POLITICS LATIN AMERICA

Transcription

1 INTRODUCTION Latin America is an exciting region and, once under its exotic spell, a visitor rarely fails to return to it. From its breathtaking landscapes, bewitching music and pre- Columbian grandeur to its revolutionary traditions, the rebellious temperament of its people, and the unrivalled skill of its footballers, it never fails to capture the imagination. This vitality is often reflected in news reports, and in recent years the region has often been in the headlines. Journalists tend to concentrate on the negative, such as the civil war and drug-trafficking in Colombia, riots and protests in Bolivia and Argentina, corruption in Mexico or Paraguay, or anti-us posturing in Venezuela and Cuba. However, behind the frequently bleak predictions and facile stereotypes there is much cause for hope and lessons for us all as Latin American people and their leaders push forward the bounds of political possibility and find innovative ways to tackle deep-seated problems. The dogged determination of prosecutors to put Chile s former military dictator Augusto Pinochet in the dock since 2000 and the election of the photogenic Michelle Bachelet to the presidency of that country in 2006 demonstrate what has been achieved in just a few years in what was once one of Latin America s most conservative societies. Latin America is also of great importance to the study of politics, development, international relations and other disciplines, offering students, teachers and researchers many valuable opportunities to expand their knowledge. The study of Latin America today can: l l provide us with theoretical tools for the analysis of key contemporary themes anywhere in the world such as democratization, institution-building or United States foreign policy. Those tools have often been fashioned from the study of Latin America s many and often startling contrasts, which are a characteristic feature of this region. Scholars of Latin America have made significant contributions to the most important debates in the social sciences and humanities, and have often been at the forefront of theoretical development in many areas. The study of Latin America has been distinctively interdisciplinary, and this has enabled it to attract experts from diverse fields and, in turn, to contribute to knowledge across many disciplines; provide many rich examples to compare with our observations from other countries. As part of the developing world, Latin America has often been a laboratory for political and economic experiments, and so offers students of politics from across the world novel insights and experiences. It is also unique because, for the first time in history, almost an entire developing region suffering 1

2 POLITICS LATIN AMERICA l from significant levels of poverty and inequality is organized under democratic governments. At the same time, this vast region extends to the south of the most economically developed and powerful country, the US, offering us many opportunities to explore relations between neighbours from different cultural and political traditions enjoying different levels of development. As a region built through European colonialism upon the encounter between different races and cultures, Latin American countries offer valuable insights into how different groups coexist and adapt to the juggernaut of change; help us to understand phenomena closer to home, where so often we like to assume that we are immune to the ebb and flow of contemporary trends that find their most dramatic expression in the developing world. The Latin American republics are among the oldest independent states in the world, their borders largely fixed before the tumultuous wars that reshaped Europe until the late twentieth century. These republics have nearly two hundred years of independent history to draw upon Ireland, modern Italy and Germany, the Balkan states and even parts of central and eastern Europe do not have this depth of historical maturity. Yet the political evolution of the Latin American states has often proceeded in fits and starts, interrupted by military coups d état, civil wars and economic collapse. Institutions have frequently failed, and political power has often been misused. We can learn from these experiences, and so we should. But what is Latin America? When the World Trade Organization published its annual international statistics in October 2005, it had made a subtle change to the way it compared the performance of countries in the Americas. Gone was the denomination Latin America and, in its place, the hemisphere was divided into North America (Canada, the United States and Mexico) and South and Central America. A few months later, in January 2006, Evo Morales was inaugurated as president of Bolivia the day after celebrating his achievement in ceremonies at the archaeological remains of the Tiwanaku civilization near La Paz. The 46-year-old former llama herder and coca leaf farmer made a private offering of sweets, wine and flowers to Pachamama Mother Earth in Andean cosmology before moving to the pre-inca temple of Kalasasaya where, barefoot and dressed as a sun priest, he received a ceremonial baton and addressed thousands of supporters in the Aymara language. Both of these observations from positions rooted in the present and the past challenge the popular understanding of Latin America as a territorially defined region that is linguistically Iberian Spanish and Portuguese and mainly Roman Catholic. They reveal that Latin America is, above all, an idea and one that is constantly in motion and resistant to easy definitions. They illustrate that institutions and individuals can hold widely differing visions of Latin America and of its future. Such contrasting visions and the theories that have been built upon them have been at the very heart of political development in this complex region since the Spanish conquistadores first drew their swords to claim it as their own in the early sixteenth 2

3 INTRODUCTION century. As a result, definitions of what comprises Latin America have always varied. The term itself has been attributed to different sources: from Latin American politicians and scholars themselves to the French under Napoleon III, who wanted to distinguish the Spanish-, Portuguese- and French-speaking areas of the American hemisphere to support his own imperial designs. This is a paradox, because many millions of people in the region do not speak languages derived from Latin as a mother tongue. When the Spaniards first arrived, about 2,000 indigenous languages were spoken in the region, and about 800 of these are still in use even now. The Andean language Quechua, for example, is spoken by as many as 14 million people. Today, Latin America has mainly sociological and geopolitical connotations: sociologically, it corresponds to those countries south of the United States where Spanish and Portuguese (and some French or related creole languages) are spoken or which have Iberian cultural or ethnic antecedents or associations. The long era of Spanish and Portuguese colonial control prior to Independence in the early nineteenth century left an enduring legacy in these countries, and for visionary leaders bequeathed much material with which to dream of regional unity. Geopolitically, Latin America corresponds to 20 independent countries south of the US, from Mexico in North America through Central America and the Caribbean and across the South American continent (see Figure I.1). However, at times it has been suggested that Latin America should incorporate dependent territories such as French Guiana or Puerto Rico, and some people would like to include within it countries such as Belize, Guyana and Suriname because they are found in predominantly Latin American vicinities. Moreover, although the US is usually excluded from our understanding of Latin America because it is regarded as having primarily an Anglo-Saxon inheritance, large swathes of the southern US once formed part of Mexico and the Hispanic influence in these areas remains strong. US Census Bureau estimates show that Hispanics form the largest minority in the country, as a result of which it now has one of the largest Spanish-speaking populations in the world. For the purposes of this book, Latin America comprises those 20 countries shown with their population figures and areas in Figure I.1, although reference will sometimes also be made to other states such as Puerto Rico and Belize and to Hispanics in the US. The dominant language in the 20 countries dealt with here is Spanish, although it is the Portuguese-speaking Brazil that is the largest Latin American country, both in terms of area and population. It is from these Iberian roots that the study of politics in Latin America as a discernible region emerges, and it is impossible to separate the history and politics of this region from this inheritance. Moreover, these countries have at times shared so many traits such as presidentialism, ineffective institutions, central states that monopolize power at the expense of local governments, and the legacy of a strict hierarchy in society that it often seems natural and reasonable to group them together. Haiti has something of an ambivalent status in the study of Latin America because, like many other Caribbean countries 3

4 Figure I.1 The countries of Latin America and their capitals, populations,* and areas in sq km (sq m) *2005 estimate, based upon the most recent population data available for each country, derived usually from a census or population register, updated to 2005 using all available data on fertility, mortality and international migration. Rounded figures. Source: UNPOP (2005). 4

5 INTRODUCTION and Belize and the Guyanas, it does not share fully the Iberian heritage of the mainland states and is the only primarily francophone independent country whose roots, arguably, lie in French colonialism. It is sometimes but not always incorporated in the study of Latin America because events in Haiti have at times influenced those elsewhere in the region, because of its proximity to Cuba and its role in US foreign policy, and because of its inescapable relationship with the larger Dominican Republic, with which it shares the island of Hispaniola and which has a closer historical relationship with Spain. At the same time, Latin America is as much a product of its economic, political and cultural diversity as of the shared inheritance that gives its peoples a sense of separate identity. While Brazil s rapid development is turning it into a power in its own right complete with its own space programme under the auspices of the Agência Espacial Brasileira (Brazilian Space Agency), for example, in Honduras almost 40 per cent of children under five years old are still suffering from malnutrition. Diversity is both a challenge and an opportunity in the study of politics. It obliges us to identify common patterns of behaviour and to explain cases that digress from these. It forces us to dispense with the unnecessary and contradictory details that, at times, can overwhelm us, in order to focus on what is really important. It demands that we make comparisons. It is the cornerstone of theory and comparative analysis. The richness, complexity and, at times, tragic consequences of Latin American diversity is for students themselves to discover, ideally by throwing on a backpack and travelling through the region. However, any discussion of Latin American diversity will begin with the themes of race and ethnicity. In most cases the lands conquered and colonised by the Europeans in the sixteenth century had already been occupied for millennia by well-ordered indigenous communities, some of which, such as the Aztecs and Incas, had established by force their own sophisticated empires in the region. Indigenous history has not been as well documented as that of the European colonists who rapidly established their control over what would become Latin America. What is well known is that indigenous society collapsed during the period of Spanish Conquest as a result of mistreatment and the spread of diseases such as smallpox, measles and bubonic plague. Colonial policies and practices also sanctioned the seizure of indigenous lands. However, despite the domination of a white upper class, the countries of the region would develop during the colonial era as societies that combined European and indigenous cultural elements. The indigenous contribution to Latin American culture and society is still evident in many areas, from patterns of social organisation and land use to words such as chocolate, potato, tomato and tobacco that have been taken up or adapted by Spanish, Portuguese, English and other languages. This complex racial and cultural influence is best summarized by the Spanish term mestizo (mixed), used to refer to the biological but also the cultural fusion that distinguishes Latin America and its peoples to this day. To the European indigenous encounter was added the impact 5

6 POLITICS LATIN AMERICA of slavery, as Africans were shipped to Ibero-America to work the large estates and plantations established there and to serve their white owners. African culture has also had an important influence upon Latin America, particularly in the countries where most slaves were taken such as Brazil and Cuba. In plural societies, diversity is the terra firma of democracy, and upon it sits the cornerstone of all democratic life: institutions. Although there is no single route through the constantly shifting terrain of politics, which is far too complex and contingent to allow us the luxury of a straightforward journey, one point of departure in our exploration of Latin America could be the degree to which the achievement of democracy has been delayed or obstructed by the nature of the governing institutions in which legitimate power is vested the state. States in Latin America have so often been too weak or too strong, monopolized by interests that are too few or too many, or either too close or too far from the societies over which they preside. The nature of these governing institutions has been shaped by phenomena that will be discussed in the book such as personalism, authoritarianism, revolution, lawlessness, populism, nationalism, corporatism and dependency and, as a result, these phenomena have often been the main obstacles on the route towards democracy. This has meant that, although constitutions assign formal powers to executives, legislatures and judiciaries, real power has often resided with groups or individuals competing or co-operating outside the institutional structures of government such as leaders of powerful dynastic families, economic interest groups and trades unions, and with institutions such as the military that are not formally assigned a governing role. Governmental institutions such as national congresses often served as window-dressing for dictatorships or for the rule of a powerful clique. A survey in 2002 of Latin American leaders confirmed that many still believed de facto power often resides with groups acting outside of the formal institutions of politics (see Table I.1). Yet institutions are of paramount importance for Latin America s future: weak institutions can make it more difficult to maintain political stability and can fuel uncertainty. They can foster scepticism about politics, resulting in immobilism, policy gridlock, a lack of government authority and, ultimately, political conflict. Most scholars agree that strong, stable, representative institutions are vital for the survival and well-being of democracy. This book aims to situate this consensus firmly at the heart of the study of Latin American politics. Part I provides a brief introduction to the history of Latin America since Independence in the early nineteenth century. Chapter 1 examines developments from Independence until the Great Depression of the 1930s and Chapter 2 takes the reader thereafter to the end of military rule on the eve of the democratic transitions of the 1980s. Chapter 3 provides a summary of political developments in each of the 20 countries studied in the book in the recent period, with an emphasis on personalities and parties. It is designed only to provide the reader with a brief update on current affairs within each country, so that he or she can begin to engage with the 6

7 INTRODUCTION Table I.1 Who exercises power in Latin America?* Powers Actors considered No. of % of interviewees to exercise power mentions who mentioned it De facto powers Economic groups/business 150 (79.8) executives/financial sector Communications media 122 (64.9) Constitutional powers Executive branch (i.e. president) 68 (36.2) Legislative branch (i.e. congress) 24 (12.8) Judicial branch (i.e. the courts) 16 (8.5) Security forces Armed forces 40 (21.3) Police 5 (2.7) Political institutions Political parties 56 (29.8) and political leaders Politicians/political 13 (6.9) operators/political leaders Foreign factors USA/Embassy of the USA 43 (22.9) Multilateral lending organizations 31 (16.5) International factors/ 13 (6.9) external factors Transnational companies/ 9 (4.8) multinationals *According to the number of mentions by Latin American leaders consulted in 2002 by the Proyecto sobre el Desarrollo de la Democracia en América Latina (PRODDAL). Source: From UNDP (United Nations Development Programme) (2004b) Democracy in Latin America. Towards a Citizens Democracy. New York/Buenos Aires: UNDP/Alfaguara, p Copyright United Nations Development Programme, All rights reserved. Reproduced with permission. politics of these states as they are practised today more fully once they begin reading other chapters and other literature. Part II introduces the student to the study of democracy and the key political institutions and actors in Latin America. Chapters 4 and 5 explore what is meant by democracy, processes of democratic transition and consolidation, and the main challenges facing democracy today. Chapter 6 looks at the most important institution in Latin American politics, the presidency, and considers the impact of this office upon democratic governance. Chapter 7 looks at the legislative and judicial branches of government, political parties, developments in public administration, and decentralization. Chapters 8 and 9 examine established and new political actors in Latin America, from trades unions, peasants, the Church and the military to social movements, non-governmental organizations, business associations and the media. Part III introduces the student to international relations in Latin America. Chapter 10 examines the relationships between Latin American states themselves and the key foreign policy challenges facing countries in the region. Chapter 11 looks 7

8 POLITICS LATIN AMERICA at the evolution and motives of US foreign policy towards Latin America, a key factor in the region s political development. Chapter 12 explores the evolving relationship between Latin America and two other regions of the world, Europe and Asia. European scholarship and the external policy of institutions such as the European Union are of great importance to Latin America s future development: Europeans have made significant contributions to peace processes, mechanisms to engender respect for human rights, social development and even regional integration in Latin America. Europe has often been seen by leaders in the region as an honest broker that can help resolve problems without promoting any obvious superpower agenda. Part IV introduces the student to political ideas and the debates and behaviour they generate in Latin America. The study of political ideas in the region has not been consistent, and many courses have tended to neglect this area. Yet it is often political ideas that attract students to it in the first place. Chapter 13 explores formative themes in Latin American political thought and the clash of ideas on the left and right of the political spectrum. Chapter 14 looks at political ideas informed by a sense of identity, such as nationalism, racial and indigenous doctrines, and feminism. Part V introduces the reader to the ideas that have influenced different models of political economy in Latin America. Chapter 15 explores the structuralist ideas that supported state-led industrialization and the dependency approaches that emerged from these. Chapter 16 looks at neoliberalism the most important influence upon economic development since the 1980s and the relationship between the reforms this perspective inspired and the notion of globalization. Finally, Chapter 17 considers strategies that have put redistribution and social justice at the heart of economic development, such as socialism, populism and social democracy. Inequality is a distinguishing characteristic of Latin American societies, which need to become fairer for all their citizens if democracy is to prosper. 8