AN INFORMATIONAL THEORY OF MIDTERM ELECTIONS: THE IMPACT OF IRAQ WAR DEATHS ON THE 2006 ELECTION. Jared E. Kahanek, B.A.

Transcription

1 AN INFORMATIONAL THEORY OF MIDTERM ELECTIONS: THE IMPACT OF IRAQ WAR DEATHS ON THE 2006 ELECTION Jared E. Kahanek, B.A. Thesis Prepared for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS UNIVERSITY OF NORTH TEXAS August 2009 APPROVED: Matthew Eshbaugh-Soha, Major Professor Ko Maeda, Minor Professor Elizabeth A. Oldmixon, Committee Member John R. Todd, Acting Chair of the Department of Political Science Michael Monticino, Dean of the Robert B. Toulouse School of Graduate Studies

2 Kahanek, Jared E. An Informational Theory of Midterm Elections: The Impact of Iraq War Deaths on the 2006 Election. Master of Arts (Political Science), August 2009, 59 pp., 3 tables, references, 43 titles. There has been much scholarly attention directed at the Iraq war s role in determining voter choice. I attempt to extend that research into voter turnout to determine what role the Iraq war played in 2006 voter turnout. This paper argues that turnout at the state level could be explained by the number of US deaths each state had sustained from the Iraq occupation at the time of the election. A theory of voter activation based on information availability is put forth to explain the relationship between national events and voter turnout wherein national events like the Iraq war will raise the amount of information voters have at their disposal, which will increase the likelihood of their voting on election day. Regression analysis comparing the turnout rates of the 50 states to their casualties in Iraq revealed no relationship between the two factors, indicating that something else is responsible for the high turnout of the midterm.

3 Copyright 2009 by Jared E. Kahanek ii

4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This thesis has been a long time in coming, and as a result there are many people to thank for aiding in its completion. I must first thank both my family and the Political Science faculty of UNT for their great patience and support during the long gestation process. Lesser professors would have abandoned me long ago as a lost cause, but throughout this process Eshbaugh-Soha always promptly returned my s and was willing to listen to whatever crackpot ideas I had about the direction of this research project. The same is true of my parents, who constantly pushed me to finish but never tried to convince me completing this paper was a waste of my time and resources. This paper would not have been finished without their efforts on my behalf. Further acknowledgments must go to several close friends without whose constant support and refusal to indulge in my bouts of self-pity regarding completing this paper gave me the motivation I needed to see this through. I need to thank my sister Jessica, Thea Richard, Jonathan Huggins, Emily Owmby, Thorin and Dawn Wright, Molly Eamon, Allison Brown, Eliane Spaar, Brandon Powell, Alston McCart, Blake Bennett, Nick Reves, and several more I am sure I am forgetting for their constant reality checks when I started to lose sight of my goals. If I have left anyone out who feels they were slighted, I offer my humblest apologies for the omission. Finally I must thank the many different locations throughout Denton where this paper was written, including the UNT library, Banter and Jupiter House coffee shops, the bench in front of the public admin department in Wooten Hall, now sadly gone, all provided the workspace I needed to complete this paper, and I must give them my thanks. iii

5 TABLE OF CONTENT ACKNOWLEDGMENTS.....ii Page LIST OF TABLES. iii Chapter 1. AN INTRODUCTION PREVIOUS PESEARCH Aggregate theoretical explanations Individual level influences Summation 3. CIVIC ACTIVATION: AN UPDATED THEORY OF VOTER ACTIVATION IN A MIDTERM ELECTION..24 Information impact on voter turnout 4. RESEARCH DESIGN.. 32 Case selection and choice of analysis Hypothesis variable operationalization Control variable operationalization 5. FINDINGS.41 Hypothesis test Control variables 6. CONCLUSION.. 50 BILBIOGRAPHY.55 iv

6 LIST OF TABLES Page 1-1 Midterm Turnout Rates War deaths and turnout rates for US states Voter Eligible Turnout in v

7 CHAPTER 1 AN INTRODUCTION The 2006 midterm represents a prime opportunity to study political information role in voter turnout. Following the 2004 election, the Republican party controlled both houses of Congress and the presidency. This period also saw increased destabilization within Iraq, as US casualties continued to mount with no clear end in sight. Republicans continued to support it and offered no significant alterations to the president s policies. Then in 2006 voters turnout in droves to punish the Republican party and turn control of both Congressional houses over to the Democrats. Moderate Republicans in marginal districts like Rhode Island s Lincoln Chaffee, first term Senator and son of longtime Senator John Chaffee, were swept from office due in large part to their support of the Iraq war. The 2006 election saw record turnout rates across the country for a midterm race. According to the Federal Elections Committee, over 80 million people voted in 2006, 43% of the voting age population. The last midterm election to have turnout over 40% was 1970, with 1982 coming close with barely 40%. Following that there was a two decade long period where voter turnout stayed around 35%, as show in Figure 1-1, settling at around 36% for most of the 80 s and 90 s. Voter turnout in the 2006 midterm election was the highest seen since the 1960s, with national turnout levels reaching 45% of the voter eligible population. Prior to 2006, midterm turnout rates had held steady at around 35% of eligible voters. 1

8 Figure 1-1 Midterm Turnout Rates Turnout Percentage Year Source: Federal Election Commission. Data drawn from Congressional Research Service reports, Election Data Services Inc., and State Election Offices. The number of voters who came out on election day is striking both for giving control of both houses of Congress to the Democrats and in reversing a decade long trend of minimal voter participation. In studying the results of the 2006 midterm, Cohen (2007) and Kriner and Shen (2007) found that Republican senators were more likely to be voted out of office in 2006 if more US soldiers from their states were killed in Iraq. Using data from SurveyUSA, Cohen analyzed the 2006 midterm with controls for the partisanship of the state as measured by the distribution of partisan and ideological identifiers throughout the state, Bush s approval ratings, the presence of an incumbent candidate in the race, economic factors and the size of the state. Cohen includes a variable for the per-capita number of Iraq War deaths from the states, theorizing that as deaths increase voters will become dissatisfied with Republican candidates, who will 2

9 then see their election returns diminish. The statistical analysis found that the presence of a Democrat incumbent, unemployment, battle deaths, the population measures and the percentage of Republican identifiers in the state all had statistically significant effects on the Senate races. The Iraq War deaths variable also have a demonstrable impact on Senate votes. Cohen found that for every additional death per 100,000 lessens the Republican vote by 14 points (Cohen ). Kriner and Shen (2007) expanded on Cohen s findings by investigating the change in voter share at the county level for the Republican Senate incumbents from 2000 to 2006, and by analyzing the electoral results for the 14 incumbent Republican senators ran for re-election. Their analysis was structured in three tiers: the effect of Iraq casualties on all senatorial election results at the state level, the same at the county level, and the third focused exclusively on the county level returns for the 14 Republican incumbents seeking reelection in The change in Republican senatorial votes was modeled as a function of state-level casualties and other control variables, including the economic health of the nation, the popularity of the president, the amount of campaign spending and the quality of the challenger in the election. They found that the voting population was highly casualty sensitive, even in counties that had sustained no casualties in the Iraq War. Cohen (2007) and Kriner and Shen (2007) found that, once other factors like the economy were controlled for, Iraq War deaths had a clear impact completely separate from Bush s popularity with voters. These findings showed that there was a voter referendum on the Iraq War, though as Cohen discusses in his conclusion the mechanism is indirect. Senators are viewed as national policy makers, and are thus 3

10 held accountable for the local impact of national policies. Republican Senators who supported Bush s foreign policy were left to face voter anger when those policies proved unpopular with the voting public. While the above research has attempted to demonstrate a relationship between the Iraq war and voter choice in the booth, they did not provide any indication of how the war affected the raw voter turnout. The 2006 election offered voters a situation where the dominant issue of the day provided voters with a binary distinction: Republicans had been in charge of prosecuting the occupation in Iraq and had seen the situation deteriorate. Researchers are presented with an election whose major issue had clear proponents and responsible actors. This helps to reduce the complexity of assigning blame to public policy we would usually find when researching voters appraisal of political actions. I theorize the voter turnout in 2006 with US casualties in Iraq to demonstrate such a connection. As shown in Figure 1-1, voter turnout in the 2006 midterm election was the highest seen since the 1960s, with national turnout levels reaching 45% of the voter eligible population. Prior to 2006, midterm turnout rates had held steady at around 35% of eligible voters. What cause the sudden surge in voter turnout? I argue that when one national issue dominates an election, that election will have higher turnout. This is because dominant national conditions can become so pervasive that they will lower the cost of gathering information for voters. This makes voting less costly an action, which will increase turnout. I argue that Iraq war does this in 2006, and led to the high turnout we saw. This is because the Iraq war received constant coverage by the news media in both the lead up to the conflict and the rebuilding efforts following the US victory. 4

11 However, the impact of the Iraq war is not uniform across the United States because casualty rates vary from state to state. I argue that the states that have been hit hardest by the Iraq war will have higher numbers of disgruntled voters, who are more likely to vote during the election to demonstrate their frustration at the state of affairs. Therefore states with higher number of Iraq deaths will have a higher turnout rate than states with lower Iraq deaths, once statistical controls are put into place for population. During an election season voters are presented with a choice: to vote or not to vote. After they chose to vote they still have to decide who they will vote for, but that question is outside the scope of this project. I am only concerned with why they chose to vote. The factors that effect that decision will be covered in the next chapter when I review the state of the literature, but in general more educated, urban citizens are more likely to turn out than rural, uneducated voters. Campaigns are able to influence citizens to turnout at the margins, by reaching out to those non-habitual voters who require more coercion to go to the polls. The common thread through these determinants of voting is information. Educated citizens have a greater baseline of knowledge about politics to draw from when making their decision. Voters in large cities are more easily contacted by campaigns because they are clustered together, meaning they are exposed to a greater amount of political campaigning. Campaigns are able to increase voter information through their contacting operations and staging of campaign events. All of these examples leave these hypothetical voters with more information and awareness of the political environment. This paper attempts to fill the gap in the literature regarding voter turnout by applying Cohen (2007) and Kriner and Shen s (2007) research dealing with the impact 5

12 of Iraq War deaths on voter choice in 2006 to states turnout rates. Cohen (2007) and Kriner and Shen (2007) show that Republican candidates in states that had a higher number of casualties in the Iraq war did worse in the electoral totals than Republicans in states with lower Iraq casualties. I theorize that 2006 s high turnout is the result of the increasing numbers of Iraq war deaths within a state changing the informational environment of the electorate. If the Iraq war is responsible for the increase in turnout, then when the war is concluded in the future we would expect turnout rates to return to their previous levels. If the war is not responsible for the increased turnout, then we must look elsewhere for an explanation of the high turnout. For the purposes of this paper the decision to vote or abstain is based on the amount of information available to the voter during the campaign period. Using Downs (1957) rational voter concept as a basis, I theorize that voters who do not regularly vote in midterms are choosing to not do so based on the cost of information gathering. Midterm elections are frequently low information events, as there is no national race to increase the availability of political information. Voters who lack the information needed to make an informed vote will most likely abstain from the election, either through choice or by not being aware of the election at all. My argument in this paper is that the Iraq War became a national issue that achieved widespread attention such that it increased the available political information because of the high number of US deaths in Iraq. These deaths, and the continuous coverage by the news media, will lower the cost of information for those potential voters who, for whatever reason, do not seek it out. This research is important in that it provides a way in which scholars may track the impact of political policies on the electorate. In combining empirical research (Cohen 6

13 2007; Kriner and Shen 2007) with the theoretical insights of information gathering experiments (Lassen 2005; Gimpel, Dyek and Shaw 2004) I aim to provide a theoretical explanation for how voters may be activated by a national issue. Further, by investigating the effect of the Iraq war I hope to provide some evidence as to the nature of the increased turnout we saw in Is the high turnout levels a reaction to the US occupation and the resultant US casualties, or are we seeing something else occurring with voter turnout? If the source of the surge in turnout is the Iraq War, will we see a return to previous levels when we remove our troops from the country? If it is not Iraq, then we are still faced with an increase in turnout without explanation. If my expectations are upheld, the implications would be that the high turnout in 2006 is a one time fluke tied to the specific factors of that election. We would then expect that once the US involvement in Iraq is concluded turnout levels would return to their historic levels. If I find no impact on turnout from the Iraq war, then the high turnout levels are not contingent on election specific forces, and we may be looking at a change in the historic voter turnout trends. If that is the case, then we must direct future research towards determining what is making more people decide to vote. This thesis is organized along the following schema: Chapter 2 summarizes the literature on midterm elections and voter turnout out of which I synthesize my theory. I argue that the turnout for a given election is dependent upon the available political information during the campaign, which is influenced by the candidates, the media coverage, the demographics of the populace in question, and the impact of political policies upon the state. In Chapter 3 I will build my theoretical model for how the Iraq War affected turnout rates. It is based on voter s reaction to the increases in easily 7

14 available information during an election season. I argue that an increase in Iraq war deaths for a given state increases the political awareness of the population through both media coverage and personal connections. I will tie this theory with research on voter activation research as an explanation for the 2006 turnout levels. Chapter 4 will discuss the research methods used to test the hypothesis developed in the theory section and explain the results found. The final chapter will be a more in-depth discussion of the implications of the results, with some suggestions as to how future research could proceed. 8

15 CHAPTER 2 PREVIOUS RESEARCH In order to better understand the meaning and potential impact of the 2006 midterm turnout figures, I present the following overview of the literature to date concerning voter choice theory and midterm election literature. I discuss both voter turnout and voter choice, as the two areas have a high degree of overlap between the two. One does not decide to vote without at least some idea of who to vote for, at least for the highest offices on the ballot. In doing so I hope to illustrate the scholastic background I will be drawing upon for this paper. I also include some research on voter choice, as the bulk of research on midterm elections has focused on that topic, and can provide context for voter behavior necessary for understanding turnout. These studies are included because my research attempts to explain why the Republican party lost seats in 2006, and I want to include alternative explanations for midterm loss in my review of the literature. Finally, having presented an overview of the general findings of the field, I summarize the general state of the literature and the gaps I see within, place my research within that larger context, and provide some framework with which to view my research. These different approaches to voter turnout are addressed in detail below. Aggregate Theoretical Explanations This literature review is divided into two sections of research, aggregate theories for voter turnout and research into marginal influences on turnout that can explain variance between elections. Aggregate theories of voter turnout derive from work 9

16 started in the 60 s and 70 s that attempted to create theoretical frameworks that explain why turnout declines from presidential elections to midterms. Political scientists came up with a number of explanations, ranging from the effect of the economy on voter turnout and choice, voter mobilization by national and local campaigns, to voter reaction to previous election results. I will deal with this research in the first section, outlining the competing explanations for midterm turnout decline and the presidential midterm loss in detail. Surge and decline. Scholarship on midterm elections has produced several theoretical models of midterm elections that attempt to explain the dynamics of midterm elections. The most prominent explanation has been that there is a surge and decline in voter turnout between presidential and midterm elections. This theory originated with Hinckley (1967) and Campbell et al. (1966) research into the party of the president loses congressional seats in the following midterm election. The theory is based on the idea that there is a electoral mean for the partisan composition of Congress. With this as the underlining assumption, surge and decline theory argues that presidential races activate voters who are not strongly involved in politics through the increased media attention generated by the election, the nationwide campaign efforts of both candidates, and the importance of the office itself. This increase in voter turnout caused by the presidential elections artificially increases the congressional victor s margin of victory. Campbell et al. (1966) and James Campbell (1985, 1991, 1997) argue this increase in support for congressional candidates comes from straight ticket voting by less politically sophisticated voters. They argue that citizens who do not pay attention to politics are less likely to know anything about down ticket races, but will vote for them 10

17 anyway because they have already shown up to vote in the presidential race. As a result, they will use information shortcuts like straight ticket voting for the party of their presidential candidate. In off year elections candidates voting shares return to their equilibrium point because the occasional voters who were activated by the presidential election stayed home. As a result voter turnout will be lower than the previous presidential election. This decline in turnout results in congressional candidates than won by thin margins to be more likely to lose, as they will be missing a key part of the voting coalition that got them into office two years previous. Surge and decline theory provides an extremely useful conceptual framework for understanding midterm elections, but it does have some weaknesses that limit its usefulness. It s predictive power is limited to the central claim that members of the president's party will be more likely to loss in the following election, but it offers no way to predict which members will be more vulnerable than others. It also offers no insight into variance in the size of midterm loss. The Democrats midterm loss in 1994 was sizeable, much more so than the Republican s losses in the 1990 midterm. Surge and decline theory is unable to explain this, which is a major failing of the theory. In order to explain this variance we will have to look elsewhere. Economic impact. Other research into voter behavior and midterm elections has focused on retrospective voting. First posited by Tufte (1975, 1978), the theory puts forth that midterms are a referendum on the state of the nation and the first two years of the sitting president s time in office. Retrospective voting is based on two assumptions, that voters will use the midterm election as a way to express frustration with the sitting president, and that voters will respond to pre-election shifts in the economy. The 11

18 president s role in midterm elections is based on the theory that, because Congress is a decentralized body where blame and credit are difficult to assign, voters assessments of the two parties performances are likely to rest on their evaluations of the president. The economy works in much the same way, with Congressional incumbents being rewarded or punished for the state of the economy as an expression of voter satisfaction with the president s handling of the economy. Tufte (1975, 1978) analyzed survey data from the Gallup polling agency to determine how voter evaluation of those two topics affected midterm loss for every midterm from 1938 to He found that midterm elections where the president had low approval ratings and the economy was perceived as doing poorly led to heavy losses for the president s party. While both evaluations proved significant to midterm loss, the economy had the greater impact on voters evaluation and midterm loss. Voters chose to reward or punish their representatives based upon their retrospective evaluation of the state of the economy. Depending on the partisan makeup of Congress at the time of the election, this can shape the magnitude of the midterm loss by the president s party. Later research developed along two distinct theoretical strands: voters make political choices based on their own economic well being, sometimes referred to as the pocketbook hypothesis (Kramer 1983, Rosenstone 1982) and voters react based on the economic health of the nation, the sociotropic hypothesis (Kinder and Kiewiet 1981). Kramer (1983), Rosenstone (1982) and other scholars who put forth the pocketbook hypothesis claim that voters are most influenced by their own economic standing when they decide whether and how to vote on election day. When voters personal financial situation is good, they will vote for the president s party as a reward for their economic 12

19 prosperity. When their economic standing is shakier, they will punish the president s party. Sociotropic voting takes the opposite approach, where voters consider the larger economic state of the country when making their decisions whether to and how to vote. It assumes voters will pursue enlightened self-interest when evaluating economic conditions. If the country is in economically prosperous times, even if the specific individuals are poor they will reward the president s party, in part because they think they will be able to benefit from the prosperity. Conversely in times of recession they will punish the incumbent party even if they are still prosperous, because they are concerned the recession will eventually impact their lives. (Kinder and Kiewiet 1981) Debate within the field has bounced back and forth between proponents of either approach, with new research offering a new statistical approach with which to validate one side or the other. Recent scholarship has attempted to breach this impasse by attempting to create a merging of the two approaches, arguing that the degree of sophistication on the part of the voter will dictate whether they use pocketbook or sociotropic evaluations in their decision to vote. Gomez and Wilson (2003) insight was that voters are not a monolithic voting group, that people have different levels of political sophistication and that those different levels will manifest themselves in different voting strategies. They argue that politically sophisticated voters will have the necessary amount of political referents to divide credit or blame between a variety of sources, allowing them to include Congress in their judgments of economic circumstances. Less sophisticated voters will lack the necessary knowledge to make this distinction, and will focus their assessments on the most visible political actor, the president. As a result economic concerns will not play a part in their decision of who to vote for in 13

20 congressional elections. Thus Gomez and Wilson (2003) claim that economic considerations will only factor into congressional elections amongst politically sophisticated voters. They tested their theory using the 1998 midterm election, choosing a midterm to avoid contamination from a presidential campaign for fears that less sophisticated voters would bias their attribution responses due to the campaign efforts of the presidential candidates. Using survey data from the National Election Survey and logit analysis, Gomez and Wilson (2003) were able to demonstrate support for their theory. Political sophistication dramatically increases the likelihood that respondents will credit Congress, both Congress and the president, or neither with credit, rather than assigning credit solely to the president. Despite their results, critics like Godbout and Belaner (2007) have argued they were unable to replicate Gomez and Wilson s results if the dependent variable is changed to the postelectoral reported vote. Their results indicate that highly sophisticated voters continue to use sociotropic evaluations in their voting decisions, but only in incumbent elections, and that there is important variance in economic voting effects among low sophisticates. Voter reaction. Scholars have also looked to voters interpretation of the previous election results to understand the role voter appraisal plays in midterm election outcomes. Scheve and Tomz (1999) argue that the degree of surprise felt by the electorate at the results of a presidential election is inversely related to the amount of midterm loss faced by the president in two years. The less surprised an electorate is at the results of a presidential election, the higher the probability they will support candidates belonging to the president s party and vice versa. An important difference between Scheve and Tomz s study to those already mentioned is that Scheve and 14

21 Tomz build their study around individual voter reaction to national elections. Using NES survey data, the pair operationalize electoral surprise based on respondents answer to the questions Who do you think will be elected president in November? and Do you think the election will be close? Their results support the theoretical expectations, with moderate voters who are surprised by presidential election results being more likely to vote against the president s party in the midterm election. I should note that while their results are compelling and methodologically sound, the theoretical background is flawed. Scheve and Tomz model their study on the idea that all median voters are strategic in their voting and seek to maintain split governance. This assumption needs to be established as actually occurring before it can be used as the basis for further study, and undermines some of Scheve and Tomz s work as a result. Exposed seats. Oppenheimer, Stimson and Waterman (1986) theorize that the actual number of seat changes in a congressional election may be explained by the number of seats a party has prior to an election. They find that the more seats a party has going into an election the more likely it is for that party to lose seats, as it is more difficult for that party to hold onto all of those seats at once. A party with few seats in the House can only gain in an election, while a party with a larger number of seats is more likely to lose them due to the difficulties of maintaining diffuse voting coalitions with limited campaign resources. Oppenheimer, Stimson and Waterman (1986) regress all elections from 1938 to 1984 using the above model, finding the exposure variable to be highly significant, and that any seat won in excess of the equilibrium will be lost in the next. This finding is 15

22 problematic in light of the findings of incumbency literature, which states gains in one election will lead to greater election advantages in the next campaign. The most likely reading is that races that were close in the previous election will be close in the current election, as huge shifts in the population demographics are unlikely. Thus, even with incumbent advantages, politicians who won by close margins are likely to remain vulnerable from in each election cycle, and more likely to loss than incumbents with high margins of victory. Individual Level Influences In broad strokes aggregate theories seek to explain how turnout in elections is more similar than dissimilar. Put in statistical terms, macro theories can explain the location of the mean turnout levels during a midterm, but they cannot explain variability around that mean. Research into the individual level influences allows us to explain that variance between election turnout rates, understand the different mechanisms through which the aggregate theories operate on the individual level, and give us insight into the behavior of politicians seeking public office. This is the area of scholarship to which this study will make its contribution. Education. Scholastic literature on voter turnout has found that the level of education voters possesses has a direct relationship with their decision to vote. Education increases people s political awareness and provides them with more tools with which to gain information about political issues. (Jacobson 2004, Rosenstone and Hansen 2003, Wattenberg 2002) Jacobson (2004) and Rosenstone and Hansen (2003) both regress data from the Roper Survey using a longitudinal analysis to chart the 16

23 month-to-month changes in political involvement from late 1973 to the end of Both found that as the level of education of the respondent increased, so to does the likelihood of the respondent voting in an election. Wattenberg (2002) agrees with Jacobson (2004) and Rosenstone and Hansen (2003) on the impact of education on voting, but he provides a different explanation for how education impacts voting habits. Wattenberg (2002) theorizes that the decline in voter turnout that started in the 70 s is most pronounced in the least educated members of the voting population. To back up his claims Wattenberg provides figures from the US Census Bureau to demonstrate that educated individuals have the same likelihood to vote as older voter with less education. Put another way, a thirty year old voter with a college degree is just as likely to vote as a fifty year old with just a high school diploma. Wattenberg (2002) argues that education acts as a stand in for life experiences. Education provides voters with the insight to realize the benefits of voting that otherwise take the accumulation of experience to understand. Structural effects. Most contemporary research has accepted that voter turnout in midterms will be lower than presidential races. Scholars have focused on how individual candidates affect the margins of victory in different campaign seasons. Campbell and Sumners (1990) and Cohen, Krassa and Hamman (1991) provide evidence of national political actors effecting Senate elections. They look at Senate races and discover that presidential visits during the campaign can increase voter turnout for Senate candidates. The increase in voter support is marginal, and will only have an impact on election outcomes in close Senate races. Similar results are present by Jackson (2002), who finds that statewide elections, specifically senate and governor 17

24 races, have a significant effect in activating voters during midterm elections. The more hotly contested and well financed a campaign is, the more likely an increase in voter turnout will result. This effect is swallowed up in on year elections, as presidential campaigns will turn on any citizens who can be activated. Turnout is not uniform throughout the US, or even within one state. Research into how geographic location affects the turnout rates has provided some insights into how where voters are located impacts the types of information they are exposed to and the voting habits that result. Gimpel, Dyck and Shaw (2004) present the case that the geographic location and demographic of a given district will influence the demographic makeup of the electorate. Their theory is based around the notion that the context of a neighborhood may influence turnout by limiting the acquisition of information otherwise available to resource rich voters. They specify this sort of information as socialized and localized information. This includes voters who have different political preferences to their neighbors avoiding political discussions as a means of avoiding conflict. To test the neighborhood effect Gimpel, Dyck and Shaw (2004) use the 2000 US Census to provide block level information and analyze the turnout demographics of 16 counties from Florida, Iowa, New Mexico and Pennsylvania. These states were chosen because they were considered key locations in the battleground states in the 2000 election. The results show that partisans who are surrounded by voters for the other party are less likely to vote, though Democrats differed from Republicans in how they were affected by the neighborhood demographics. Republicans are less likely to vote when they are surrounded by Democrats, while Democrat turnout is not affected at all by Republican dominance. More broadly Gimpel Dyck and Shaw demonstrate that the area voters 18

25 find themselves in will have a marked impact on the type of information they receive regarding political events and policies, which in turn will influence how and whether they vote in elections. Their regression work was corroborated with experimental research from an experiment in municipal governance in the Netherlands. Lassen (2005) investigated neighborhood effects and the decision to vote through a pilot point experiment conducted in Copenhagen, Denmark. In 1996 the municipality attempted a decentralization experiment with the city administration. The authors divided the city into fifteen city districts, with four districts chosen to be representative of the city. These four districts were classified as pilot city districts (PCD) and introduced local administration for a four year term, complete with a city district council. The election for council members was characterized with low turnout, and at the end of the four year period the municipality held a referendum to determine whether the decentralization should continue. Lassen uses data from a telephone survey of the voters that was commissioned by the four PCDs as a way of analyzing the voting patterns in the referendum. He found that voters how lived in the PCDs were more likely to vote than those who lived in the normal city districts, indicating that something about the neighborhoods that were compiled into the PCDs helped improve turnout. Lassen (2005) was able to provide a concrete example of neighborhood effects, and demonstrates a secondary effect where those voters who were informed were also more likely to vote. Income. Another area of research has delved into how increases in income affect the likelihood of voting. Cross sectional studies have found a positive association 19

26 between income and voting. There have been a number of explanations for why this relationship exists. First, they have greater access to political candidates in the form of direct mailing contacts, political events, and most importantly they are more likely to move in the same social circles. Secondly they are more likely to be targeted by the campaign for mobilization. This will increase their likelihood of voting by informing them of the campaigns existence and reminding them of their civic responsibility. In addition they are more likely to be contacted by campaigns because the campaign staff knows where they will be, at their jobs, and what sort of issues they will care about, those related to their jobs (Rosenstone and Hansen 2003, Filer, Kenny, and Morton 1993, Wolfinger and Rosenstone 1980). Partisanship. Scholarship has wrestled with the role of partisanship in electoral turnout in a number of ways. Research has argued that voters who identify themselves as partisan tend to have more political knowledge than those that are non partisans, and this knowledge makes them more likely to vote in elections than non partisans (Jacobson 2004, Campbell, Converse, Miller and Stokes 1960). Beyond their political knowledge, voters who identify as strong partisans are more likely to be contacted by political campaigns. Campaigns have limited resources with which to mobilize supporters, and so must choose strategically who they contact. Contacting independents and non partisans is dangerous for political campaigns, as they do not know how those people will vote, and could easily be mobilizing voters who will support their opponent. This causes partisans to receive a greater share of attention from political campaigns than non partisans. (Jacobson 2004, Holbrook and McClurg 2005) 20

27 And as mentioned above, contact from political campaigns increases the chances of turnout on the part of the voters in question. There are other interpretations of how partisanship impacts voter turnout. In contrast to the idea of partisanship increasing voter turnout, Wattenberg (2002) posits the decline in traditional party id and the loss of party machines through which candidates would organize voters is responsible for the lowered turnout rates from the 1960 s. Watenberg observes that the states that had the highest decline in turnout rates over the last few decades were those states that had strong party organizations that worked to get their supporters out to the polls on election day for both presidential and midterm elections. At the turn of the century party organizations were responsible for providing potential voters with information about the candidates to use in the voting booth. Here partisanship is important in an organizational/party sense, where the individual ideology of a voter is less important than the larger party organization that individual belongs to. Party members would vote based on information received from the party leaders. With the advent of television these grassroots political organization were significantly weakened such that they were no longer able to drive voter turnout. Before the advent of television, voters were dependent upon local precinct captains and grassroots organizing to bring the campaign to them. Television changed the way voters gained information, eliminating the personal contact with the campaign (Wattenberg 2002). With the decline and homogenization of party institutions these mobilizing forces have fallen by the wayside, causing voters to seek out political information on their own, which has resulted in more people deciding to either chose not to vote or forget about 21

28 the election entirely. In presidential elections this loss of voter mobilization is negligible due to the other mobilization forces present. As midterm elections are lower information events than presidential races, the decline of the mobilizing abilities of party organizations are more pronounced. Summation Taken in total we see the following pictures presented by the literature. We see in the broad midterm election literature different attempts to understand why the presidents party usually losses control of Congress at the midterm. Most of these studies have focused on systemic explanations for midterm loss. These include midterm loss as a function of too many races for the party to adequately fund, voter reaction to the economy, and voter surprise at the presidential election results. The most important for my paper is Campbell s decline in voter turnout in midterm elections. The baseline of voter turnout is influenced by the education and income levels of individuals, the degree of partisanship they exhibit, and their geographic location. Certain actions can lead to an increase in voter turnout, such as the amount of campaign money spent on a race and the degree of competitiveness of the election under consideration. The first group of explanatory factors is demographic in nature, and describes the sort of individual who is more likely to vote in any given situation. The second deals with the informational environment voters operate in during an election. The literature argues there exists that presidential elections and midterm elections are asymmetrical in the amount of information available to voters. Presidential races generate nationwide attention, while the level of information available to a voter 22

29 during a midterm election will fluctuate depending on the state. The literature does not address how changes in the amount of information voters posses in different elections is reflected in the final turnout figures. This raises the question of whether increases in the informational environment that are not directed by campaigns will lead to a similar increase in turnout that is not directed by any specific political actor. Campbell s surge and decline theory is based on the assumption that in presidential races voters will have easy access to information and will be more highly mobilized as a result. Since his theory is aimed at explaining the decline of voter turnout from a presidential race to the following midterm, it is not specified enough to give any indication for why midterm turnout may vary. This paper will attempt to deal with that question by focusing on the effect of the Iraq war on voter turnout in the 2006 midterm election. I am not arguing that surge and decline must be rejected as an explanation for why the decline from 2004 to 2006 was so slight. In order to understand this situation, I argue we must look at other possible explanations along the margins of 2006 s electorate, which I will expound upon more in the next chapter. 23

30 CHAPTER 3 CIVIC ACTIVATION: AN UPDATED THEORY OF VOTER ACTIVATION IN A MIDTERM ELECTION The literature I reviewed in the previous chapter provides the foundation from which I will build a theoretical explanation for the role national events can play in influencing turnout levels. I will first outline my theory by discussing why information lowers the cost of voting and how a national event can do so. From there I will derive four hypotheses that are testable manifestations of the logic of my theory that will be tested statistically. Information Impact on Voter Turnout Anthony Downs (1957) argued that voting is an irrational action for individuals who seek to maximize their utility. Rational voters will seek to expend the least amount of resources possible when making a voting decision. The returns an individual can expect to see from his or her vote are very low, making voting a high cost/low return activity. The likelihood of one vote determining an election is slim, and the costs associated with voting are considerable. Further, voters lack the necessary knowledge to make sense of the political process with which to assign blame or credit to their candidates. Even if the physical costs of voting and the minimal utility their vote grants them were mitigated, the lack of political knowledge leaves voters with little ability to distinguish between potential candidates, increasing the incentive to stay at home on election day. Downs argues this is the reason over half the country chooses not to vote. A voter must gather information about the different candidates policy positions, 24

31 be able to understand the implications of the candidates positions, and accept the opportunity cost of going to a polling location and waiting in line. Voters are faced with uncertainty regarding their voting decisions, which cause them to look for any source of information to help ease that uncertainty. Voters who decide not to go to the polls during an election, Downs (1957) argues, chose to do so because the high cost of making an informed voting decision exceeded whatever personal incentives they had to vote. Voters are also aware that even if they do not vote, other people will vote during an election. This allows potential voters to choose to choose to free ride, avoiding the costs of voting while gaining the benefits associated with it (Olson 1965). As mentioned in the preceding chapter, midterm elections are lower information elections than presidential races. This means that potential voters who would be mobilized during a presidential race do not have access to that information in a midterm. In presidential elections the attention focused on the presidential candidates creates a baseline of information for voters across the country. Most of the population is aware of the existence of the campaign season. Part time voters will turnout to vote for the president, and while they are in the voting booth will vote in other elections. This does not happen in midterms. Downs (1957) rational voter utility maximizing theory argues that a large proportion of the country does not vote because the cost of gathering information is too high during midterms, implying that if the costs associated with voting are changed or lowered for the voter, they would be more likely to vote. There will still be some people who chose to free ride, but their number should decrease with lowered informational costs. The one aspect of voting voters have any control over is how much information they have about the election at 25

32 their disposal. This logic indicates that if people were able to become informed more easily, they would turnout to vote in higher numbers. More knowledge allows voters greater leverage in understanding political issues. Said leverage can be used to help voters distill the aggregation of political issues that arise during a campaign into a coherent binary distinction between candidates. If that is the case then in elections where there are issues that are easy to understand and have clear causes and effects, like the 2006 midterm that is the focus of this paper, voters would become informed about it and be able to include it in their decision making process. There are many different shortcuts voters can use to make their decisions. What follows is a discussion of the different conditions that may change the amount of available information for voters, and increase turnout as a result. Political competition. Political competition is one way in which the cost of information is lowered. More competitive races generate more media coverage because competitive races provide journalists with more stories to cover. News media is drawn to stories that have greater dramatic potential and there is greater drama in a close race than one that has been decided months before the election (Baum 2003, Bennett 2007). Both campaigns will engage in more public events and voter outreach. Papers will have the opportunity for their editorial board to endorse a candidate. The more attention press pay to an election the more likely voters are to be made aware of it. (Rosenstone and Hansen 2003, Gilliam 1985). A study by the Lear Center Local News Archive titled Local News Coverage of the 2004 Campaigns; An Analysis of Nightly Broadcast in 11Markets, found that in % of news stories by local media that involved a campaign race were focused on the horserace aspect of the campaign. 26

33 If a race is not considered competitive then local media will devote that time to other stories, which eliminates almost half of the coverage campaigns can expect to receive. Voters are more likely to be aware of a race that is competitive for that reason. When either one candidate or political party has an overwhelming advantage, voters have less interest in the election because they already know what the outcome is likely to be. Free riding becomes the easiest choice for voters because they expect their expected utility from voting to be almost non-existent. Competitive races increase turnout indirectly by attracting more financial contributions. Political donors are strategic in choosing which elections they will contribute to (Holbrook and McClurg 2005, Cox and Munger 1989). Races that are completely one sided are not attractive to donors as their donation is unlikely to change the outcome of the election. Competitive races receive more donations because their outcome is uncertain (Holbrook and McClurg 2005, Rosenstone and Hansen 2003). Campaign spending allows for a greater degree of information about the race to reach the voting population. Money acts as a medium through which campaigns reach out to voters. Campaigns that have access to more money during the race are able to hire full time staff, buy more ad time on local media outlets, invest in voter contact programs, hire canvassers for get out the vote activities, and send out campaign mailers. All of these have been found to increase turnout, and all require funds from the campaign in order to happen. (Holbrook and McClurg 2005, Cox and Munger 1989) The more money a campaign has available, the more it is able to do of all of these outreach activities, and buy more campaign ads in newspapers and television programs. Research has shown that voter contact by campaigns increases the total 27