Remarks by. The Honorable Aram Sarkissian Chairman, Republic Party of Armenia. Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. Tuesday, February 13 th

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1 Remarks by The Honorable Aram Sarkissian Chairman, Republic Party of Armenia Carnegie Endowment for International Peace Tuesday, February 13 th

2 INTRODUCTION I would like to begin by expressing my appreciation for the invitation and opportunity to address this audience at this distinguished institution. This is both an honor and a significant responsibility. Distinguished ladies and gentlemen, Armenia is an ancient country that is justly proud of its history. - We were the first nation to adopt Christianity. - We have stood at the crossroads of civilization for thousands of years. - We were also the first republic to declare independence from the Soviet Union. Unwritten laws are the part of any society. One of them is the principle of resolving domestic issues internally as a sovereign nation. Armenians have faced great tragedy in the 20 th century, and external threats have taught us the importance of unity and solidarity. But there comes a point when our problems become so large they are obvious to anyone who cares to look. Because I love Armenia, I feel that we must have an open and honest debate about these problems. I value the opportunity to speak to you about these subjects in a country that believes so strongly in democracy and free speech. I look forward to the day where we can again have such opportunities in Armenia. A few months ago Armenia celebrated the 15 th anniversary of its independence from the Soviet Union. For those of us who lived though those exciting days, it is almost impossible to describe the hope, optimism and popular support that drove our struggle to be free. But today the hope and unity that won our independence has disappeared. Painful as it may be, I have to confess that in my view, the last free and fair elections in Armenia took place in May of 1999, where the Unity alliance formed a parliamentary majority. Then a new humanistic platform was put forward which found favor with voters. The priority issues were shared between politicians and citizens, as was their solution. In 1999, the massacre in our National Assembly took the lives of our most prominent leaders. From that moment forward, the move towards corruption and authoritarianism accelerated towards our present day situation. We did not struggle for our independence only to see our country fall backwards towards the authoritarianism and corruption we fought so hard to leave behind. Our whole life is a long sequence of choices. Depending on the choices we make our lives may develop positively or negatively, they may change or remain on the same.

3 Political choices, however, are quite a different situation. When we participate as citizens by voting in elections to choose our governments, this is a public choice. It is different, since in the first case we refer to individual or restricted interests, while in the second we deal with the choice of a public future. Today we live in an autocratic state. All media outlets are controlled by the authorities - those who have dared to criticize the government have seen their licenses revoked. Opposition parties are under constant pressure from the authorities. The seizure of party offices, raids and arrests by police, and the intimidation of party members are all daily realities for those who speak against the authorities in Armenia. Ordinary citizens are afraid to become involved in politics and to express their opinions. As an opposition politician I have become used to accusations from the government that because I present alternative ideas I am a threat to national security. Those who criticize governments are not threats to be dealt with through intimidation and arrest. They are an essential part of democracy. There can be no democracy without competing ideas. Government authorities cannot blame a lack of public support on those who criticize them. The public will make up their own minds. The only one to blame here is the authority itself. A natural question may be: if the situation is as I described, the why don t people rise up and flood the streets of Yerevan? In 2004, many thousands took to the streets to protest the universally condemned corruption of the last Presidential election. And they were crushed in a brutal and violent manner. Members of the National Assembly and journalists were not spared from the violence. Because of the tragic events of our history, many more Armenians live abroad than in our country. And in recent years we have again seen the sad phenomenon of more and more young, educated and progressive people losing the will to struggle for their country and beginning new lives abroad. I believe that the despair that infects our country will worsen if these elections are not free and fair. The choice that will be left to people will be to rise up or to leave. A logical question to me might be why I have continued to refuse to take my seat in the National Assembly. My answer is straightforward. I firmly believe that if the 2003 parliamentary elections had been free and fair the results would have been very different. I believe that it was my obligation to stand up for people, thousands and hundreds of thousands, whose votes were abused during the elections. I cannot accept the current state of affairs, and I will not provide a de facto endorsement for the status quo. Once cannot discuss the issue of the upcoming elections with addressing our most pressing international problem.

4 The conflict over Nagorno-Karabagh may have stabilized, but the outcome is still uncertain. But the price that Armenians pay for the ongoing situation is certain: closed borders, the rise of oligarchs, poverty and corruption. The lack of resolution of this conflict has stood in the way of Armenia s development into a modern democratic state. For thousands of years Armenia has been the crossroad of great empires. Today it is under blockade. There are some who say that an authoritarian regime will have the strength to negotiate and impose a settlement of the Karabagh conflict. I believe that recent history has shown us that authoritarianism prevents the solution of the Karabagh issue. Authorities that do not enjoy a democratic mandate are afraid to take decisions to solve the conflict, since such decisions may provoke people to rise against the authorities. The isolation of Armenia is rapidly becoming more and more obvious and aggravating. Unfortunately, the current isolation is also useful to the authorities. Who is the richest person in a besieged fortress? The one who provides vital materials to the people trapped inside. And since there is a lack of a free market, all the sources of provisions are appropriated by the authorities. Is it now clear how the authorities benefit from the conflict? It provides further profit to those who benefit from the authoritarian system. This is today the situation. The resolution of the conflict is in the interests of both Armenia and Azerbaijan, and other neighboring states. Any steps in this direction can be made only with a democratic mandate. This is only possible with free and fair elections. This, however, is excluded under the current situation. Without the democratic participation of people we cannot resolve this conflict. And closed borders, the rise of oligarchs and authoritarian rule will continue. The key challenge of the millennium for Armenia and its citizens is not poverty, trafficking, corruption, bad roads, the black market or other issues. These are simply consequences. The biggest and the most dangerous challenge is the continuation of authoritarianism. Without democracy these other issues cannot be resolved. I believe that there are steps we must take to address the democratic problem. We must be prepared to prosecute those who violate election laws. Despite the condemnation of the conduct of recent elections by domestic and international organizations, no one has truly been held accountable. The lack of democracy breeds corruption, and corruption breeds poverty. Those parties with access to the resources of government are able to take advantage of this poverty by providing

5 bribes and gifts to influence voters. We need to end the cycle of corruption and bribery by ensuring that political parties wage a battle of ideas, not of gifts to the poor. Third, as in most democracies, there must be protection for professionals in many occupations from persecution for their political views. All democratic governments provide for politicians to make certain appointments to assist in implementing their agenda. This is normal and understandable. However professionals like teachers and doctors must be protected from the political environment for the good of society. In a just a few short months new elections will take place in Armenia. Not much time is left until May 12. While we will compete in this election, and while the authorities are not popular, I have grave fears that we will not see a free and fair vote. I believe that the majority of Armenians can no longer endure the rule of authorities that do not have their support, do not have their trust, and do not represent them. Some NGOs, various monitoring groups may consider one activity or another to be a step closer to democracy. In all sincerity I find this difficult to understand. At the end of the day, there can not be a step back or step forward in an election. The election is either valid or it is not. In my view, elections violated by 90 per cent are not much different from those violated by 80, 70, 60, 50, 40 or 30 per cent. Facing the lack of democracy there are only two possible consequences for Armenians: frustration or despair. Despair will accelerate the departure of the brightest and progressive Armenian citizens to countries where they can enjoy freedom from oppression and corruption, and where their talents and hard work will earn rewards. Frustration will lead citizens to take to make their voices heard through the only means left: by taking to the streets and demanding accountability. It is my hope that after this election Armenia can once again move towards development, democracy and peace. I hope that when my children study the recent history of Armenia it will be seen as a misstep on the path to a stronger and more prosperous country. But if this election is not free and fair, I fear that authoritarianism will not be an aberration, but a reality that Armenians will face for years to come. We and many others are ready to stand up to these challenges.

6 We express our deep appreciation to the American government, American NGOs and the American people for the friendly relations towards our country and for the various types of assistance rendered to our people. Armenians deeply appreciate your contribution, especially the efforts to promote and strengthen democracy in our country. In this light, the following request may sound strange: please, evaluate the conduct of this election in accordance with the scale of your assistance with not only assessment, but also action. On behalf of millions of Armenian citizens this is my request to the strongest democracy in the world. Draw your conclusions about these elections from the facts, and express them openly. This is the most important assistance you can offer. Thank you.

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