and redistributive economic policies. Good governance generally refers to solving the problems related to political concerns such as addressing massive corruption and the creation of an environment of peace and stability. Related to the latter, is the issue of human rights. As for redistributive economic policy concerns, these mainly refers to development programs which are able to address poverty and the glaring socioeconomic inequalities in the country. These include the implementation of a genuine agrarian reform program and affordable social services such as health and education. Good governance issues thus seem to relate to non-class issues as issues of corruption and peace and stability as well as human rights cut across classes in society. And as for the second concern of redistributive economic policy, these directly addresses the problems of the big gap between the rich and the poor. Philippine reality, however, points out that the concern for good governance and redistributive economic policy are not mutually exclusive. That is, the reason why there is a lack of good governance in the country is because of the wide gap between the rich and the poor as a result of the absence of a redistributive economic policy. This can only be attributed to the continuing control of wealth in Philippine society by only a few as epitomized by the continuing dominance of political dynasties in the country which has bred patriominialism. A. Social Movements in the Context of a Patrimonial State Thus, the challenges which confront social movements can best be seen in context of the Philippines as a patrimonial state where practically everything depends explicitly upon personal considerations (Weber 1968, 104). The following represent some of the essential features of a patrimonial state. The exchange of resources from political officials to their associates (i.e., outside the meeting were matched inside by a brewing sense of dissatisfaction among many developing countries over the provisions as well as the implementation of different agreements (Bernabe and Quinsaat 2009, 26). 3

4 cronies); policies that tend to be particularistic rather than universalistic in nature; the rule of law is secondary to the rule of man ; and political officials tend to blur the boundaries between the public and private realms (Budd 2005, 58). The adverse effects of a patrimonial state can well best be seen in the important institutions of government, i.e., the executive and the legislature. As pointed out Personal connections and considerations penetrate the legislatures of patrimonial states as well. Legislation tends to deal predominantly with particularistic issues, rather than issues of national significance. Furthermore, with the entire system revolving around the distribution of the pork barrel, the executive s power is enhanced at the expense of the legislature (Budd 2005, 42). The issue of the pork barrel fun came into scandalous light in August 2013 when a businesswoman Janet Lim-Napoles was accused of allegedly masterminding the channeling of funds worth P10 billions of 28 lawmakers Priority Development Assistance Fund (PDAF) or pork barrel, into ghost projects through bogus nongovernment organizations (NGOs) (Slaveries, 2013, A20 and Tubeza and Uy, 2013, A1 & A20). The amount which the congressman or senator received rose to 60 per cent in kickback as compared to previously. The rest wentto Napoles and her gang and nothing reached the supposed beneficiaries (Inquirer Research and Salaverria 2013, A6). According to the Commission on Audit Chair Grace Pulido-Tan was spit and connections (laway lang ang puhunan at koneksyon) were all the capital you needed (Cabacungan 2013, A13). Under the current Aquino Administration, despite its daan matuwid (straight path) slogan, crony capitalism. As revealed by data released by The Economist, the Philippines moved up to third place on a list of countries where so-called crony sectors accounted for a big chunk of the gross domestic product (GDP) (de Vera 2016, A2). As expounded by The Economist, crony capitalism or rent-seeking, as economists call it - shades from string-pulling to bribery. Much of it is legal, but all of it is unfair. It undermines trust in the state, misallocates resources and stops countries and true entrepreneurs from getting rich (de Vera 2016, A2). A. Good Governance Concerns Patrimonialism thus continues to breed corruption which continues to be a major concern of social movements. Social movements played an important role in ousting President Joseph Estrada in January 2001 because of his involvement in a jutting, a multi-million-peso illegal gambling racket. This was just fifteen years after the fall of the corrupt dictator Marcos. Estrada, along with Marcos, has been included in Transparency International s list of the world s top ten corrupt leaders in the contemporary era. He is said to have embezzled US$78-80 million in less than three years of being in power (Quimpo 2009, 7). The change of leadership, however, did not bring about a change in the elite structure of Philippine society and Estrada s successor, President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo was embroiled in a series of corruption scandals. 3 Due to 3 These included among others: The IMPSA kickbacks; The AFP comptroller hidden wealth case; The Jose Pidal scandal; The COMELEC-Mega-Pacific computerization deal; The fertilizer scam; The North and South Rail projects; The cheating in the 2004 presidential elections; The distribution of cash gifts in Malacanang; The NBN-ZTE bribery scandal; and The PNDP euro generals (Quimpo 2009, 7). 4

5 these corruption scandals, a Pulse Asia survey conducted in late 2007, Filipinos revealed that Arroyo has been the most corrupt among five Filipino presidents in the past 21 years, surpassing even Marcos and Estrada (Quimpo 2009, 7). In the context of a patrimonial state, therefore, corruption is viewed by social movements as part of a bigger societal structural problem of elite domination. Thus, the country continues to have the longest and only existing communist armed insurgency in the region. During the postmartial law period, the peace movement in the country have sought to push for peace talks between the CPP-NPA-NDF and the Philippine government. The problem, however, is that the NDF continues to see the peace initiatives as only secondary or complementary to the more strategic goal of attaining total victory through a protracted people s war (Ferrer 2006, 145). As for the Philippine military, it continues to view with mistrust the communist insurgents. Thus, closely associated with the peace movement is the human rights movement whereby the country continues to witness the summary execution of alleged members of the left movement by the military. Peace talks, however, have made headway between the Government of the Philippines (GPH) government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front). In October 2012, a Bangsamoro Framework of agreement was forged between the GPH and the MILF. Negotiations were undertaken to provide for its implementations the most prominent of which is the annex on wealth sharing. 4 These led to the formulation of the BangsaMoro Basic Law (BBL). 5 Prominent social movements players performed key roles in this process. The GPH chief negotiator who forged the peace agreement with Mohaquer Iqbal, the MILF chief peace negotiator was Marvic Leonen, an academic-activist even during the martial law period for the rights of indigenous peoples and an environmentalist. Leonen who was also former Dean of the University of the Philippines College of Law was appointed as Associate Justice of the Supreme Court when then peace agreement was forged. His role as chief negotiator to see the implementation of this peace agreement is University of the Philippines professor of political science Miriam Coronel-Ferrer, who like Leonen, was an activist during the martial law years and who became a prominent member of the peace movement in the country during the post-martial law period. Overseeing this whole process is Teresita Quintos Deles, another prominent peace activist who is currently the head of the Office of the Office of the Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process (OPPAP) overseeing this whole peace negotiations between the GPH and the MILF. The peace process with the Moro insurgents brings to light the concerns of social movements not only for the economic but also issues of identity and ethnicity. Moreover, this should also include the rights of indigenous peoples, who unlike the Moros, have the arms as strong bargaining leverage for their rights. Thus, the peace movement has also advocated for the tripeople s perspective of the Moro people composed of Christians, Muslims and lumads (indigenous peoples in Mindanao) (Wadi 2005). The passage of the BBL, however, was aborted because on January 25, 2015, 44 Special Action Force (SAF) troopers who were on an anti-terrorist mission 4 Please see Miriam Coronel-Ferrer, Chapter 13: The Search for a Viable Autonomy in Muslim Mindanao/Southern Philippines.) 5 The BBL stands for Batayang Batas para sa Rehiyon Autonomia ng BangsaMoro. n passed, would establish a proposed new autonomous political entity known as the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region, replacing the current Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao. If this is passed, it would establish a proposed new autonomous political entity known as the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region, replacing the current Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao. //en.wikipedia.org/wiki/bangsamoro_basic_law. Accessed February 15,

6 were killed in a clash with Moro rebels in Mamasapano, Maguindanao. As a result a number of the lawmakers responding to public clamor who were angered by the Mamasapano, as it was referred to, did not pass the BBL (Rappler.com 2015). This became known as the Mamasapano tragedy. The issue of identity is also most prominent in the country s women s movement which forwards an encompassing conception of political engagement that spans the personal and the political. which confronts the question of power in both the reproductive and the productive spheres, underscoring the need to intervene in private and public arenas of political contention (Santos 2010, 132). B. Redistributive Economic Policy Concerns The lack of good governance provides the overarching framework for the absence of radical redistributive economic policies. This is highlighted in the failure of the government s watered down Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Policy (CARP), initiated in This is not surprising given a country where 20% of the population control 80% of the country s agricultural lands (Almojueal 1992, 41). A breakthrough was made through the redistribution of the land in Hacienda Luisita, a property belonging to the Cojuangco family of President Aquino. Hacienda Luisita which was previously exempted from CARP under the stock option to the farmer clause, an example of privately-owned lands which up till now, due to resistance from all landowners, have not yet been all distributed. As for government lands which have all been redistributed to the farmers, problems which emerge include the lack of agricultural support for the farmers. What continues to be a perennial problem therefore is the farmers continue to fall victims to usurers and the cartels. As for the non-class issues concerning the rights to women and the indigenous peoples, the absence of radical redistributive policies further aggravates their marginalized positions in society. Environmental degradation has also been largely blamed on elites engaged in logging and mining activities in cahoots with multinational corporations. Moreover, despite the country s impressive 6 per cent growth rate in 2012, the National Statistical Coordination Board reported that the poverty incidence has remained unchanged from 2006 to This therefore highlights a jobless growth and the need for an inclusive growth (Aldaba 2013, A14). Such a situation helps to explain the glaring socio-economic inequality whereby in 2011, only 40 families accounted for the 76% of the country s gross domestic product (AFP 2013, A11). Neo-liberalism in a period of globalization. The major concern of social movements involved in development work is their critique of the neo-liberal development paradigm with emphasis on the market, liberalization and privatization which has led to the cutting down of social and welfare services particularly seen in the sectors of education and health. Those who have borne the brunt of this is the working class while the peasantry has suffered immensely with the decline in the agricultural sector due to cheaper agricultural products from abroad. It is not surprising, therefore, that the peasant movement continues to be unrelenting in its demand to take agriculture out of the WTO (Bernabe and Quinsaat 2009, 5). Its call has been joined in by other 6

7 social movements players such as the women and environmental movements and small and medium-enterprises who have been adversely affected by the monopoly of multinational corporations in a period of globalization. The fair trade movement, for example, seeks to bring safety nets to small- and medium-based enterprises which compete with big corporations in a period of globalization. Such a situation is further aggravated by developing countries who still have to bear the burden of the debts they have to pay. In the Philippines, the Freedom from Debt Coalition (FDC), which has formed in 1989, has continually campaigned to put a cap on the debt service payments which rose from USD3.5 billion in 1990 to USD10.2 billion in 2003 (Araneta 2006). The debt issue also comes in light of the harsh Structural Adjustment Program (SAP) of the International Monetary Fund (IMF). The SAP has generally brought forth severe conditionalities which call for the cut down of social services as well as the streamlining of government which has led to the laying off of hundreds of workers. This, however, has not brought forth about the development needed and has only widened the gap between the rich and the poor. In 2016, despite the settlement of the Marcos debt, FDC continues to pursue its call for the government to address the country s debt problem. As noted by the CSO Social Watch Philippines of the P3-trillion government budget for 2015, as much as P812 billion or 13 percent went to debt repayment (Tadem 2016a, A16). Although the government argues that it is able to effectively manage its debt payments, FDC argues that the budget which goes to debt payments would be of better use for vital social services such as education and health (Tadem 2016b). II. Social Movement Strategies in Period of Continuing Elite Domination Under the Arroyo and Aquino Administrations, one continues to witness the close link of the country s social movements with the rest of civil society. In general, civil society is referred to as an arena of social and political life autonomous from state domination, where progressive values and political practices can be articulated, counter-hegemonic institutions can be created, which can nurture and nourish, the creation of autonomous political actors who are able to articulate and defend their interests, propose alternative projects for structuring the state and society, and transform the relations of state and society (FOPA 1993, 170). Civil society, particularly during the post-martial law period has spawned civil society organizations (CSOs) which are considered as part of social movements comprising amorphous and fluid groups in which the bonds are common grievances or conviction, and shared goals for societal and policy change (rather than structures). They connect people with causes through developing communities of interests around shared conditions (Clark 2003, 4). Non-governmental organization (NGOs) and political organizations (POs), whose members and constituencies are also its beneficiaries, continue to be prominent players in social movements in general and in civil society in particular. These are private, non-profit volunteer organizations whose primary aim is to influence publicly some form of social change. Generally, NGOs are more formal and professional rather than domestic social movements, with legal status and paid 7

8 personnel (Khagram, Riker and Sikkink, 2002, 6). In the Philippines, their emergence have been very much linked with the mainstream left movement during the martial law period. 6 A distinctive trait of social movements in the Philippines continue to be their being organized and shaped by the political blocs they belong to. Although the term political bloc is a generic designation for any group engaged in political action in the Philippine setting, it is popularly used in reference to organizations which embrace ideological belief systems that are seen as alternatives to paradigms of those who hold state power. They are often called revolutionary groups, ideological forces, groups belonging to the Philippine Left, and are customarily classified according to ideological framework they subscribe: communism, national democracy, socialism, democratic socialism and social democracy (Abba 1997, 272). Most dominant of these blocs remain to be the national democrats which through the postmartial law years, particularly, with the split in 1992 of the CPP-NPA-NDF, have splintered and continue to splinter into several groups. Among these splinter groups include the popular democrats, social democrats, democratic socialists and socialists. These groups have their respective ideological moorings, programs, priorities, traditions, subcultures and organizational networks even though collectively they form the ranks of the Philippine Left (Ferrer 1997, 5-6). A. Political Process Theory and Social Movements Strategies 7 Given the political context of Philippine politics and the natures of its social movements, the political process theory enables one to understand the factors which help to shape social movement organizations and strategies in attaining their goals and objectives (Klandermans and Staggenborg 2002, x). The others are the mobilizing structures, collective action frames and repertoires of contention which social movements utilize to attain their objectives (Klandermans and Staggenborg 2002, x). These POs have also served as source for resource mobilizatioin whereby collective actors and their allies and targets differ in terms of the resources they command, their preparedness to make resources available and their ability to pursue their resource effectives (Klandermans and Staggenborg 2002, x). The democratization process albeit under a patrimonial society has provided major POS and resource mobilization venues for social movements to pursue their advocacies as seen in the following manner: Pursuing advocacies through the electoral process. The electoral process continues to be an arena whereby social movements seek to push further the democratization process. The party-list system which was introduced in the 1987 Philippine Constitution paved the way for the 6 Please see Tadem, Teresa S. Encarnacion and Jorge V. Tigno Philippine Social Movements after Martial Law in Tadem, Teresa S. Encarnacion and Noel Morada. Editors. Philippine Politics and Governance: Challenges to Democratization and Development. Quezon City: Department of Political Science, University of the Philippines, Diliman, pp Please also see Tadem

9 participation of the marginalized sectors in society. As noted, the party-list system has opened the door for the new, progressive political elites, whereas the previous institutionalized politics of the Philippines had not allowed leftist or progressive elements to enter (Park 2008, 122). This electoral system allows the marginalized sectors of society to win three seats in Congress if it could get 6% of the votes cast for its party-list party. Among the leading parties identified with the left movement which continue to perform well in the elections are Bayan Muna, (Bagong Alyansang Makabayan or New Nationalist Alliance) which is closely associated with the CPP-NPA-NDF and Akbayan (Citizen Action Party) and Sanlakas (Uphold People s Power and Democracy) both of which are identified with the RJ faction of the left movement. Because they are able to get more than 6% of the votes but can only avail of three seats, Bayan Muna has also produced satellite parties such as the women s group coalition, GABRIELA (General Assembly Binding Women for Reforms, Integrity, Equality, Leadership and Action) and its youth arm Anakpawis ( child of sweat ) belonging to the Makabayan (Nationalistic) bloc of party-list representatives (Salaverria and Cabacungan 2013, A8). In the 2016 national elections, Gabriela ranked as No. 2 in the partlist groups garnering 4.31% of the votes which translates to 3 seats. Bayan Muna, which ranked no. 14 in the party-list groups, however, only earned 1.87% of the votes cast which equals 2 seats. Akbayan also suffered the same fate as Bayan Muna, although it ranked no. 12, it only earned 1.88% of the votes cast for the party-list group which is equal to 2 seats (Uy 2016, A1&A4). Obtaining government positions through elite alliances. Another POS and resource mobilization venue which continues to open up for social movements is the pursuit of their advocacies through the executive, i.e., attaining government positions through alliances with the elites. This was seen under the Corazon Aquino ( ) and Ramos ( ) Administrations whereby social democrats were able to hold positions in government. It was, however, only under the Estrada Administration ( ) and onwards whereby members of the RJ faction of the left movement were able to hold Cabinet positions in government. This was because unlike Corazon Aquino and Ramos, Estrada was open to left movement members from the RJ faction, who were closely identified with the CPP before, to join his government. An example of this included was former NDF leader Horacio Boy Morales, his Secretary of Agrarian Reform. Under the Arroyo Administration, the social democrats, e.g., Corazon Soliman as Secretary of Social Welfare and Development and Teresita Quintos Deles as head of the Office of the Philippine Adviser on the Peace Process (OPAPP) who were marginalized under the Estrada Administration came back to power as they played a crucial role in the 2001 EDSA 2 people power revolt which ousted President Estrada. Under the current Aquino Administration (2010 to the present), social democrats like Soliman and Quintos Deles continue to hold the positions of Secretary of the Department of Social Work and Development and head of the OPAAP respectively. A new faction of the left movement in government, Akbayan, identified with the RJ faction currently hold key positions in government. This was the reward given to the movement due to its support for Aquino s presidential campaign. Akbayan consist of social democrats which carry the democratic socialist line. These are organized into Pandayan para sa Sosyalistang Pilipino (PANDAYAN) and the Partido Democratiko Sosyalista ng Pilipinas (PDSP), the bulk of the independent democrats, which include former NDs and members of the Movement for Popular Democracy (MPD) evolved into a socialist organization through BISIG (Bukluran sa Ikauunlad ng Isip at Gawa or Movement for 9

10 the Propagation of Social Thought and Action (David 1997, 279). No member of the RA faction, which advocates for the armed struggle, have yet to part of the government administration. The formation of alliances, networks and coalitions. The political dispensation from 2001 to the present also continues to provide political and resource mobilization opportunities for social movements during this period to pursue the formation of alliances, networks and coalitions with other social movement players. An example of this is the NGO Freedom from Debt Coalition or FDC which emanated from the mostly progressive forces which were mostly left-of-center forces that were once engaged in the anti-dictatorship struggle. The years of struggle against the Marcos dictatorship provided them the necessary experience and networks (Ariate and Molmisa 2009, 30). The political blocs which constituted FDC carried with them their respective mass base. These included people s movements, for example, Bagong Alyansang Makabayan (BAYAN), which is identified with the CPP-NPA-NDF, the social democrats Bansang Nagkakaisa sa Diwa at Layunin (BANDILA) (Country United in Thought and Action), the independent socialists Bukluran sa Ikauunlad ng Sosyalistang Isip at Gawa (BISIG) (Movement for the Propagation of Social Thought and Action) as well as NGOs, for example, the National Economic Protectionism Association (NEPA) which in itself is an alliance of various political blocs. The members also represent the different sectors in society, for example, workers, peasants, overseas Filipino workers (OFWs) and women (Tadem 2009b, 226). The composition of the leadership of the political blocs of FDC were mainly from the middle class based in urban centers. This enabled the FDC to possess and access a high degree of professional and technical competencies to deal with the debt issue. (Tadem 2009b, 227). FDC s major objective is To propose an alternative debt policy and it has three basic calls: debt moratorium on foreign debt services payments; selective repudiation of loans which did not benefit the Filipino people and to limit foreign debt service payments to no more than 10 percent of export earnings to enable the country to finance its economic recovery (Ariate and Molmisa 2009, 30 & 34). The collective action frame as defined by the FD is seen in its targets which are the international financial institutions (IFIs), i.e., the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank which are sources of the loans accrued by the dictatorship. FDC s trajectory is not only national but also international. Thus, in the process, from being a national coalition, the FDC has become an important actor in forming and leading the current transnational effort for debt relief particularly for onerous loans (Ariate and Molmisa 2009, 26). This has led FDC to head the secretariat for the transnational movement Jubilee South which is spearheading an international campaign for a debt moratorium. Coalitions in a period of globalization. Such alliances, networks and coalitions which have been a rich source for POS and resource mobilization was further reinforced with the adverse effect of globalization on the country s economy. This has led to the emergence of anti-world Trade Organization (WTO) or anti-liberal coalitions. An example of this is the Alayna Agrikultura (Agricultural Alliance), a coalition of agricultural producers, which includes vegetable growers, livestock and poultry raisers, crop farmers, fisherfolks, and rural women s groups (Bernabe and Quinsaat 2009, 23). These groups 10

11 have lobbied the government to address, among other things, the problem of excessive importation. In particular, the alliance called on the government to increase tariffs on selected agricultural commodities and to ban important when there is sufficient domestic production (Bernabe and Quinsaat 2009, 23). In relation to this, the Battle of Seattle of 1999 gave the momentum for the emergence of a broader anti-globalization movement in the country, i.e., the Stop-the-New-Round (SNR) coalition. Its main objective was to derail the 2003 Fifth Ministerial Meeting of the WTO in Cancun whereby international civil society called upon governments for a moratorium on any new issues on further negotiations that expound the power of the WTO and review and rectify the deficiencies of the system and the WTO regime itself (Third World Network 1999). The SNR garnered a broad coalition, The SNR garnered a broad coalition, an indication that the issue appealed to the Left. The SNR consisted of broad coalitions with at least thirty-six organizations, six individuals, and seventeen endorsers, that is, informal members who did not take part in the coalition due to the lack of resources. These included NGOs that dealt with concerns, such as governance and macroeconomic issues, environment and sustainable development, agrarian reform, agriculture and rural development, as well as labor, and peasant and fisherfolks issues. Like the FDC, it drew strength from its broad membership of NGOs as well as political blocs that were defined by the nuances of their Left ideological leanings, such as BISIG, Kilusan para sa Pambansang Demokrasya /(KPD) (Movement for National Democracy) and the Sandigan ng Lakas at Demokrasya ng Sambayanan/SANLAKAS (Uphold of People s Power and Democracy) It also enjoyed the support of multisectoral coalitions, Global Network-Philippines as well as of regional organizations, for example, FOCUS on the Global South Philippines (FOCUS) (Tadem 2009b, 237). Because of the 1992 split in the CPP-NPA-NDF, absent from this coalition are social movement players, CSOs and NGOs identified with the RA faction which also left the FDC coalition. The SNR highlighted the nature of the anti-globalization movement, in general, which was horizontal rather than hierarchical. This is characteristic of new social movements. It also possessed rich transnational ties which span from an informal type of formation to signify shared aims and comradeship all of which bring together various actors to develop international lobbies and platforms on their specific issues (Quinsaat 2009, 73). These have also resulted into the strengthening of people-to-people relations. The institutionalization of government-social movement s cooperation. Asides from strengthening people-to-people cooperation, the institutionalization of social movements cooperation with government in key policy-making processes has provided another potent source of POS and resource mobilization. An example of this was seen under the Arroyo Administration in the agricultural sector through the Task Force on WTO Agricultural Agreement on the WTO or TF-WAAR which was organized by the Department of Agriculture in 1998 and included stakeholder groups and industry associations. The TF-WAR was formed to serve as a consultative body that can provide directions to the department in negotiations on the WTO. The DA formed the TF-WAAR in response to criticisms that the agency did not consult and involve stakeholders in the formulation of the Philippines position and negotiating agenda during the Uruguay Round. 11

12 The absence of stakeholders participation in the formulation of the country s schedule of concessions has been identified as one of the main reasons why market access commitments are more than what the specific commodity subsectors can bear (Bernabe and Quinsaat 2009, 24). The task force is composed of farmers groups, nongovernment organizations, as well as industry and stakeholders associations with in the agricultural sector. Other members of the task force include representatives from various government agencies such as the Department of Trade and Industry (DTI), and the National Economic and Development Agency (NEDA), among others (Bernabe and Quinsaat 2009, 24). The TF-WAAR, which became TF-WAR in 2001, can be characterized as pursuing a strategy of negotiated support. That is, they are not pursuing a strategy of excessive cooperation with the government nor a strategy of excessive obstructionism, i.e., noncooperation with government out of ideological differences. In pursuing this negotiated strategy, they are able to challenge the executive s particular policy details, rather than to merely reject their ideological grounds (Corrales 2004, ii). 8 Despite being members of TF-WAR, civil society actors continue to pursue other strategies, e.g., joining the massive demonstrations and protest actions against the WTO, as in the case of farmers groups. Other TF-WAR members, like the sugar bloc, on the other hand, have colleagues from their organization lobbying for better quotas for their products in Washington (Tadem 2009a, 49). The cooperation of social movements with economic policy-makers, is due to the presence of what Borras (1998) refers to reformist technocrats those who are not hardcore neoliberals and are open to other paradigms. This enables those who are critical of neoliberal policies to form alliances with the reformist technocrats who are also referred to as institutional activists, who although are part of the state apparatus assure civil society of open channels for dialogue and facilitated interaction with well-disposed key individuals. Some of these allies are party to the engagement process as well, which may imply that the persona of the leader determines how a government agency is responsive to civil society (Quinsaat 2006, 50). B. Incremental Gains of Social Movements 9 Increments have been gained by social movements in the various strategies they have pursued among which are the following: 8 Interview with a TF-WAR member, September 3, 2009 in Tadem, Teresa S. Encarnacion Popularizing Technocratic Decision-Making: The Formulation of the Philippine Negotiating Position in the WTO Agreement on Agriculture. Kasarinlan: Philippine Journal of Third World Studies, Volume 24, Nos. 1-2, pp Please also see Tadem

13 Conscientization on advocacy issues. Social movements have generally played a key role in conscienticizing the public concerning their various issues of advocacy. Through the FDC, the Filipino people were made aware of the nature of the country s debt problem. At one time, a survey conducted revealed that 52 percent of the Filipinos surveyed during that particular period were aware of the debt problem and 70 percent were concerned with how the debt problem was being handled (Tadem 2000b, 232). Conscientization of advocacy issues is also addressed to policymakers. As pointed out, although famers organizations and civil society groups, loss of the GATT debate, they have highlighted the general state of unpreparedness and inability of the sector to compete in the world market. In response the government assured farmers that it would provide the necessary safety nets in the form of improved support services to help promote global agricultural competitiveness (Bernabe and Quinsaat 2009, 22). Conscientization of advocacy concerns have also been helped by transnational social movements carrying on the same advocacies of Philippine social movements. This was seen for example when the crisis in the WTO highlighted in the Battle of Seattle in 1999, emboldened developing countries like the Philippines to take on a more defensive stance in the negotiations. During the Fifth WTO Ministerail meeting, Philippine head of delegation and then-department of Agriculture of Trade and Industry (DTI) Secretary Manuel Roxas, issued a statement declaring that no deal is better than a bad deal (Manila Bulletin 2003). Strengthening of people-to-people networks and coalitions. These efforts are part and parcel with the headway which Philippine social movements have made in strengthening peopleto-people networks and coalitions which have been a fruitful source of resource mobilization. This has helped in furthering the democratization process in the Philippines through the nurturing of particular anti-globalization advocacies. These included the following: 1) The plight of workers such as migrant contract workers as exemplified by the campaigns of the Asian Migrant Center; 2) the rights of workers as exemplified by the campaigns of the Asian Monitor Research Center (AMRC); 3) Human rights and social issues as exemplified by the Asian Cultural Forum for Development (ACFOD); 4) Gender and women s concerns as advocated by the Committee for Asian Women (CAW) which organizes research studies and conducts seminars on gender issues; 5) international campaigns against biotechnology as exemplified by the campaigns of the Manilabased Southeast Asia Resource Institute for Community Education (SEARICE); 6) social development as exemplified by the campaigns of Social Watch Asia, part of the international NGO coalition which monitors implementation by governments of the Copenhagen Social Summit; and 7) the environment as exemplified by the campaigns for Greenpeace International has also established a Southeast Asian branch in Bangkok (Tadem and Tadem 2003, ). The anti-corruption campaign. Social movements have also gained grounds in complementing their conscientization efforts with action. The anti-corruption campaign, for example, gained a boost when the social democrats in the Arroyo Administration were among the 7 Cabinet Secretaries and 3 Bureau Directors consisting mainly of key technocrats in her Cabinet resigned in July This was because of wire-tapped tapes revealing President Arroyo instructing through her cellphone the Commission on Elections (COMELEC) Commission Virgilio Garcillano to pad the votes so she could win at least by 1 million votes giving her a formidable mandate over her chief presidential opponent Fernando Poe. This was during the counting of the ballots in the May 2004 national elections and Garcillano was at that time based in Lanao del Norte, Mindanao (Tadem 2008, 147). This became known as the Hello Garci scandal 13

14 and the resigned government officials became known as the Hyatt 10 as they announced their mass resignation at the Hyatt Hotel. Such a situation came at the heels of a series of massive corruption scandals a number of which involved the First Gentleman Miguel Arroyo and his cronies. The Hyatt 10 together with other social movement and civil society players led a series of mass demonstrations against President Arroyo asking her to resign. Although this did not lead to her resignation, her popularity rating plunged with nearly 8 out of 10 Filipinos wanting Arroyo out of Malacanang, the seat of government, even before her term has ended (Burgonio and AP 2005, A1). The sentiment expressed in this survey was seen in the 2010 presidential elections where the Administration candidate Gilberto Teodoro, Arroyo s Secretary of Defense placed a measly fourth behind the candidacy of three opposition candidates Senators Benigno Simeon Aquino, Manuel Villar and former President Joseph Estrada with all of them raising the corruption issue against Arroyo. The Hyatt 10 together with other social movement players campaigned for the presidential candidacy of Aquino who won by a landslide. His presidential candidacy came about with the death of his mother, democracy icon Corazon in August Social movement players have also pursued their anti-corruption advocacy. Most recently, Bayan Muna has actively interrogated government officials concerning the pork barrel fund scandal involving Lim-Napoles (Esguerra 2013, A8). This has led to a massive outcry as was seen in the Million People March to Luneta on August 26 leading President Aquino to abolish the pork barrel three days before this protest action (Ubac, Burgonio and Esguerra 3012, A1). Gaining of influential allies in the executive. Social movement players have also gained influential allies in government which have enabled them to be part of the policy-making process. This, for example, can be seen in the fair trade movement where the Philippine Free Trade Organizations (FTOs) have active participation with government instrumentalities. The Department of Trade and Industry regional office, for example, have played a crucial role in helping out the Advocate of Philippine Trade Fair Inc. (AFPTI). This was during the counting of ballots in the May 2004 national elections (Cabilo 2009, 146). Social movement and legislative advocacy. Social movements have also looked at the legislature as a venue by which they could institutionalize their advocacies. In the case of the women s movement, therefore, they have helped in drafting women-friendly bills that addressed the private arena that feminist thought were not given due importance violence against women that include rape, prostitution, and sex trafficking and representative health rights among others. Class issues such as land ownership was re-examined and the gender lens was applied onto what was classically a Marxist issue of production (Santos 2010, 133). The most prominent and contentious of this was the enactment of the Reproductive Health Law which was supported by the Aquino government, the majority of the congressmen and senators and the business community but was vigorously opposed by the influential Catholic Church hierarchy. Institutionalizing cooperation with government. Institutionalization of social movements advocacy was also sought in the executive. An example of this was the participation of civil society in the TF WAR which was further enhanced when the DA hoping to augment the technical skills they have already possessed, actively sought their expertise in negotiations. This also prevented civilsociety actors from merely being a face in the negotiation process as they were made to 14

15 actively implement the country s negotiating position in the AoA through the TF-Core Group (TFCG). The DA also took on the takes of developing its own technical expertise by involving civil-society members in the conceptualization and implementation of the agriculture sector s negotiating position. 10 Intervening at the global level through government cooperation. This has enabled social movement players in the TF-WAR to play an active role in framing the Philippine concerns in a national manner that the members of the coalition blocs like the Group of 20 Developing Countries and the Alliance on Strategic Products and the Special Safeguard Mechanism (more popularly known as the G33) bloc, where the Philippines could identify with. 11 III. Challenges Confronting Social Movements 12 Despite these incremental gains, Philippine social movements are still confronted with arduous challenges of which are the following: Continuing dominance of political dynasties. The country continues to be dominated by political dynasties as was seen in the last May 2013 national elections. As for the anti-dynasty clause in the 1987 Philippine Constitution, traditional political elites have successfully blocked the legislation and implementation of the constitutional provision on anti-dynasty with their collective resistance (Park 2008, 128). Moreover, there is an increasing trend toward more democratic and effective local government, some parts of the country are still governed by traditional politicians who use patronage and coercion. These are also supported by a culture that tolerates such oldstyle politics and is marked by the absence of strong civil-society groups (Park 2008, 128). Weak electoral leverage and perverse resource mobilization. This may also help to explain why although prominent social movement players have won seats in the legislature through the party-list system like Bayan Muna and Akbayan the party-list members have been unable to build an independent political force, neither finding their own niche in political society nor forming an advance base for the progressive camp of civil society. Some have been co-opted into the old political elites. They compromise with the trapos 13 and make concessions, even to the point of relinquishing their own ideologies and agendas (Park 2008, 123). Initially, NGOs and civil society members identified with the left received the support of traditional politicians or trapos who wanted to increase their political clout in Congress. But 10 Interview with a key trade negotiator, February 1, Interviews with the following: Member of the Philippine Delegation to the Sixth Ministerial Conference of the World Trade Organization, January 24, 2008; Member of the TF-WAR, January 22, 2008; Special Trade Representative to the Philippine Mission to the WTO, January 31, 2008; Key trade negotiator, February 1, 2008; Jose Maria Zablate, and Former Executive Director, Philippine Sugar Millers Association, March 13, 2008 in Tadem, Teresa S. Encarnacion Popularizing Technocratic Decision-Making: The Formulation of the Philippine Negotiating Position in the WTO Agreement on Agriculture. Kasarinlan: Philippine Journal of Third World Studies, Volume 24, Nos. 1-2, pp Please also see Tadem Trapo is a Spanish word which means dirty rag. 15