Spanish cities: From uniformity to ethnic multiplicity

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1 Spanish cities: From uniformity to ethnic multiplicity Juan José Pons Izquierdo, Dolores López, Carolina Montoro Gurich, Angel Alcalde Encina University of Navarra, Department of Geography & Territorial Planning, Spain Over the last few years, Spanish cities have undergone a profound demographic transformation as a result of the arrival of considerable contingents of foreign immigrants. In contrast to the relative uniformity presented by the population up to now, this process is now responsible for bringing considerable social variety into the cities, where it is possible to encounter people of many different races, nationalities, cultures, languages and religions. We selected the provincial capitals to study the migration phenomenon in the principal cities of the Spanish urban system. The distribution of foreigners registered in Spain shows a concentration in the coastal cities of the Mediterranean, Ebro Valley, Madrid and the Islands. These cities are the ones that have experienced the greatest increases between 1996 and As a result, they have the highest proportion of immigrants in relation to the total urban population. We have explained these urban settlement factors by calculating the different urban concentration levels. An imaginary line drawn between Oviedo and Murcia and passing through Madrid typifies the phenomenon. Those provinces located to the east of this line have a strong immigrant presence and a high immigrant urban concentration level. Those provinces located to the west have lower urban concentration levels of immigrants. In the eastern area, there is a higher concentration of immigrants in the capital cities than natives and in the area to the west of the line, there is also a stronger presence of immigrants in rural areas than the native population. At the same time, the use of an index to calculate the degree of diversity has served to analyse the geographical origins of the immigrants, grouped into large world regions. This reflects the varied ethnic panorama of the Spanish capital cities. The presence of this new population is a source of many urban changes: the concentration of groups of immigrants in specific zones or areas of the city such as the city s old part and other districts; the over-crowded housing; the proliferation of infra-housing (shanty towns) in the peri-urban areas; the creation of specialist commerce ( ethnic commerce ); the demand for all types of services (educational, health, religious, cultural); delinquency and other problems relating to co-existence, etc. Through their politicians and planners, the cities should respond to these new immigration-related realities, and there is little doubt that this will become the greatest challenge over the next few years. 1

2 1 INTRODUCTION Over the last few years, Spain has undergone a profound socio-demographic change resulting from the arrival of considerable contingents of foreign immigrants 1 coming from a great variety of regions around the world, although principally from Europe, Latin America and North Africa. In general terms, this immigration process displays two characteristic features (Pons, 2003). Firstly, it is a new development (Izquierdo, 1996; Arango, 2003a), given the fact that, until now, Spain was identified as being a nation of emigrants. And secondly, the magnitude of this migratory phenomenon, in numerical terms, and its increasing pace (Cachón, 2003). These features, taken together with other factors such as the disproportionate source of the immigrants, allow differences to be established between the Spanish situation and that of many of the surrounding European countries which, in general terms, already hold a long and consolidated tradition as a host country to foreign immigrants (Montoro, 2003). However, despite these special features that are peculiar to the Spanish immigration model, it appears clear that Spain is rapidly approaching the multi-ethnic situation that is characteristic of West European societies (Arango, 2003b). We are now standing before a new horizon of innumerable demographic, economic, cultural, social... and even urban consequences. In this paper, we are now going to study this migration phenomenon in Spanish cities and its repercussions on urban planning. 2 THE IMMIGRANT POPULATION IN THE PROVINCIAL CAPITALS In order to ascertain the level of immigration within the Spanish urban system, the fifty provincial capitals (as well as Ceuta and Melilla) provide a good territorial view of this phenomenon, whilst offering a varied representation of the different population sizes. Madrid and Barcelona are the capital cities where the greatest number of immigrants settle: between them they are host to two out of every ten immigrants residing in Spain. Apart from these two cities, the distribution on the map shows a greater presence of foreigners in the cities along the Mediterranean Arc, the Ebro Valley and the insular capitals. Figure 2: Volume of immigrants residing in the provincial capitals (2002) 2

3 The immigrant preferences for specific locations coincide, for the most part, with those of the native population, since a comparison of the volumes of both populations reveals a strong connection (correlation coefficient = 0.968). And as if that were not enough, there is evidence of a constant increase in the number of immigrants present in the capital cities. Between 1996 and 2002, the number of foreigners registered in the capital cities increased by , whilst over the last two years of this same period ( ), the increase was still higher (466.6 ). This data corroborates the increasing scale of the migration process in the cities as well. If we also bear in mind that, between 1996 and 2002, there was a slight decrease in the native population residing in the capital cities (-0.83 ), we will be able to assess the strength of the urban immigration phenomenon in its true dimension. However, although the overall growth of the capital cities has been high, there are many different concentration levels. A detailed examination of figure 3 reveals that an imaginary line can be drawn from Oviedo to Murcia, passing through Madrid, and dividing Spain into two areas. The eastern area presents the highest growth levels whilst, to the west of the line, there was a smaller increase between 1996 and As is logical, the variety of situations is due not only to the rate at which new immigrants come into a city but also to the initial number of immigrants already present in that particular city. Figure 3: Increase of the immigrant population in the provincial capitals ( ) ( ) The fact that a city has experienced a lower growth rate does not necessarily mean that it offers fewer factors of attraction to immigrants, but that it could be indicating a certain saturation of demand. For this reason, in order to correctly assess the impact of immigrants on the city as a whole, additional information is required to reflect the proportion of immigrants in relation to the city s overall population. 3

4 Figure 4: Percentage of immigrants in relation to the city s overall population (2002) In 1996, foreigners represented only 1.2% of the population of the provincial capitals whilst in 2002 this proportion was already much higher (5%). If the indicator is compared between the different capital cities, we can find levels ranging from 9.3% in Melilla to 0.6% in Cadiz. The imaginary line traced to typify this migration phenomenon from Oviedo to Murcia passing through Madrid is, with the exception of Ceuta, Melilla and the Canary Islands, even more illustrative in this case. The capital cities with the highest immigrant presence, as a percentage of the city s overall population, are located east of this line whilst those with a lower immigrant presence are located to the west of it. In conclusion, we would point out that, although it is true that there is a tendency for the immigrant population to increase in all Spanish cities, the factors of attraction of those cities situated in the North-eastern half of the peninsula, the islands and the North African Spanish cities are greater than the rest. 3 CONCENTRATION OF IMMIGRANTS IN THE CAPITAL CITIES An equally significant factor which helps explain the panorama described is the urban concentration level, or concentration level of the immigrant population in the capital cities considered within the provincial context. This is measured as the percentage of immigrants residing in the provincial capital city in relation to those living in the rest of the province. In 2002, 36% of immigrants residing in Spain lived in a provincial capital, this percentage is slightly higher than that of the native population (32.4%). However, as usual, this figure conceals a territorial reality which is much more heterogeneous. To understand the map showing the distribution of immigrants by place of residence, we will go back to the imaginary line drawn between Oviedo and Murcia. To the east of this dividing line the concentration of immigrants in the capital cities is much greater, whilst the area to the west is characterised by a greater presence of foreigners in the rest of the province. 4

5 Figure 5: Percentage distribution of immigrants by place of residence (2002) The region (Autonomous Community) with the largest immigrant concentration in the city is Madrid (62%) followed by Aragon, La Rioja and the Basque Country, all with more than half their immigrant population residing in the provincial capital. At the other end of the scale we have the Canary Islands, Andalusia and Extremadura where the concentration of immigrants does not even reach 20%. Ceuta and Melilla are a case apart, since, as they are autonomous cities, the whole of the immigrant population resides in the municipality itself. In order to put the tendency of the immigrants to concentrate in the capital cities correctly into perspective, it is necessary to compare the immigrant polarisation levels in these city centres with those of the rest of the population in order to see whether the behaviour models are similar or not. By comparing the difference between the immigrant concentration levels in the capital cities and those of the native inhabitants, the results once more show in broad terms, and with a few exceptions an eastern zone in which there are higher concentrations of immigrants in the capital cities than the native population, and a western area for which quite the opposite is true. The panorama that we have described so far leads us to affirm that there is no single model to describe the settlement of the immigrant population in Spanish territory. It is in fact possible to define at least two different models, with an imaginary boundary drawn between Oviedo and Murcia and passing through Madrid. The model for the provinces situated to the east of this line is characterised by a strong presence of immigrants, both in volume and percentage weight, and an important concentration of immigrants in the provincial capitals, which is higher than that of the native population. On the other hand, the model for those provinces located to the west of this dividing line can be defined as one with a lower presence of immigrants in the cities and a lower concentration of immigrants in the capital cities, and even with concentration levels that are lower than those of the native population. 5

6 4 CITY SPECIALISATION BASED ON THE IMMIGRANT SOURCE COUNTRIES We are now going to study the heterogeneity of the immigrant population resident in these cities based on their nationality. To do this, we have grouped the different nationalities into five large world zones (Africa, America, Asia, European Union and Rest of Europe). There are basically two reasons why this analysis has some important implications for urban planning: firstly, the different consequences that the presence of one or many cultures has on the urban fabric and, secondly, the different impact (social, economic, residential, relational, etc) that each ethnic race has on the city (Izquierdo, 1996). The first idea that can be extracted from the analysis of the weight of each source zone in relation to the total immigrant population residing in the city (Figure 6) is the pronounced diversity of situations existing in Secondly, the fact that the principal nationalities present in the Spanish capitals are American and European, followed in third place by the African nationalities. Asian immigrants have only a minority presence in the Spanish provincial capitals, with the highest percentages corresponding to Barcelona, Logroño, Tenerife, Las Palmas and Cadiz, although with figures of less than 20% in all cases. The presence of immigrants of African nationality varies considerably, ranging from practically the totality of foreigners residing in the cities of Ceuta and Melilla to a very limited presence in cities such as Ourense, Palencia and Oviedo with less than 7% of the total. Those capital cities with figures of between 40 and 50% such as Lleida, Girona and Almeria are cities which all have a well-developed agricultural activity in common. Finally, those cities in which the African immigrants are a minority group, are principally located in the interior and north of Spain, as well as the islands. Immigrants of European nationality have a significant presence in all the provincial capitals, with figures ranging from 20 to 25% of the total. Here we would particularly highlight the cases of Castellon, Segovia, Badajoz and Zamora, in this order, where the percentages of these immigrants are equal to or greater than 50% of the total immigrant resident population. If, in addition, we were to distinguish between the European Union and the rest of the countries of the continent, some interesting peculiarities appear. For example, the fact that in Badajoz, San Sebastian, Ourense, Zamora, Palma de Mallorca, Malaga and Tenerife the presence of community immigrants is far higher than non-community Europeans. As is known, the last three cities mentioned have a long tradition as host cities to the retired population of the European Union, basically from Great Britain and Germany (Rodriguez et al., 1998; Rodriguez, 2000). On the contrary, in Castellon and Segovia over half the immigrants come from extracommunity European countries. These are followed in importance by those cities which all hold in common their location in the peninsula interior. Immigrants of American nationality have the highest percentage presence in the majority of Spanish cities. Between 1996 and 2002, a process of Latin Americanization of the immigrants residing in the cities has occurred (López et al., 2004). Moreover, generally speaking, their geographic location is characterised by being quite the reverse of that of the African immigrants. In other words, American immigrants are concentrated in the capital cities of Northern and Central Spain, in addition to Madrid and Barcelona, in capital cities characterised by having a strong dedication to services. In conclusion, we will go back to the initial idea and affirm that there is no common photograph of nationalities in Spanish cities, instead there is a gallery of many different images. We can clarify this complex panorama by applying an index which is very useful for measuring specialisation, in this case based on nationalities. This indicator considers both the internal structure of each city as well as the percentage distribution of a group of nationalities in the 6

7 cities as a whole (Nelson, 1955) 4. The result of this index provides us with two pieces of information which are complementary to each other. On the one hand, the nationality the city is specialised in and, on the other hand, its degree of specialisation or concentration (low, medium, high). As can be observed on the map, an important number of capital cities (40%) do not specialise in any particular group of nationalities. With regard to the remaining cities there exists a certain degree of specialisation, with a predominance of cities with important percentages of American immigrants. 5 THE CONSEQUENCES OF THE MULTI-ETHNIC IRRUPTION IN THE AREAS OF URBAN PLANNING The consequences of the multi-ethnic irruption of immigrants into the city are very varied and affect all spheres of life. However in this paper we will focus on those aspects related to urban planning. Some of the matters we will consider relate to residential questions, facilities and services, coexistence, etc. As is logical, these consequences are not a reality that is exclusive to Spain and its provincial capitals, but a phenomenon that is widespread throughout the world. 5.1 Concentration and spatial segregation Right from the beginning, immigrants have always had a tendency to spatially concentrate in certain city centres and, within these centres, in specific districts or zones. This polarisation, which was already extensively studied at the beginning of the 20C by the Chicago School human ecologists, is still in force today (Valentine, 2001). Moreover, within the immigrant population itself, a new spatial segregation is occurring based on the different ethnic groups, cultures, languages or nationalities and this leads to the creation of specific districts: Chinatowns, black, Latin American, Jewish neighbourhoods, etc. (Pile et al., 1999; Martínez, 1997). In our country, important contingents of foreigners are concentrated in the historic centres and other districts of the city or its outskirts (Ferrer, 2003). In the old quarters of Madrid and Barcelona, for example, the weight of the immigrant population in relation to the total resident population in these quarters is far higher than that in the rest of the city (double or treble) and immigrants even have a majority presence in certain specific areas of the said quarters. In fact, as Martínez stated (1997), in micro-scale studies, it can be observed that the immigrants do not generally occupy a district uniformly, but on the contrary, they form discontinuous patches based on the characteristics and condition of the different zones, streets and even buildings within the district. The immigrants with resources, coming mostly from developed countries, occupy well-off areas and districts in harmony with the natives, whilst the poorer immigrants live in housing in the historic quarters or in the outskirts (Capel, 1997). The extracommunity immigrants tend to concentrate in the poorest neighbourhoods (Solé, 1997; Valentine, 2001), since they lack the financial resources to live anywhere. However, there was a degradation prior to the arrival of immigrants in these districts. As Esteban et al. (2003) show, the arrival of immigrants is not the reason for this deterioration, but its consequence. The settlement of this population stimulate the process, however. The massive arrival of immigrants with no resources can generate the appearance of particularly deteriorated areas, linked to the phenomenon of shanty towns. In addition to financial motives, there are other social reasons which explain, from different perspectives, why immigrants group together in the mentioned neighbourhoods, such as the 7

8 fact that social contact is easier and that, in parallel, a degree of support and safety is generated which the immigrants do not receive from the host society (Garreta, 2003). 5.2 The housing problem It is a known fact that one of the principal problems facing an immigrant with no resources is finding a suitable place to live. On occasions the authorities themselves are the ones to create impediments to the settlement of these foreigners. There are known cases of cities in which old buildings occupied by immigrants have been demolished, or where these tenants have been prevented from making improvements to their homes (Davis, 2000). The fact of the matter is that, although it is difficult to obtain reliable data, there is an important demand for housing by this group. In the specific case of Navarre, the number of potential immigrants requiring a home could be calculated to be between 7000 and people, taking the family regrouping processes into account (Laparra, 2003). A further problem is related to the actual characteristics of the housing. On many occasions, the housing occupied by poor immigrants lacks the minimum conditions of occupancy and services that could be expected of a developed country (Davis, 2000). However, despite these shortcomings, the rental costs are often excessively high (Solé, 1997). The problems experienced by immigrants in having access to a home often leads to the over-exploitation of the space available by those foreigners who do manage to obtain housing. This reality is due not only to the lack of resources, but also to the reticence of the native population to rent housing to immigrants. An empirical study conducted in the provinces of Huelva and Lleida shows that the over-occupancy level of the housing (relating the number of bedrooms to the number of people residing in the home) ranged between 20 to 25% (Garreta, 2003). Bearing in mind that the majority are living with people who are not relatives, these situations deserve to be qualified as over-crowding (Martínez, 1997). The situation is particularly serious for those groups who have only recently arrived (Laparra, 2003). 5.3 Specific requirements of the foreign population Foreigners living in our cities demand new services, including shops selling specific products for the different communities. This type of establishment is termed an ethnic business or ethnic commerce (Cebrián et al., 2002). Although the study of these new types of commerce has not yet been developed sufficiently in our country, in a very short space of time the presence of businesses managed by immigrants has become yet another element present in the scenery of many urban areas. Not in vain did Cebrián (2002) manage to identify up to 415 establishments in the Madrid district of Lavapiés, which is an indication of how deeply these services have become implanted. The arrival of contingents of immigrants has also promoted a strong demand for different types of equipment related to religious practice. This situation has already been studied in other countries such as the United Kingdom (Peach, 2002), where more than a thousand mosques, Hindu temples, etc have been recorded, without counting the more or less provisional religious centres. In Spain, the creation of new temples (particularly mosques) has been promoted by the massive arrival of immigrants of religions other than the Catholic majority. From an urban point of view, the location of the mosques plays a key role, since in a short space of time, the sites selected generally become central areas for the Muslim population frequenting them. Not only do they function as a general meeting place, but they also attract a series of commercial establishments related to this population (bars, butchers shops, telephone call centres etc) and 8

9 this strengthens the immigrant polarisation (Ferrer et al., 2003). This is perhaps the reason why the construction of mosques has frequently become a motive for conflict between the Muslims and the native population. The mobilisation of the neighbours on the one hand and the demand to be able to erect places of worship on the other, are conflictive elements that can seriously affect the pacific coexistence of the two communities (El Mundo, 18/11/2001; SOS Racismo, 2003). In certain cases, the solution has also required urban planning related changes, whereby the municipal authorities have managed to come to an agreement on the interchange of land acquired in residential areas for the construction of a mosque, for land located on an industrial estate or zone situated further away from the town centre (El Mundo, 8/12/2001). The demand for buildings and sites for religious practices is not limited to temples, but also covers other requirements such as cemeteries and installations related to religious obligations regarding food (Maza,1997). The demand for general educational services that is, ones that are comparable to those received by the native population, is being resolved satisfactorily in the host societies. This fact is demonstrated by the percentages of immigrant children attending school, which are comparable to the percentages given for the children of the native population (Davis, 2000). In Spain, it is possible to observe a very rapid increase in the number of pupils enrolled for the different school levels (Cachón, 2003; Laparra, 2003). The consequences of this increase are very varied. On the one hand, schools with few pupils may be revitalised and, on the other, saturation problems may arise in other schools. As a result of the immigrant population s demographic profile, young and at a childbearing age, the necessary small modifications have been made to the Spanish health system, and particularly in certain departments such as gynaecology and paediatrics. In some health centres in the old town centres, where the users were principally old people before the arrival of the immigrant population, it has been necessary to increase the number of health staff dedicated to paediatrics. 5.4 Problems of co-existence Public opinion often blames the immigrants or certain groups of the population for the deterioration of the urban spaces where they live. Blanc (1985) claims that quite the opposite is true, pointing out that it is more a question of confusing the cause with the effect. In other words, the marginal minority groups are not devaluing the districts they are living in, but quite the contrary: the districts themselves are in a state of deterioration, and in many cases this situation is prior to the arrival of the immigrants, and the immigrants are present there due to this very devaluation. Bergalli (2001) in his report on the reaction of the host society to the immigrants at a local level, taking the Ciutat Vella of Barcelona as a study case, identifies the reasons to explain the negative reactions of the natives with regard to the settlement of immigrants in their neighbourhoods. In the first place, the perception of a lack of safety on the streets. The data from the Ministry of the Interior only corroborate this impression in part. In 2001, 21% of crimes were committed by foreigners as well as 34% of infringements (Ministry of the Interior 2002). In the second place, the feeling that the neighbourhood s identity is under threat; and, thirdly, increased competition for social resources, particularly housing, and work. In actual fact, these arguments are not limited to this city and these districts, but are repeated time and time again by the Spanish public opinion and by other Southern European countries (Solé et al., 2001). 9

10 6. CONCLUSIONS Throughout this paper, we have shown the volume, the evolution and the characteristics of immigration in the Spanish provincial capitals. A strong coincidence between the location models of the immigrants and that of the natives has been confirmed. The analysis that we have carried out let us define two different models of urban settlement of the immigrant population divided by the line Oviedo Madrid Murcia. The east of this dividing line is characterised by a strong presence of immigrants, both in volume and percentage weight, related to the high rates of concentration levels of immigrants in the provincial capitals. The west of this line can be defined as one with lower rates of concentration levels of immigrants in the provincial capitals, and even lower than those of the native population, this fact explaining the lowest presence of immigrants in these cities. Although the immigrant population s ethnic profile is mostly the American one, especially that of Spanish-speaking, the territorial diversity based on the geographical origin is high. It is possible to speak about a process of Latin Americanization of the immigrants. By applying Nelson s index of specialisation, we have been able to verify how the arrival of immigrant population is intensifying the process of specialisation in medium degree of the Spanish capital cities, especially in the northern part of the peninsula (in the northern part of the country), with the highest percentages corresponding to American and European nationalities. The implications of these phenomena are important and varied, but from an urban planning point of view, we can point to the existence of three clear areas. Firstly, the question of immigrant housing (location, demand, characteristics) in order to avoid situations of urban deterioration and over-crowding. Secondly, the question of the demand for services; this is a very extensive section (creation of shops, religious and cultural centres, health and educational services etc). From an urban point of view, this will lead to the revitalization of some areas of the city. Thirdly, the question of crime and other problems of co-existence. An awareness of the varied ethnic complexity of the cities therefore points to the great diversity of situations that may arise in the field of urban planning. The consequences of the arrival of new populations has only just begun and, as this is a new phenomenon, we still have time to lay the foundations to ensure that the cities of the future are places of enriching coexistence between cultures. The integration of the foreign population in our streets and neighbourhoods is going to be one of the greatest urban challenges of the next few decades. 10

11 7 REFERENCES ARANGO, J. (2003a), La fisonomía de la inmigración en España, Documentos de la Red Internacional de Migración y Desarrollo 24 [online] < [22/12/2003] ARANGO, J.(2003b), Immigrats in Europe: Between Integration and Exclusion, Documentos de la Red Internacional de Migración y Desarrollo 25 [online] < [22/12/2003] BERGALLI, V. (2001). La reacción de la sociedad receptora a nivel local. Una aproximación al caso de Ciutat Vella de Barcelona, in SOLÉ, C. (Coord.), El impacto de la inmigración en la economía y en la sociedad receptora, Rubí (Barcelona): Anthropos Editorial, pp BLANC, M. (1985). Le logement des immigrés et la dévalorisation de l espace. Espaces et Sociétés. Revue Scientifique Internationale 46, pp CACHÓN, L. (2003). La inmigración en España: los desafíos de la construcción de una nueva sociedad. Revista Migraciones 14 (2003) pp CAPEL, H. (1997). Los inmigrantes en la ciudad. Crecimiento económico, innovación y conflicto social, in DELGADO, M. (Ed.), Ciutat i immigració, Barcelona: Centre de Cultura Contemporània de Barcelona, pp CEBRIÁN, J.A. and BODEGA, M.I. (2002). El negocio étnico, nueva fórmula de comercio en el casco antiguo de Madrid. El caso de Lavapiés, in Estudios Geográficos LXIII, 248/249, pp DAVIS, M. (2000), Magical urbanism. Latinos Reinvent the US City, London-New York: Verso ESTEBAN, A.; CURIEL, J. and PERELLÓ, S. (2003). Inmigración y segregación urbana. Papeles de Economía Española 98, pp FERRER, M. (2003), Los centros históricos en España. Teoría, estructura, cambio, Pamplona: Gobierno de Navarra FERRER, M. and PONS, J.J. (2003). Instalación y difusión de la inmigración en Navarra y Rioja Baja, in FAUS, C. (Ed.), Libro Homenaje a Antonio Higueras, Zaragoza: Universidad de Zaragoza (forthcoming) GARRETA, J. (2003), La integración sociocultural de las minorías étnicas (gitanos e inmigrantes), Rubí (Barcelona): Anthropos Editorial IZQUIERDO, A. (1996), La inmigración inesperada. La población extranjera en España ( ), Madrid: Editorial Trotta La mezquita de Premià se levantará en una zona industrial, El Mundo, 8 de diciembre de 2001 [online] < [5/1/2004] LAPARRA, M. (Ed.) (2003), Extranjeros en el purgatorio. Integración social de los inmigrantes en el espacio local, Barcelona: Edicions Bellaterra LÓPEZ, D.; MONTORO, C.; PONS, J.J. and ALCALDE, A. (2004). El proceso de la diversificación étnica en las ciudades españolas, in VI Congreso Vasco de Sociología, Bilbao, de febrero (CD-ROM edition) MARTÍNEZ, U. (1997). El lugar estable y móvil de los inmigrantes, las paradojas de su vivienda en las ciudades, in DELGADO, M. (Ed.), Ciutat i immigració, Barcelona: Centre de Cultura Contemporània de Barcelona, pp MAZA, Z. (1997). Limitaciones a la libertad religiosa de los musulmanes en España, [online] < [12/1/2004] MINISTERIO DEL INTERIOR (2002), Anuario Estadístico 2001, [online] < [20/08/2003] MONTORO, C. (2003). Tendencias y retos de la inmigración en Europa, in BANÚS, E. (Ed.), La inmigración, desafío y oportunidad para Europa, Pamplona, EUNSA, pp

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13 1 Throughout this text, immigrants are understood to be the non-spanish population. Therefore Spaniards born to foreign parents (nationalised) or Spaniards residing in a place other than their place of birth (internal immigrants) are excluded from this definition. 2 The Municipal Census has been used as the statistical source to study immigration in this paper (National Institute of Statistics) 3 Continuous compound growth rate. 4 The specialisation level is done by taking the percentage weight per city for each group of nationalities, and calculating the mean percentage weight per group and the standard deviation for all the cities. The standard deviation added to the mean is used to determine the degree of specialisation of a city. A city is considered to be specialised when the immigrant percentage weight value for a certain group of nationalities is greater than the mean value plus the standard deviation. 13