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1 Parading(opposition:(The(influence(of(Orange(Parades(on(the(double(minority(perception( of(the(protestant(and(catholic(communities(in(northern(ireland.(( NienkeZoetbrood AthesissubmittedtotheHumanitiesFacultyofUtrechtUniversityinpartialfulfilmentoftherequirementsfor thedegreeinbachelorofartsinpoliticalhistory&internationalrelations. 3February

2 Name NienkeZoetbrood Studentnumber University UtrechtUniversity FacultyofHumanities Course BAThesisOSIIIforTCS Coursecode GE3V12012 Professors Dr.MarioFumertonandDr.ArielSanchezMeertens Date 02U03U2014 Words 9,874 2

3 Table of content I. Introduction 4 II. TheOrangeParades 5 III. TheoreticalApproach 7 IV. RealisticthreatstoCatholics 9 V. RealisticthreatstoProtestants 11 VI. Orangeparadesasfocalpointbetweentwocommunities 14 VII. TheOrangeparadesasmarkersofUnionistProtestantidentity 15 VIII. SymbolicthreattotheProtestants,causedbyoppositiontotheOrangeparades 16 XI. SymbolicthreatposedtotheCatholicsbytheOrangeparades 19 X. Conclusion 21 XI. Bibliography 24 3

4 I. Introduction TheTwelfthofJuly Petrolbombs,watercanons,burningcarsandinjuredofficersdominatedthenewsfromNorthernIrelandlast summer,whentheyearlyorangeparadestookthestreetsduringthetwelfthofjuly.despitethepresenceof over4,000policeofficers,riotingledtoviolentclashes.'policeofficerswerebeingknockedsenselessatthefront lineastheywereassaultedwithbricks,bottles,stonesandsticksandevenwithceremonialswordswieldedby Orangemen,'theIrishTimesreported(16July2013),inanarticletitled'SadlypredictableTwelfthrioting'.Sadly predictable,asviolentconflictsoverparadeshaveincreasedsincethe1998peaceagreementthatmarked'the troubles',the30yearsofconflictinnorthernireland(ross2007,jarman1997,bryan2000).duringtheorange parades,theprotestantscelebratetheirvictoryinthebattleofboynein1690,duringwhichtheprotestant WilliamIIIdefeatedCatholicKingJamesII.Althoughthevastmajorityoftheseparadesgobypeacefully,conflict isusuallytriggeredwhenorangemenwanttopassthroughpredominantlycatholicneighbourhoods,whose inhabitantsopposethe,intheireyes,triumphalistmarches.withthefewparadesthatdoescalateintorioting, theorangeparadeshaveproventobeacontroversialissuethatcontinuetoposeathreattonorthernirelands 'fragilepeace'(macginty,muldoon&ferguson2007,cairns&darby1998,stapleton&wilson2005).thisis illustratedbythefactthattheusdiplomatrichardhaasshasbeenrecentlyenlisted'tobrokerasettlementon contentiousissueswhichhavesparkedsectariandivisions',thusfarwithoutanyresult,aswasreportedinthe BelfastTelegraph(January7,2014).AsJarman(2003,102)hasnoted,'symbolicandritualeventscantakeona hithertounexpectedsignificance,particularlywhentheybecomechallengedorthreatenedbyanethnicrival'. Whythen,dotheOrangeParadescontinuetoposeathreattoNorthernIrelandspeaceprocess? CatholicsvsProtestants AlthoughtheconflictinNorthernIrelandhascommonlybeendescribedasaclashbetweenCatholicsand Protestants,theconflictitselfnotreligious(Cairns2000).Thatis,thenames'Catholics'and'Protestants'are usedtodistinguishbothgroupsfromeach,butdonotindicatecompetingreligioussystemsordifferentlevelsof religiosity(mckeown2013).indeed,ase.cairnsanddarby(1998)say,therearecatholicsandprotestantswho identifythemselvesasbelongingtooneofthetwogroups,withouteverattendingchurch.sincealmostevery inhabitantofnorthernirelandidentifieswithoneofthetwogroupsandarethereforethemostallu encompassing,itaretheselabelsthatareusedtolabelthetwocommunities. Insteadofbeingreligious,theconflictrestsondifferingethnicidentitiesthatarebasedoncompetingnational andpoliticalideologies(mckeown2013).themainquestiondividingthetwosocialgroupsisnamelywhether NorthernIrelandshouldbepartofGreatUBritain,ortheRepublicofIreland.Ontheonehand,theProtestant UnionistcommunityofNorthernIrelandseesitselfasBritishandgenerallysupportsUnionism,anideologythat 4

5 aimstopreservethepolitical,legalandeconomicalunionbetweenulster1andgreatubritain.thecatholic Nationalistcommunityontheotherhand,describesitselfaspartofthelargernationoftheislandofIreland.The nationalistsstriveforthereunificationofulsterwiththerepublicofireland(tonge2002). Adoubleminority SincethepartitionofIrelandmeantthattheProtestantcommunityformedthemajorityinNorthernIreland,the relationbetweenthecommunitieshasbeeninterpretedas'unionistumajority'versus'nationalistuminority' (Stevenson,CondorandAbell2007,106).However,itisalsoarguedthatbothgroupscouldbeaminority, dependingontheframethatisused.thatis,theprotestantsconstitutethemajorityinnorthernireland,but theywouldbeoutnumberedbythetotalamountofcatholicsinthelargerislandofireland,whichmakesthem bothintoaminority.or,asjackson(1972,4)stated:'theinevitableanddisastrousresult[ofthecreationof NorthernIreland]wastheadventofarulingestablishmentwiththereinsofpowerinitshandsbutactingunder thestressesofabesiegedminority'.thefactthatthisdemographicalthreatismoreperceivedthatrealisnot important,afterall,'uthatwhatpeoplebelieveaboutpopulationtrendsismoresignificantthantheactual trendsthemselves'(poole1983,159).thismodelhasbeendescribedasa'doubleminority'(whyte1991, FitzGerald1988).HaroldJackson,aBritishjournalistwhoanalysedtheoutbreakofthetroubles,wasoneofthe firststoobservethatsincetheunionistprotestantsfeltinsecureaboutbritishsupportfortheunionwithulster, theyfeltaminorityintheislandofireland.so,thedoubleminoritymodelimpliesthatbothcommunitiesfeel threatenedbytheother,'thatthreatenedgroupsareliableandhypersensitive;andthatinnorthernireland bothgroupsdisplaythesecharacteristics'(whyte1991,100).whydobothcommunitiesfeelthreatenedbythe other?hence,howdotheyseethemselvesasaminority? Inthisthesis,IwillresearchdisputednatureoftheOrangeparadesinrelationtothedoubleminoritymodel. Thereforethemainquestionis,howhavetheOrangeparadesaffectedthedoubleminorityperceptionofthe CatholicandProtestantcommunitiesinNorthernIreland?FirstIwillexplainwhatOrangeparadesare,andthen IwillturntotheoreticalapproachthatIwillusetoresearchthemainquestion. II. The Orange Parades BattleoftheBoyne TheOrangeparadesareheldeachyearonthe12thofJuly,whentheProtestantcommunitycommemoratesthe victoryofprotestantwilliamiiiovercatholickingjamesii.thatis,fearingacatholictakeoverofpowerinthe 17 th century,thedutchstadtholderwilliamiiiledamilitaryexpeditionagainsthisromancatholicrival,king JamesII.ThetwoarmiesmetinIrelandattheriverBoyneonJuly1st,1690butthebattleremainedinconclusive 1 UlsteristhemostnorthernprovinceoftheislandofIreland.SixoftheninecountiesthatcompriseUlsterarepart ofnorthernireland,theotherthreearepartoftherepublicofireland.sincenorthernirelandwasonlycreatedin 1921,Iwilluse'Ulster'torefertothegeographicalareathatcomprisesNorthernIrelandbeforeitwasestablished. 5

6 untilthe12thofjulythefollowingyear,whenwilliamoforangewonthebattleofaughrimandaffirmed protestantdominationoverireland.although'theboyne'didnotactuallytakeplaceonthedateitis commemorated,itneverthelessbecamerememberedaskeyeventcelebratingprotestantvictoryandreminding of'catholictreachery'(jarman1997,34). TheTwelfth Despiteincreasingcriticism,theTwelfthstillprovestobethemostimportantcommemorationtoNorthernIrish Protestants,andiscelebratedwidelyinNorthernIrelandasanexpressionofProtestantidentity.Onthemorning ofthetwelfth,thestreetsinprotestantworkinguclassareasarecolouredred,whiteanblueandfromthe windowstheunionjack,northernirishandscottishflagsarewaving.orangearches,oftenmetalconstructions coveredwithunionistandorangesymbols,havebeenerectedoverroads,fortheorangeparadestopassunder (Bryan2000).Theparadesarecarriedoutbydifferentorganisations,suchastheRoyalBlackInstitution,the ApprenticeBoysofDerry,andtheOrangeInstitution,thatgavenametotheannualparades.Sincethelatteris thelargestandmostinfluential,andorganisesthemajorityoftheparades,iwillfocusonthisorganisation.the Institution,alsocalledOrangeOrder,isademocraticmaleorganisationfoundedin1795,thatapproximately counts40,000membersinnorthernireland(fraser1998).theorderishierarchicallyorderedintodifferent lodges,ofwhichthedistrictlodgeisthebasicunitandgrandlodgeofirelandisthehighestformalauthority (Fraser1998).DuringtheTwelfth,eachdistrictorganisesalargeparadeatwhichallthelodgesofthedistrict join.theorangemenwalkinformallinesalonganestablishedroute,eachlodgeaccompaniedbyahired marchingband.mostorangemenaredressedinsuitsoruniform,andallwearanorangecolouredcollarettein theshapeofavaroundtheirshoulders.eachlodgecarriesorangeflagsortheunionjackandtheirownbanner depictingbiblicalevents,thevictoryofkingwilliamattheboyneorpoliticalsloganssuchas'nosurrender'and 'Thiswewillmaintain'(Racioppi&O'SullivanSee2000,11). Contestedparades Theparadesfollowa'traditional'route,thattheOrangemensaytohaveparadedalongforcenturies.However, someoftheseroutespassthroughcatholicareas,anditisexactlyinthesecasesthattensionsrunhighand violenceerupts.amongtheheavilycontestedparadesthatleadtodisruptionseachyear,aretheparadesthat passthroughgarvaghyroad,thelowerormeauroadinbelfast,andtheroutetothedrumcreechurchinthe townofportadown.theseneighbourhoodsusedtobescarcelyinhabitedorcatholicareas,buthavebecome Catholicareasduetoachangeindemographyinthepastdecennia.Sincethe1990s,Catholicresidentsactively expressedoppositiontotheparadesbyunitingthemselvesinresidentscoalitions,thattrytoreuroutethe paradesthatgothroughtheirneighbourhoods.whereasthecatholicnationalistsusedtoresorttoviolenceto demonstrateagainsttheparades;inrecentyearstheprotestantunionistshavealsoresortedtoviolencewhen theirparadeswereopposedbytheresidentcoalitionsorrestrictedbytheparadescommission,theneutralbody thatregulatestheparades.duringthesummerof2013forinstance,thedecisionoftheparadescommissionto 6

7 blockorangemenfromparadingonastreetthatseparatesnationalistcatholicfromloyalistprotestant neighbourhoods,resultedinfivenightsofriotingbytheloyalists(murphy2013). II. Theoretical Approach Asstatedabove,theconflictinNorthernIrelandhasbeendescribedasadoubleminoritymodel,whichisa psychologicalwayoflookingattheconflict.initscoreliestheideathatminoritiesfeelthreatenedandthatin thecaseofnorthernireland,bothcommunitiesfeelthreatenedbytheother.sincetheterm'minority'impliesa numberofpeoplethatissmallerthanthe'majority',oneinevitablethreatisdemographical.thefactthatthis demographicalthreatismoreperceivedthatrealisnotimportant,afterall,'uthatwhatpeoplebelieveabout populationtrendsismoresignificantthantheactualtrendsthemselves'(poole1983,159).hence,theperceiving ofbeingthreatenedisjustasimportantasactuallybeingthreatened,sinceitiswhatgroupsperceive,that makesthemreactaccordingly. Minority/majority? However,thesituationhasalsobeendescribedasadoublemajorityaswell(Cairns1989),sincebothgroups couldalsoconstituteamajority:theprotestantsinulster,andthecatholicsinthelargercontextofireland.this view,however,doesnotexplainwhybothcommunitiesactsoemotionally,sincebeingpartofamajoritywould suggestamorerelaxedattitudetowardstheother(whyte1991,100u101).besides,theterm'tripleminority'has alsobeensuggested,sincetheprotestantcouldbecountedasaminoritytwice:bothinulsterandwithinthe UnitedKingdom(Poole1983,Kennedy1988andBoalandDouglas,1982).Hence,theyfearnotonlythe perceivedirishhostility,but'alsothepossibleunreliabilityofthebritishgovernment'(poole1983,158).this approachhoweveralsoincludestherestoftheunitedkingdom,whereastheresearchwillbeconfinedtothe ProtestantandCatholiccommunitiesinNorthernIreland.Thereforethefocuswillnotbeonthetripleminority, butonthedoubleminorityinulsterinstead. Thefirstquestionthatarisesisthatwhyitisevenimportantwhethertobeaminorityoramajority,especiallyin thecaseofnorthernireland,wherethedemographicaldifferencebetweenbothissmallandgettingeven smaller.effectively,aspoolehasstated,thedifferencebetweenwhoformsthemajorityandwhotheminorityis crucial,sincethatsmalldifferencedecideswhohasthepoliticalpowerandthuscandeterminethepolitical boundaries.'therefore,theexistenceofamajority,regardlessofhowsmall,providesapreconditionforpolitical violenceifthatmajorityisfrustratedbyhavingits'democraticallyjustified'objectivesthwarted'(poole1983, 179).Subsequentquestionstobeposedarewhybothcommunitiesperceivethemselvesastheminority,hence, whytheyfeelthreatened,andhowtheorangeparadeshaveamountedtotheperceivedfeelingofthreat? 7

8 Integratedthreattheory Toresearchthesequestions,Iwillusetheintegratedthreattheory,atheorythatwasintroducedby psychologistwalterstephanin2000toresearchtherolethreatplaysinintergrouprelations.intergroupthreat arises'whenonegroup'sactions,beliefs,orcharacteristicschallengethegoalattainmentorwellubeingof anothergroup'(riek,maniaandgaertner2006,336). Accordingtotheintegratedthreattheory,therearefourtypesofthreatsthatcausesprejudice,conflict, resentmentandfear(stephan&renfro2002,202).thesefouraspectsarerealisticthreat,symbolicthreat, intergroupanxietyandnegativestereotyping.intheoriginaltheory,realisticandsymbolicthreattakeplaceat grouplevel,whereasthelattertwoareexperiencedatindividuallevel.sinceiwillconsidertheimpactoforange paradesongrouplevel,iwillconfinetotheformertwoaspectsofthreat.thispsychologicalapproachisbyno meansalluencompassingandfocussesmainlyonthefeelingsofthreatandinsecurityofbothcommunities. Tobeginwith,realisticthreatendangersthewelfare,politicaloreconomicalpoweroftheinUgrouporposesa threattoitsphysicalwellbeing(stephan&renfro2002,192).inotherwords,itconcernsatangiblethreatthat theoutugroupposestotheinugroup.albeitrealistic,thethreatdoesnothavetobeactual,afterall:'the perceptionofthreatcanleadtoprejudice,regardlessofwhetherornotthethreatis'real''(stephan&stephan 2000,25).WhataretheperceivedrealisticthreatstoboththeCatholicandtheProtestantcommunity,caused bythedichotomisedother?byresearchingthisquestion,iwillbeabletoidentifywhyandhowboth communitiesseethemselvesasaminority. Secondly,afeelingofthreatdoesnotonlyarisefrom'material'threat,butalsofromamoreabstractsortof threat,namelysymbolicthreat.thisposesaperceiveddangertothevaluesystem,beliefsystemofworldviewof theinugroupwhichisdeemedmorallyrightful(2000,25).thereforesymbolicthreats'concernthelanguage itself,buttheyalsoincludereligion,culturalvalues,beliefsystems,ideology,philosophy,morality,anddiffering worldviews'(stephan&renfro2002,198),inshort,thenonutangiblethreats.symbolicthreatissimilarto earlierformulatedtheoriessuchassymbolicracismandsymbolicthreattheory,sinceitconcernsintangible conflictingvaluesandculturaldifferencesmorethantangibleconflictinggoals(riek,mania,gaertner2006,337u 38).Similartorealisticthreats,symbolicthreatsdonothavetoberealtobeperceivedasthreatening.Thisleads tothequestion,howdoorangeparadesposeasymbolicthreattothecatholiccommunity?andwhydoes oppositiontoparadesleadtoviolentbehaviouronpartoftheprotestantcommunity? Tocometoanunderstandingofthesecondquestion,IwillneedtoresearchwhyoppositionsagainstOrange paradesaregivensuchimportance.asstatedabove,orangeparadesareanexpressionofulsterprotestant identity.itmightbeilluminatingtotakeacloserlookattherelevanceoftheorangeparadestotheprotestant identity.thatis,intheintegratedthreattheorystephanandrenfrosuggestthatwhenasymbolthatmarksthe 8

9 identityofagroupisthreatened,itisthegroupitselfthatfeelsthreatened.or,intheirownwords:'threatsto thesymbolsystemofthegroupgototheverycoreofgroupidentity thewayinwhichthegroupdefinesitself andthesymbolsitchoosestomarkthatidentity'(2002,198).thisleadstothequestion;howdidtheparades becomean'essential'partofprotestantgroupidentity?andwhyisoppositiontotheparadesconsideredan attackonprotestantidentity? Inshort,toresearchhowthecommunitiesperceivethemselvesasaminority,Iwillusetheintegratedthreat theory.firstiwillseehowthecatholicminorityfeelsrealisticallythreatenedbytheprotestants,bybriefly lookingatthecompetitionoverlandandpower.secondly,iwillexplorehowtheprotestantmajorityhas historicallyfeltthreatenedbythecatholicminority,andhowthepowerbalanceanddemographyhaverecently altered.theniwillturntothesecondpart,namelytheorangeparades.toresearchtheirinfluenceonthe feelingsofinsecurityandthreat,iwillshortlylookattheircontroversialnature.then,toseewhydecisionstoreu routeparadesaremetwithriotingandwhytheyareapinpointintherelationbetweenthetwocommunities,i willresearchtheimportanceofparadingtoulsterprotestants.afterthatiwillgoovertothesymbolicthreats thattheorangeparadesposetocatholics,andthesymbolicthreatthatoppositionstotheparadesposeto Protestants. IV. Realistic threats to the Catholics ThecolonisationofUlster Manyscholarsconsidertheconflicttogobacktotheseventeenthcentury(Darby1995,Tonge2002,Whyte 1991).Walker(1992,56)evenstatesthat'hostilitybetweenCatholicsandProtestantshasbeenanincorrigible featureoflifeinthenorthsincetheplantation'.'theplantation'isthecolonisationofulsterbygreatubritain. ThefirstBritishcontrolinUlsteroccurredin1170,whenHenryIIinvadedDublinandestablishedasmallareaof controlaroundthecity.itsinhabitantsadoptedtheenglishlanguageandcustoms,butuntilthe16 th centurythey failedtocontrollargerpartsoftheisland,whichwaslargelyautonomousbutdisunitedunderseveralgaelic chiefs(tonge2002,4).aftergainingenglishcontrolovertheislandbymilitaryconquestofelizabethiarmies, UlsterwasconfiscatedandthelanddistributedamongstcolonistsfromEnglandandWales,butpredominantly fromscotland,duetothecloseproximitytoulster(2002,4). TheinfluxofcolonistsfromtheUnitedKingdomtoUlsterwasbasedontheideaoftheEnglishgovernmentto replacethenative,catholicpopulationbythebritish.thisproveddifficult,sincetheyfailedtofindenough citizenswhowantedtoemigrate.asmanynativeirishremainedinthearea,thecolonisationpolicyresultedina fragmentedpopulation(jarman1997,31).thenativepopulationwasfacedwithaforeignoccupationalforce, whohadadifferentlanguage,religionandculture(darby1995,581).thatis,thenewcomerswereprotestant, whereasthenativeirishwerepredominantlycatholic.moreimportantly,thecolonisationcausedresentment 9

10 amongstthenatives,sincetheywerebeingexpelledfromtheirtownsandhadtomovetothefringesofthe lands(tonge2002).sothetwogroupsdifferedinreligiousandculturalways,aswellasintheiraccessto territory.johndarbyconcludesthattheoriginofthecurrentconflicthadbeenlaidoutwithinfiftyyearsofthe beginningoftheulsterplantation:'thesameterritorywasoccupied,bytwohostilegroups,onebelievingthat thelandhadbeenusurpedandtheotherbelievingthattheirtenurewasconstantlyunderthreatofrebellion' (1995,581). Catholicmarginalization BeforethearrivaloftheProtestantsettlers,Irelandwas'economicallyunderdevelopedandpolitically fragmented'(ruane&todd1996,26).duetothebritishcolonisation,theeconomyprosperedandeffectiverule wasestablished(1996,27).yettheresultofthecolonisationwastheestablishmentofadominantclassofinitial settlers,mostlyprotestant,whoheldthepoliticalandeconomicalpositionsinireland. Inthe18 th centuryforexample,thecolonistshad95%oftheland,andformedamajorityinulster,whereasthey wereaminorityinsouthofireland(cairns&darby1998,755).thecatholicpopulationfaceda'senseoflossof thosewhosawthemselvesasthetrueandnativeirish,deprivedoftheirpropertyandposition,onwhomand aliencultureandlanguagehadbeenimposed'(ruane&todd1996,26).thestatusquowasmaintainedthrough theconfiscationoflandsandgoodsandlegalrestrictionswereimposedoncatholiceconomic,culturaland politicallife(1996,32).inshort,theprotestantminorityruledoverirelandanditsmarginalisedcatholic majority. Afterthepartitionin1920,NorthernIrelandwasstilla'strikingexampleofunevendevelopment'(Rowthorn 1981,1)TheCatholics,whothenconstitutedtheminorityinNorthernIreland,weregeographicallymarginalised andfaceddiscriminationineducation,housing,employmentandpoliticallife(rowthorn1981,3).catholicswere alienatedfromlocalandprovincialgovernmentthroughgerrymandering,whichinvolvedthemanipulationof electoralboundariessoprotestantsconstitutedtherepresentationalmajority,evenindistrictswherethey formedaminority(tonge2002,22).inhousing,catholicsfaceddiscriminationinasensethattheywereless likelytoberehoused,althoughthecatholicpopulationafterthesecondworldwarlivedinslumdwellings, whichresultedintheterritorialsegregation.togiveanillustrationofthelevelofdiscrimination,ofthetotal amountof1048housesthatwasbuiltincountyfermanaghbetween1945and1967,only18%wasgivento Catholics,althoughtheyconstitutedthemajorityintheregion(Tonge2002,23).Themarginalizationin employmentwascloselytighttotheterritorialsegregationinnorthernireland:mostindustrieswerelocatedin theeast,wherethemajoritywasprotestant,whilethecatholicsusedtoinhabitthemoreruralandless developedwest(tonge2002,22,rowthorn1981,2).besides,thelocalbourgeoisiewasprotestant,who monopolisedthebetterjobs(rowthorn1981,2),sothestatusquomaintained. ThesebothinstitutionalisedandinformalwaysofdiscriminationledtheCatholicstobeamarginalisedminority, 10

11 thatwasexcludedfromhavingpoliticalinfluence.theywerefacedwithrealisticthreatssuchascompetition overland,economicalandpoliticalpower.sincethecivilrightmovementin1960showeverthisbalancehas beenalteringinfavourofthecatholics,whogainedmorepoliticalandculturalpower,especiallywiththe1998 GoodFridayAgreement.TheCatholicresurgenceandthelossofProtestantpowerwillbefurtherdescribed below. V. Realistic threats to Protestants Nationalistrebellions Asquotedabove,withthecolonisationofUlster,thedivisionbetweenhasbeenliedout,betweenonegroup believingthattheirterritoryhadbeentakenover,andtheotherfearingthattheywereunderconstantthreatof rebellion(darby1995,581).althoughthethreatwasoftenmoreperceivedthanreal,thehistoryofnorthern IrelandhasbeenmarkedbyuprisesofNationalists.BeforetheattemptofCatholicJamesIItotakethethrone, whichledtothebattleofboyne,the17 th centurywitnessedtwocatholicuprises:the1641rebellionandthe 1605GunpowderPlot,duringwhichacatholicgroupattemptedtoassassinateProtestantKingJamesI.These rebellionsformedproveof'catholictreachery'(jarman1997,34)andunreliability 2. ThefeelingofnationalistCatholicthreatwasexacerbatedbytheideathatNationalistCatholicsneverreally acceptedthepartitionofireland.aftertheirishwarofindependence(1919u1920),itwasdecidedthatthe islandwouldbedividedintwo:thesixpredominantlyprotestantcountieswouldbecomenorthernirelandunder Britishrule,andthe26othercountieswouldbeunitedintheIrishFreeState,whichwouldstillbeapartofthe BritishCommonwealth.TheUlsterprotestantshadbeenfearingtheNationaliststriveforHomeRule,andhad madesurethatwithaneventualpartitionofireland,theywouldnotbecomepartofcatholicireland(darby 1995,581).Theeventualpartitionwasthereforeademographiccompromise,toensureaProtestantmajorityin NorthernIreland(1995,581).TheestablishmentofNorthernIrelandwasthereforethemostobviousrealistic threat,sincethecatholicminorityresentedthe'unlawfulandundemocratic'(tonge2002,12)separationof Irelandandsawitasthecreationofanartificialstate.TheunionbetweenNorthernIrelandandGreatUBritain couldonlyberealisedbypermanentemergencylegislationandconstantvigilance(cairns&darby1998,755). ThethreatofCatholicresistanceagainsttheseparationalsobecameaphysicalthreatbytheIRAcampaignsin the1920s,40sand50s. InthisnewlyfoundedNorthernIreland,theOrangeInstitutionreacheditspeakofpoliticalandculturalpower (Stapleton&Wilson2005,636),andwas,asCairnsandSmythformulateit,'thedefactostateculture'(2002, 2 Nevertheless,thedistinctionswerenotreallyclearUcutuntilthe19 th century.untilthen,therewere(andstillare, albeitless)catholicssupportingtheunionwithgreatbritain,andprotestantsstrivingforanindependentireland, suchaswolfetone,thegroundingfatherofirishrepublicanism(mcbride2001). 11

12 152).TheOrangeOrderalmostcoincidedwiththepoliticalcommand,sincealmostallpoliticianswere Orangemen(Racioppi&O'SullivanSee2000,7).Publicspacewasdominatedbyunionistprotestants(Jarman 2003,94)andtheirhegemonicpositionwasguaranteedbythegerrymanderingofelectoralboundaries, manipulationofthelegalsystemandapreferentialtreatmentinemploymentandhousing(2000,7). Nationalistresurgence Althoughunionistpoliticalpowerremainedinvariableinthe1950s,thedecadeneverthelessmarkeda resurgenceofnationalistidentity(jarman1997,73).thiswas,amongstother,theresultofachangingsocial policyafterthesecondworldwar.theintroductionoffreesecondaryeducationculminatedintheemergence ofacatholicmiddleclass(darby1995,582),thatclaimedtobediscriminatedbyprotestantsinwork,schooling, housingandelections(mckeown2013,4).inspiredbythecivilrightsmovementintheunitedstates,the catholicnationalistsexpressedthedissatisfactionwiththeirsecondarypositionbyprotestmarchesandsituins. Thecivilrightscampaignthatresultedinthe1960swasfollowedarapidescalationintoviolence.Britishtroops wereinduced,andthestartofabombingcampaignagainstthearmybytheprovisionaliramarkedin1969the beginningofthetroubles. ThefirstyearwascharacterisedbyriotingbetweenCatholicsandProtestants,whereastheperiodfrom1970 until1998wasmarkedbya'lowintensitythreeucorneredconflictbetweenthebritisharmyandamilitarised policeforce,theiraandsmallerprouunitedirelandmilitantgroups,andprouukmilitantgroups'(macginty, MuldoonandFerguson2007,4).OfcoursetheblameUquestionwillnotbehandledhere,butitremainsclear thatthe30yearsduringtroublesweretheopenexpressionphysicalthreat,bothtocatholicsandprotestants. Althoughtheconflictwasoflowintensityandopenviolencerelativelysporadic,thetroublesleftitstracesin manyfamilies,sinceonapopulationof1,5million,morethan3,000peopledied(cairns&darby1998,754). Declineinpower TheendofthetroublessawthefracturingoftheOrangeOrderandadeclineinProtestantpower.Thatis,with thebeginningofdirectrulefromlondonin1972insteadofrulefromstormont,theparliamentofnorthern Ireland.The'Orangestate'hadofficiallyfailed(Bryan1997,382).Apartfrombeingapoliticaldisappointment, thetroublesalsomeantaprofoundchangeintherelationshipbetweentheorangeinstitutionandthestate. Thatis,albeittheOrderwasstillpowerful,itscloseconnectiontothestatewasnotasselfUevidentasbefore. TheOrangeparadeshadamoreaggressiveandoppositionalnature,andbecamecloserrelatedtoProtestant paramilitaryforces.asaresult,theorangeparadesonthetwelfthwerenolonger'anexpressionofthestate' (Bryan2000,156U157).Orangeismhadneverbeenasingleunit,butduringtheTroublesclassfrictionsbecame evident.whereastheorangeinstitutionusedtohave100,000membersinnorthernireland,itsmembershipat thetimeoftheagreementwasnotsupposedtosurmount43,000(fraser1998,74).thisdeclineintheorange Orderledtofeelingsofinsecurity,sincetheOrderperformedaunifyingfunctionwithintheProtestant 12

13 community.afterall,protestantcommunityneverformedabloclikethecatholics,sincetheyweredivided religiously.theorangeorderunifiedthesedifferentdenominationsintheirpoliticalgoaltocountercatholic oppositiontotheunionwithgreatbritain. AsidefromthedeclineofimportanceoftheOrangeOrder,theendoftheTroublesalsomarkedtheerosionof thepoliticalandeconomicaldominanceoftheprotestantcommunity.theeconomicaldeclinewasmostlydueto thedisappearanceoftheindustrialsectorsinwhichtheprotestantcommunityusedtoprosper(cairns&smyth 2002,156).Theynowseethemselvesasvictimsofpoliticalchange,ina'typicalpostUcolonialreversaloffortune' (2002,156).Or,asMacGintystates,itmarkedthe'juxtapositionofgreatercatholicconfidencewithProtestant fragmentationandinsecurity'(macginty,muldoon,ferguson2007,9).thisinsecuritywasexacerbatedbythe welluknowndemographicalthreat.sincethefoundationofnorthernireland,theprotestantmajorityfearedto beoutnumberedbythecatholicminority.theseanxietiesbecomeaminorityarenotuncommon,since'halfthe insecurityofthemajoritypositionstemsfromthebasicanxietieswhichhauntsthepotentialminority'(stewart 1977,162). Demographicalthreat AlthoughtraditionallytheCatholicbirthrateswereequaledbyhighemigrationrates,theCatholicpopulationhas beenincreasingsteadilysincethe1930s(cairns&darby1998,754).inthemostrecentconsensus,41%ofthe residentsofnorthernirelandsaidtoidentifywiththecatholicreligion(irrespectiveofactualbeliefand practice),and42%withprotestantreligion(2011nisradetailedcharacteristicstatisticbulletin,27).atthe previouscensus,in2001,thisrelationwas40%catholicand46%protestant.theprotestantsformamore dividedgroupthatthecatholics:itiscomprisedofthepresbyterianchurch(19%),thechurchofireland(14%) andthemethodistchurch(3%)(nisra(2011nisradetailedcharacteristicstatisticbulletin:27).mostnotably fromthestatisticsisthattherateofprotestantshasdeclinedwith4%in10yearstime,whereasthecatholic communityhasseenagrowthof1%.thebalancebetweenminorityumajoritystatushasbecomeincreasingly important,sincethe1998agreementincludedthepremisethat'northernirelandsconstitutionalstatuscould onlychangeifamajorityofthepopulationwantedchange'(macginty,muldoon,ferguson2007,6u7).this contendsthatifthemajorityofnorthernirelandwishestoseethecountryreunifiedwithireland,itwillhappen accordingly. So,asCairns&Smythconclude,'formanyprotestantsinNI,theworldhasbeenturnedupsidedown,asthetwin forcesofexternaleconomicandsocialchangeinteractwiththeerosionoftheirtraditionaleconomicand culturaldominanceoverthenationalistpopulation'(2002,156). 13

14 VI. Orange parades as focal point between two communities Treacheryandviolence ThefirstWilliamiteparadewasheldseveralmonthsaftertheBattleofBoyne,withamilitaryparadeinDublin. ThisparadewasnotlikethesymbolicritualseventstheTwelfthlaterbecame,butwasheldtopopularisethe imageofkingwilliamasanonusectarianfigure.itwascelebratedonthebirthdayoftheking,insteadofthe12 th ofjuly.so,insteadofcelebratinghimastheconquerorofcatholicireland,hisaccessiontothethronewas promoted'tosignifyavictoryforfreedomofspeech,toleranceandparliamentarydemocracyoverarbitraryand autocraticgovernment'(jarman1997,32).however,theparadewasbestowedwithasymboliccommemorative meaning,sinceitcoincidedwiththecommemorationoftwocatholicrebellionsofthe17 th century.hence,the periodbecameacommemorationoftheenduringthreatof'catholictreachery'(1997,34)andacelebrationof theprotestantvictory.therefore,whatisrememberedisnotonlythebattleoftheboyne,butalsothetwo othersignsofcatholictreachery. SincethefirstOrangeparadebytheOrangeInstitutionin1796,theyhavebeensurroundedbyviolentclashes andupheaval.thesecondorangeparadeforexample,resultedinfourteendeaths(jarman1997,47).thefirst decadesofthe19 th centuryweremarkedbyanincreaseofsectarianviolencesurroundingtheparades.dueto theviolentnatureofthe1818parades,thegrandorangelodgeevenunsuccessfullytriedbanningtheparades, butthecultureofparadinghadbecomeapopularwaytodisplayprotestantcontrolovertheterritoryand expressprotestantunity(racioppi&o'sullivansee2000,7). Catholicrights Orangeparadesprovedaperpetualflashpoint,wheneverCatholicrightswereatstake(Jarman2003,47). Especiallywhen'theuseofparadesasameansofdefiningcollectiveidentityanddisplayingcollectivepolitical strengthhascoincidedwithperiodsofpoliticalorconstitutionaltensionandchange',theparadesledtoviolent clashes.thiswasforexampleduringtheeraoftheunitedirishmeninthe18 th century,arepublican revolutionaryorganisation,o'connellreformcampaignin1820sand30s,thestriveforhomerulein19 th and 20 th century,andthecivilrightsmovementin1960s(jarman2003,94).althoughduringalltheseperiodsthe Orangeparadeshavebeendisputed,theyhavebecomeacentralpointofcontentionsincethepeace negotiationsinthe19990s.ascairns(2000,443)suggests,theorangeparadesmighthavebecomesocontested intherecentdecades,sincetheyhavebecomeasubstituteforthe'nakedviolence'thatoccurredduringthe troubles.theperiodofpeacetalksshowsalargeincreaseinthenumberofparades,from2,120annualparades in1985to3,500in1995(fraser1998,72).afterall,protestantsuseparadesasa'venueforpoliticalaction 14

15 againstchangeintheunion'(racioppi&o'sullivansee2000,8),andduringthepeacetalksofthe1990s,a changeintheunionwasemerging. VII. The Orange parades as markers of Unionist Protestant identity. OrangeOrder AccordingtoWalker(1992,57),theBattleoftheBoynehadmostlybeenforgotten,onlytobereUdiscoveredas animportantfeatureofprotestanthistoryintheendofthenineteenthcentury.theorangeorderplayeda decisiveroleintheestablishmentoforangeparadingasaninherentfeatureofunionistprotestantidentity.the Orderwasfoundedin1795inCountyArmagh,duringaperiodofsectarianruralclashesbetweentheProtestant PeepO'DayBoysandtheCatholicDefenders.AfterthebattleofDiamond,aviolentanddeathlyclashbetween bothbandsthatwaswonbythepeepo'dayboys,thewinninggroupdecidedtoestablishanorganisationthat woulddefendagainstanyfuturecatholicattacks:theorangeinstitution.(bryan2000,32u33).thus,sinceits establishmentintheconfrontationwithacatholicrivalgroups,theorangeorderhashadasectarianandantiu Catholiccharacter. TheOrangeInstitutiontookoverthecustomofparadingfromearlierparamilitaryforces,whoparadedina militaryustyletodisplaytheirstrength.thereforetheirfirstparadedevotedtothecommemorationofthebattle oftheboyne,muchresembledtheirpseudoumilitarywayofparading.theparadeshoweverweremostlycarried outbytherurallowerclass,andasjarmanstates,'alwaysvergedontheedgeoflegality,andoftencrossedthe boundaryintouncontrolledviolence'(1997,27u28).inordertodisposeoftheirscandalousimageandto promotetheorderasarespectable,protestantorganisation,theytookuponeoftheprimefiguresofprotestant heritage:kingwilliamiiiandhisvictoryatthebattleofboyne(bryan2000,34).astheconflictinnorthern Irelandhad,sinceitbeginning,hadahighlyterritorialcharacter,theparadesprovedapopularwaytodemarcate protestantterritoryandtoshowtheircontrolovertheland(racioppi&o'sullivansee2000,7).more importantly,theywereawayofshowing'solidaritywithneighboursandawayofdisplayingculturalidentityand allegiance'jarman(1997,56). Nationalismandresistance Nevertheless,sinceitwasstillalowerclassminorityofthefracturedProtestantcommunity,onecouldstatethat atleastuntiltheendofthe19 th century,thecultureofparadingonlyreflectedasmallpartoftheprotestant communityinnorthernireland,andwasnotyetpartofprotestantcollectiveidentity.hence,aswalker(1992) argues,the'traditional'orangeparadesdon'tdatebackto1690,buthadinfact,beenlargelyforgotten.how then,diditbecomesuchaninfluentialandemotionalsubjecttoulsterprotestants? The1870sand1880smarkedtheresurgenceandtherisingnationalismoftheCatholicpopulationoftheisland ofireland.facedwithmarginalizationanddiscrimination,theyjoinedthewaveofnationalismthatsweptover 15

16 thecontinent,andstrivedforanirishlegislationandmoreautonomyapartfromgreatbritain.thismovement forhomerulewenthandinhandwitharevivalofcatholicirishculture,whichisdemonstratedforexampleby theformationofgaelicathleticassociation(1884),thatpromotestypicalirishsportssuchasgaelicfootball, andtherevivalofcelticliterature,shownbythefoundationofthesocietyforthepreservationoftheirish Language(1877)(Jarman1997,61).ByemphasisingtheCatholicfolktradition,theNationalistsintendedtoform astrongidentity,therebyattemptingtodrawasubstantialboundarybetweenthemandgreatubritain. ThepoliticaldemandsforHomeRule,togetherwithemergenceofCatholicNationalistculture,wereperceived asathreatbytheprotestantcommunityinulsterandledtoasearchtoredefinetheirposition.notonlydid theyhaveeconomicalreasonstofostertheunionwithgreatbritain,sincethelinkprovedprosperousforthe dominantgroup,butithadareligiouscomponentaswell.thatis,iftheislandofirelandwouldindeedbecome independent,theprotestantsofulsterfearedthattheywouldbeoutnumberedbyamajorityofcatholicswho, theyfeared,'wouldofferlittletolerancetowardsprotestantdissidents'(tonge2002,9). TheProtestantcommunityinUlsterreactedtotheCatholicthreatbyredefiningtheiridentityasan'antithesisof Irishness'(Tonge2002,9).TocountertheNationalistsattackontheunionbetweenGreatBritainandIreland, theprotestantsturnedpreciselytothatlinktoprovidecontenttotheiridentity:toorangeismandtheorange Order,thathadalwaysfosteredtheunionwithGreatBritain.Orangeismthusplayedimportantrolein emergenceofulsterunionism:it'unitedsocialclassesintownandcountryside,andboundtogethermenof differentprotestantramification'(fraser1998,73).hence,inthe1870sand80s,orangeismbecameafocal pointintheidentificationofunionistprotestants.awaytodemonstratetheiridentitywas,indeed,byparading. Inshort,parading,andespeciallytheOrangeParade,becameapopularwaytodemarcateprotestantterritory andtoshowtheircontrolovertheland(racioppi&o'sullivansee2000,7).moreimportantly,theywereaway ofdisplayingallegianceandanexpressionofprotestantunionistidentity.afterall,theparadesexpressedthat theprotestantswere'acommunitydefinedbyitshistoryofindependence,atraditionlocatedinulsterand intendedtostayinulster,comewhatmay'(jarman1997,70).so,intheendofthe19 th century,notonlydid OrangeparadesbecomeavehicleofoppositionagainstNationalistattemptstoHomeRule,theyprovidedboth thecontenttoulsterprotestantidentityanddemonstratedthedistinctivenesstotheirishnationalistidentity. VIII. Symbolic threat to the Protestants, caused by opposition to the Orange parades So,abovehasbeendescribedthatOrangeismandOrangeParadesbecameafocalpointinProtestantUnionist identification.thattheorangeparadesareconsideredthatimportanttoprotestantidentitystemsfromthefact thatprotestantisminulsteris'asingularlynonuvisualculture,withfewoutwardsignsorsymbolsbywhichto 16

17 recallitselfeithertoitselfortoothers'(dingley2002,47).thatis,catholicnationalistscandrawfromavaried resourceofsymbolsandwaystoexpresstheiridentity,suchasthegaeliclanguage,art,sportanddancing. Besides,theCatholicchurchhasalonghistoryofvisualdisplay.TheProtestantUnionistshowever,canonlyuse paradingas'anidentifiablevisualsymbolintheworldofidentitypolitics onlyherecantheunionistasserthis difference,hisulster'britishness''(2002,47). Culturalwar InrecentyearstheparadeshavebeenopposedbyCatholicresidentgroupsandtheParadesCommission,the neutralbodythathastheauthoritytobanorreurouteparades.theseattemptstoprevent'peacefulparades' areperceivedas'notjustanattackonthelegitimatetraditionsandcultureofapeopleandadenialofbasiccivil libertiesbutitisanoffenceagainstlocalpeoplewithinthecommunity'(grandorangelodge,2013).objections towardstheorangeparadesandappealstoreuroutetheparades,areperceivedbytheorangeorderasthreats totheirculture,identityandmereexistenceinnorthernireland(dingley2002,kurtz&smithey2002).thiswas alreadyexpressedbydavidtrimble,primeministeratatthetimeofthepeacenegotiations,whostressedthat 'wefeelthatourcultureandidentityisbeingcrushed,whilewehaveirishculturerammeddownoutthroats' (July12,1995).EventhoughDavidTrimble,formerPrimeMinister,wrotethesewordsovertenyearsago,the imageofthecrushingofprotestantculturehasbecomeevenmoreprevalent,asbecomesevidentinthespeech ofedwardstevenson,grandmasteroftheorangeorder,duringthe12 th ofjuly2013. Notcontenthavingsubjectedthisprovincetoterrorandmayhemthroughamurderouscampaign, and tryingtheirbesttorewritehistoryinanattempttojustifytheirvileactions,republicansarenowengagingina culturalwartoerodeallsymbolsofbritishnessfromthispartoftheunitedkingdom,"(july12,2013). Identityandcultureunderthreat From'culturalwar'to'analmostdailyonslaughtonourBritishcultureandheritage'(July13,2013.);itbecomes evidentthattheprotestantunionistcommunityportraysitselfasacommunityundersiegeandunderthreatof ethniccleansingbythecatholicrepublicans.anattackonparades,theexpressionofulsterprotestantidentity, isseenasanattackontheiridentity.or,ascairns&smythexplain,orangeismandorangeparadesrepresent theidentityoftheparticipants.therefore,'attemptstochallengetheperceivedrightoforangementomarch willthereforeberesistedatallcosts:an'insult'toorangeismisthusinterpretedasaninsulttotheentire protestantcommunity'(cairns&smyth2002,144).hence,jarman's(2003,93)observationthat'athreator challengetoaritualtraditionmaywellbeconsideredasathreattothesurvivalofthecollectiveidentityitself, provestoberightinthecaseoftheprotestantcommunityinnorthernireland.asdingley(2002,46)hasnoted, thisfearisbeingexacerbatedbythelackofinterestshownbythemediaandacademicstotakeprotestantfear seriously,whereastheydopayattentiontocatholicclaimstobeingdiscriminated. 17

18 Furthermore,besidesperceivingattacksonOrangeparadesasathreattotheiridentity,theUlsterProtestants claimthatoppositionis'politicallymotivatedtoundermineorangeculture'(jarman2003,94).theorange Order,forinstance,holdsthatthecomplaintsexpressedbyseveralCatholicresidentgroupsareinfact orchestratedbysinnfein,anirishrepublicanpartythathashistoricallybeenassociatedwiththeprovisionalira (Fraser1998,81).Hence,theprotestisnotliterallypointedattheparades,butstandsfortheongoingattempts oftherepublicanstoreunifynorthernirelandwiththerepublic,'ofperhapsinvolvingashiftfromastrategyof the'ballotboxandarmalite'tooneof'ballotboxandstreetprotest''(jarman2003,94).afterall,upuntil1999 Ireland,claimedthewholeislandofIrelandasbeingonenation. Lossofterritoryandpower ThefearoflosingterritoryandbeingincorporatedintotheCatholicRepublicofIrelandalsohasitssymbolic counterpartinthedisputessurroundingorangeparades.thatis,thesmallnumberofparadesthatare contentious,arethoseparadingthroughpredominantlycatholicneighbourhoods.oneofthemostnotorious conflictsconcernsthedrumcreeconflictinthetownofportadown.theorangeorderclaimsitsrighttoparade fromthedrumcreechurch,whichistheroutetheorangemenusedtotakesincethebeginningofthe nineteenthcentury.however,theareaaroundtheheavilydisputedgarvaghyroadthatusedtobeopenfields, hasbecomepopulatedbyacatholicnationalistcommunitythatobjectstotheparades.theparadeshave proventobesocontentious,especiallyinthemidu90s,sincethereuroutingoftheparadeisconsideredasaloss ofterritory(fraser1998,78).objectionstotheparades,andespeciallyrestrictionsimposedonthembythe ParadesCommission,makestheProtestantsfeel'thattheyarebeingforcedoutoftheirareas,andtheirstateis beingtakenover'theenemyorotherside''(dingley2002,46). Ultimately,attacksontheParadesareseenasproofthatthestateisbeingtakenoverby'theenemy'.Thatis, sincetheorangeorderplayedaunifyingroleintheformationaprotestantulsteridentityamongstprotestants ofdifferentreligiousdenominations,suchaspresbyterians,anglicansandmethodists.furthermore,asthe OrangeOrderhasalwaysbeencloselyconnectedtopoliticalpower,andwasthe'defactostateculture'(D. Cairns&Smyth2002)duringtheStormontyears,theOrangeparadesweresymbolsofthestate.Attackson Orangeparadesaresimilarlyperceivedasanattackonthestateitself(Dingley2002).Or,howtheDistrictGrand MasteroftheOrangeInstitutioninDrumcreesaidit:'ThebattleisnotaboutDrumcee.It'snotabouttheOrange Order.It'saboutprotestantpeople.Theyusedtobeontheirknees,nowthey'reontheirbellies.Iftheydon'tget upoftheirbelliesbeforeit'stolate,thiscountrywillbegone'(cairns&smyth2002,156). So,objectionstoOrangeparadesarethreateningsincetheyareperceivedasanattackonUnionistProtestant identityandasattemptstoculturallycleansenorthernirelandofitsprotestantculture.besides,claimstoreu routetheparadesthatpassthroughcatholicneighbourhoods,arethreateningbecausegivingintotheclaims wouldfeellikegivingupprotestantterritory.lastly,orangeparadeswerethesymbolofofthenorthernirish 18

19 'Orange'state,andthereforeanattackontheparadesisperceivedasanattackonthestate. XI. Symbolic threat posed to the Catholics by the Orange parades. Pastdefeat WhereastheProtestantUnionistscannotseemtostressenoughthattheparadesareahonourabletradition; thecatholicnationalistsseetheparadesastriumphalistandsectarianevents,duringwhichthedominant Protestantcommunitycelebratestheirvictoryovertheunderdog,theCatholiccommunity.Asstatedabove,the CatholiccommunityinNorthernIrelandhasahistoryofmarginalizationanddiscrimination.Despitethefactthat thecatholiccommunityingeneralisdemographicallyexpandingandthepowerbalancebetweenthetwo communitieshasbeenchanging,(thecatholiccommunityclaimthattheorangeparadesareahumiliating reminderoftheirseconduclasscitizenship.'communitiesagainstsectarianparades'forexample,anewly foundedresidentscollectivity,haswrittenintheirstatementthat'weastheresidentsdirectlyaffectedare clearlybeingtreatedasseconduclasscitizensinourownrespectivecities,townsandvillages'(june21,2013). EspeciallytheunwillingnessoftheOrangeOrdertoreUroutetheparadesandtokeepinsistingonparading throughcatholicneighbourhoodsmakethecatholicsseetheparadesasanexpressionofdominance.why,after all,wouldtheyinsistonparadingthroughcatholicneighbourhoodsifitwasnotfordisplayingprotestant strengthandsupremacy? ThisisespeciallythecasewiththesoUcalled'bloodandthunderbands',thathavegrowninpopularityoverthe lastyearsandareknownfortheirconnectionswithloyalistparamilitaryorganisations.bandsdonotformpartof theorangeinstitutionbutarehiredfortheoccasionandarethereforedifficulttocontrol.accordingtoracioppi &O'SullivanSee(2000,19),thesebloodanthunderbandreflectanongoingdividewithintheprotestant communitybetweentherespectablemiddleuclassorangeismandamoreworkinguclassmasculineformof orangeloyalism,whichismoreconfrontationalandreflectedbythe'kickthepope'tunesplayedbybloodand thunderbands.oneofthetunesthatisalwaysplayed,is'thesash',referringtotheorangecollarettewornby theorangemen,andsupposedly,bythemenwhofoughtthebattleofboyne.thesongisdedicatedtothe 'bravemen'whofoughtthebattleattheriverboyne,and'ifthecallshouldcomewe'll[ ]crossthatriveronce more[ ]andonthetwelfthilovetowearthesashmyfatherwore'(racioppi&o'sullivansee2000,12).inthis song,theorangemenopenlyrefertothedefeatofthecatholicsandtheirwillingnessto'crossthatriveronce more',thatis,tofightthecatholicsoncemore.itismostlyduetothesereferencesthattheparadescannotbe seenasexpressionsofreligionorculture,butiscloselytighttotheirpastdefeat. Displayingongoingdominance TheOrangeparadesareseenasthreateningbecausetheydisplaytheongoingProtestantsupremacyand dominanceoverthecatholicminority(dingley2002,stapleton&wilson2005).theyfunctionasareminderof 19

20 thepowerofunionistprotestants,oraslarsenstates:'forcatholicstheritesofthetwelfthareademonstration ofprotestantpowerandaproofthatnothinghaschangedinalmostthreehundredyearssincetheboyne'(1982, 288).Traditionally,theCatholicswereexcludedfromvisuallydisplayingtheirculturalaffiliationinthepublic sphere.especiallyintheheydaysoforangeism,thedecadesafterthepartitionofireland,allsymbolic expressionsof'irishness',werebannedorrestrictedtotheonlycatholicareas.eventsthatinvolvedthedisplay oftheirishflagwereevenrestrictedbythepolice(bryan1997,382).orangeparades,ontheotherhand,were symbolsofthestateandfacilitatedandsupportedbyitsministers,politiciansandbackedbyitspoliceforces. EspeciallyduringtheStormontyearsofdirectcontrolbetween1921and1972,theOrangeismwasthe'defacto stateculture'(cairns&smyth2002,152),astateagainstwhoseveryexistencewasfoughtbythenationalist Catholics.ThereforetheOrangeparadeswereseenas'thepublicexpressionofsupportforatraditionwith whichtheycannot,andwillnot,identify'(fraser1998,80). Fightoverterritory Furthermore,besidesremindingofamarginalisedpast,theparadesareseenasaninvasioninCatholicterritory whentheytaketheroutethroughapredominantlycatholicarea.selfushotvideo'sproveillustrativeonthis point,forexampleayoutubevideoshotlasttwelfthinthenorthofbelfast.inthevideo,agroupofsome fifteenprotestersofthegreaterardoyneresidentscollectivehavegatheredonthesidewalk,holdingupsign suchas'respectourcommunitywithrespect,notassecondclasscitizens'and'somuchforyourislandof equals'.theyarefacedbyatightlineofpoliceofficers,staringalmostsilentlyattheprotesters.thenthevideo continuesshowingdozensofpolicejeepsand,whentheorangeparadespassesby,bothsidesoftheparading menareguardedbyseveraldozensofheavilyarmedriotcontrolofficers.thisvideoportraystheclaimsmadeby thecatholiccommunitythattheparadesareintimidatinganddisruptingtheirnormallypeaceful neighbourhoods. ThesefeelingshavealsobeenarticulatedbytheLowerOrmeauConcernedCommunityandtheGarvaghyRoad ResidentCoalition,sincetheyhave'arguedfortherighttoliveinpeace,withoutthedeepsenseoffear,outrage andhumiliationthatconsistentlymarkedthesesectarianparadesthroughourneighbourhoods.[ ]Instead,due totopoliticalexpediency,unwantedsectarianmarcheswereimposeduponourcommunitiesthroughtheuseof threatsandviolencebyunionismandforcefromboththepoliceandthebritisharmy'(april28,2008).the parades,withtheirpoliceandmilitaryprotection,threatenthesenseofsecurityofthecatholicresidentsand,as Ferman(2013,67)phrases,'whatfollows,evenifitincludestheirownyoungmenthrowingrocksatthepolice, istheresultofthatsenseoftheircommunitybeinginvaded,thelackofrespectfortheirculture,feelings,and physicalspace,andapoliceforcethatisineffectualatbestandhostileatworst.withtheyoutubevideoin mind,onecancometoanunderstandingwhytheorangeparadesareperceivedasan'invasion'bythe inhabitantsofthecatholicareathatparadespassthrough. 20

21 So,theparadesareconsideredthreateningsincetheyremindtheCatholiccommunitytotheirpastdefeat,and tothecontinuingdominanceoftheprotestants.besides,theyareanexpressionofatraditiontheycannot identitywith.lastly,theyarethreateningbecausetheparades'takeovertheterritory'. X. Conclusion TheBattleoftheBoynetookplaceoverthreehundredyears,butstillincitesdisturbances.HowdotheOrange paradesaffectthedoubleminorityperceptionofbothcommunities,wasthequestioniaskedatthebeginningof thisthesis.toresearchthis,ihaveturnedtotheintegratedthreattheory,toseeinwhatwaysthetwo communitiesfeelrealisticandsymbolicallythreatenedbytheother,andhowtheorangeparadesexacerbate thisperceivedthreat. Realisticthreats Firstly,theCatholiccommunityhistoricallyfeelsrealisticallythreatenedbythecompetitionforland.Sincethe UlsterPlantation,thecolonisationofIreland,theProtestantsettlershavetakenovertheland.Thisunequal settlerunativerelationship,combinedwiththeeconomicpowerofthepredominantlyscottishsettlers,ledtoan unbalanceinpower.althoughthesouthofirelandwasmostlycatholic,theprovinceofulsterhadsincethe colonisationknownamajorityofprotestantsettlers.thereforethecatholiccommunitywasfacedwithasocial groupthatwasbothsuperiorinpower,inaccesstolandandinnumber.afterall,theprotestantmajorityin UlsterruledovertheCatholicminority,whoweremarginalisedandwhoseeconomic,culturalandpoliticallife wasputundersevererestrictionsuntilthecivilrightsmovementinthe1960s.theyconstitutedtheminority bothinademographicalway,asinthattheywerethreatenedeconomically,politicallyandculturally.the Troubleshowever,andespeciallythesubsequentGoodFridayAgreement,hasstartedtocontributetotheend ofthemarginalizationofcatholicsandaresurgenceofcatholicwelfare,andpoliticalandculturalinfluence. TheProtestantcommunity,ontheotherhandhasfelt,sincethecolonisationandtherevoltsinthe17 th century, underconstantthreatofacatholicrebellion.throughouthistoryandespeciallysincethestriveforhomerule andtheoppositionagainstthecreationof'theartificialstate'ofnorthernireland,theprotestantunionistshave seenthecatholicnationalistastheenemywithin.byallmeans,thisfearwasexacerbatedbytheviolent campaignsoftheiraandtheassaultsduringthetroubles.besidesthesometimesperceivedandsometimes physicalthreatthatthecatholicminorityimposed,thepowerbalancehasrecentlybeenalteredsincethegood FridayAgreement.Afterall,theAgreementcontainedtheestablishmentofapowerUsharingassembly,hencethe Protestantshadtoleavetheirpositionofunprecedentedpower.Also,theProtestantcommunityisfacedwitha growingcatholiccommunityinnorthernireland,thatisabouttooutnumbertheprotestants.so,theprotestant communityfeelsthreatenedinseveralwaysandthereforeperceivesitselfasaminority. So,NorthernIrelandhastwomayorcommunitiesofwhichoneconstitutedthemarginalisedandoppressed 21