The changing Romanian countryside: the Ceau escu epoch and prospects for change following the revolution

Transcription

1 Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy, 1991, volume 9, pages The changing Romanian countryside: the Ceau escu epoch and prospects for change following the revolution D Turnock Department of Geography, University of Leicester, Leicester LE1 7RH, England Received 14 February 1991; in revised form 16 May 1991 Abstract. Adjustment to the ending of state socialism in Eastern Europe will create many difficulties. In this paper the author addresses one particular issue: rural planning objectives in Romania following the dramatic end to the quarter-century Ceau escu epoch in December After referring to the ideological thrust of rural planning under socialism in general and Ceau escu's leadership in particular the author concentrates on the radical demographic changes arising from the decline of employment in agriculture with only limited priority for the provision of alternative work in the countryside. Rural-urban migration has arguably been increased by discouragement of small-scale private enterprise in favour of large urbanbased projects preferred by the central planning system. Following the revolution a swing towards privatisation should focus greater attention on the potentials of the rural areas, and the abandonment of Ceau escu's draconian scheme of consolidation for rural settlement should encourage greater investment in outlying communities. The transition to market economies will be a traumatic experience throughout Eastern Europe, but arguably the greatest problems will be faced by those countries where change was resisted until the very collapse of communist power. In Romania the late president, Nicolae Ceau escu, resisted pressure for liberalisation and continued to expound Stalinist policies which, in the context of Eastern Europe reform politics of the late 1980s, stood out as 'extremism' (Pecsi, 1989). Within Romania the rural areas were particularly badly hit by the persistence of elaborate central planning structures and the resistance to privatisation. So the revolution of December 1989 should have very positive implications for the Romanian countryside, all the more so in view of an impending consolidation in industry which will reduce opportunities for rural-urban migration. In this paper I examine the salient themes in rural change over the last quarter of a century and assess the opportunities for change during the 1990s. The paper complements studies on rural settlement planning and provides a context for the radical programme of consolidation implemented during the late 1980s (Turnock, 1976; 1980; 1986a; 1991a)* 1 ). Extensive use is made of field-study experience and Romanian literature. Unfortunately, statistical cover is poor because of the limited scope of the Anuar Statistic during the 1980s (and especially since 1985) and because of the small number of tabulations which discriminate between the rural and urban areas. Ideology and rural policy The present rural settlement pattern is the product of a long evolution process. There have been long-wave migrations, with considerable ethnic complexity, involving tribal movements during prehistory and the Dark Ages and the planned colonisation sponsored by the Roman Empire and by the Hungarian and Habsburg authorities in medieval and early modern times, respectively (Manciulea, 1927; Tinta, 1972). There have also been movements by the Romanians, partly in response to external pressure and partly because of the development of systems of transhumance (1 > Other assessments by foreign geographers include those by Ronnas (1982) and Sampson (1984).

2 320 D Turnock (for example, see Constantinescu-Mirce ti, 1976; Dragomir, ; 1938; Nistor, 1915; Opreanu, 1930; Popp, 1934). The growth of population during the past two centuries has led to the colonisation of marginal land in the mountains, sometimes occurring in association with the commercial exploitation of the woodlands which were greatly reduced at this time (Bacanaru, 1971; Idu, 1972; Irimie et al, 1985; Savu, 1984; on deforestation see Chiriac, 1983; Pop, 1976). And during the last hundred years the colonisation of the steppelands has enabled some migration from the most densely populated mountain districts (Gugiuman, 1946; Noe, 1938). Settlements have proliferated, although there are also cases of transfer (producing 'lost villages') and of faltering intensity of agriculture, notably through the reduction in cropping in the mountains (Erdeli, 1983; Muica et al, 1989; Untaru and Traci, 1985). There have certainly been feudal pressures exerted on the peasantry and the modernising policies of both the state and the landowners have constrained peasant individualism. The future of the peasantry was therefore much discussed at the end of the 19th century when there was a sense of crisis arising from a rapidly increasing peasant population dependent on cereal exports and with only limited opportunities for transfer to urban-based employment (Chirot, 1976; Eidelberg, 1974; Jowitt, 1978). The interwar years saw some easement of the dilemma through continued land reform and peasant proprietorship, but the benefit of security through ownership was compromised by the imperceptible improvement in living standards and limited opportunities for migration to the towns (Evans, 1924; Roberts, 1951; Roucek, 1932). However, village industry developed and patterns of specialisation were profiled in the journal Sociologie Romanesca^. Such production was complemented by a degree of crop zonation and marketing through the local fairs and the system of itinerant commerce (Herbay, 1946; Radulescu, 1946). Since the Second World War industrialisation has released the pressure of population on resources in the rural areas and led to a radical shift in the distribution between town and country, leading to a situation where the rural population is now in absolute decline (Montias, 1967). But this transformation has occurred under the command system adopted by the communist authorities in 1948, so that the capacity of the peasantry to make a spontaneous adjustment has been constrained and, arguably, the benefits of modernisation have therefore been limited. It is necessary to ask in what ways the communist approach to rural development (and specifically the policies of Ceau escu) have been distinctive. In previous works I have referred to three sets of influences which have made for change in the countryside (Turnock, 1986b). First of all there are the forces of modernisation which have meant improvements in rural services, including better public transport links with the towns where most of the employment in manufacturing has been created. Country people have enjoyed higher living standards, but there have been fewer jobs available locally and net out-migration has been heavy. Second, there has been the reality of a communist regime dedicated to central planning and state ownership of the means of production. Farmland not already owned by state farms was marked out for collectivisation and the programme was abandoned only in 1962 when the remaining individual farms were accepted as being logistically incapable of efficient communal organisation (Nica-Sirbesti, 1973; Tanasescu, 1976). Rural industries, which would in any case have suffered from the competition of large factories, were hit by dogmatic restructuring plans and high taxes imposed on the remaining private operations. Nationalisation of the forests in 1948 meant M See the edited collection Contribufii la Tipologia Satelor Romdnesti (Golopentia and Georgescu, 1942) which includes papers by Florescu, Rejeganul, Rejeganul and Zinvelu, Tiriung, and Tiriung and Durdun.

3 The changing Romanian countryside 321 expropriation not only for large landowners but also for peasants who had previously been able to combine farm and forestry work on their own account. Towns were favoured as the principal bastions of socialism and a limited range of central places provided a spatial basis for investment amenable to close supervision by reliable activists. The equity argument certainly made for improved rural services, but only on the basis of planning which directed most attention to places which were important for local government and the organisation of agriculture and local industry. Thus for geographers a new significance attached to the functions of rural settlements which had previously been related to the significance of local resources for agriculture and ancillary industries (Deica, 1963; Oni or and Susan, 1966; Turnock, 1987a). The third factor concerns the outlook of Nicolae Ceau escu, who enjoyed total power between 1965 and Despite some progressive policies, the entire country suffered from his urge to make a personal contribution expressed through a modernising philosophy which can only be described as superficial. A new socialist man would require an appropriate socioeconomic structure and built environment, but the parameters were determined by the need to protect a totalitarian regime through security measures which inluded not only the conventional methods of surveillance and Communist Party organisation but the regimentation of thought by crude propaganda which included a rejection of Romanian history and culture. Ceau escu's model socialist landscapes came to suggest an Asian rather than a European inspiration, reflecting his close personal links with Asian communist leaders. The notion of convergence between communism and capitalism was rejected Towns declared before 1945 County centres Other Towns declared New town programme of 1974 o Declared * Proposed for declaration by 1980 International boundary Macroregion boundary County (judet) boundary - > x+ + \\J m x V +/" km v -.-J"J Railway Figure 1. Communes selected for promotion to urban status, shown in the context of the administrative regions (judefe) and the unofficial macroregions used in the statistical tables (sources: Romanian administrative sources including Iano, 1987).

4 322 D Turnock on the grounds that Romania's development was linked totally with socialist construction through medium-term plans drawn by a party which was to be kept in a constant state of revolutionary ferment. (3) Ceau escu was always on the offensive against the individualism of the peasantry. Coming from a poor country family in the Wallachian village of Scornice ti near Slatina he was well aware of the prevailing inequalities and the stigma of economic and social marginalisation in society had much to do with his commitment to Stalinism. It is possible that anger within the party over allegedly high profits being made on private food markets led to draconian policies during the crisis years of the 1980s after years of tacit approval of a small private sector in agriculture. But the compromise of 1962 was always seen as illogical and Ceau escu aimed at a rural Romania where the state would exercise total control over agriculture. To a dictator whose mind worked through administrative hierarchies linking his government to the grass roots, a dispersed rural settlement geography through which the peasants could distance themselves from authority was an affront to socialism. And so it was that during his last years the Romanian dictator adapted conventional principles of rural planning to bring the countryside up to the desired level of dependence on the government and party. Sistematizare would transform all Romania's by a consolidation programme in which would be largely rebuilt (with emphasis on apartment blocks, especially in the 550 communes promoted to urban status as agroindustrial centres) and the rest would be totally eliminated (figure 1) (Turnock, 1991a). The demographic revolution There has been a substantial redistribution of population between town and country taking place over recent decades. In 1966 the rural population amounted to million (61.8% of a total population of Romania of million): the rural population Table 1. Urban and rural population trends (sources: Anuaral Statistic various years; Trebici, 1985). na not available. Change occurring (thousands) during the period Romania Total change Natural increase na Inferred migration 26.1 na 80.2 Total percentage change per annum Urban Total change Natural increase 88.7 na Inferred migration na Total percentage change per annum Rural Total change Natural increase na Inferred migration na Total percentage change per annum < 3 > Badrus (1971, page 12) rejects the "bourgeois" theory of convergence. Studies on Ceau escu include Crowther (1988), Fischer (1989), Gilberg (1990), and Nelson (1989).

5 The changing Romanian countryside 323 was 61.4% larger than the urban. However, in 1987 the estimated figure for the rural population was million (45.7% of a total population for Romania of million): the urban population was now 18.9% larger than the rural. Persistent migration has more than wiped out the natural increase, with the trends over recent years marking a further stage in the urbanisation process which has been evident for a much longer period (table 1). Until the early 1970s natural increase in the rural areas was high enough to maintain some overall increase despite out-migration. The years show near stability with an average annual change of During the previous six years there was an average annual growth of whereas during the following twelve years there has been an average decline of Table 2. Rural population change by counties and macroregions (source: Anuarul Statistic various years). Region, county Population (thousands) 3 Change (%) Region, county Population (thousands) 3 Change (%) (a) Total population and overall percentage change Centre South East (continued) Alba Bra ov Covasna Hunedoara Sibiu Buzau Constanja Dimbovija Galaji Giurgiu/Ilfov A North Bistrija-Nasaud Cluj Harghita Maramures, Mures, Salaj North East Bacau Boto ani Ia i NeamJ Suceava Vaslui South East Arges Braila (b) Summary according to Growth >0.75%: Growth %: Growth %: Growth <0.25%: Decline <0.25%: Decline %: Decline %: Decline >0.75%: Ialoim>/Calara i Prahova Teleorman Tulcea Vrancea South West Dolj Gorj Mehedinji Olt Vilcea West Arad Bihor Caras-Severin Satu Mare Timi levels of annual change B rasov, Gii iirgiu/ilfov, Prahova none Bihor, Dimbovija, Maramure, NeamJ, Sibiu, Suceava Bacau, Bistrija-Nasaud, Ia i, Vilcea Arge, Buzau, Gorj, Harghita Olt, Galaji, Satu Mare, Tulcea, Vaslui, Vrancea Caras-Severin, Cluj, Constanja, Dolj, Ialomi$a/Calara i, Salaj, Timi Alba, Arad, Boto ani, Braila, Covasna, Hunedoara, Mehedinji, Mure, Teleorman is used rather than 1987 because no county statistics are available for 1986 or The combinations of Giurgiu/Ilfov and Ialomi$a/Calara i arise from changes in the administrative regions in 1980 which creates problems of comparability.

6 324 D Turnock The net rural decline of 7.0% betwen 1966 and 1987 masks significant regional variations. The forty-one counties are listed in table 2 to show the extent of change (for ) and the extremes vary from decline of just over 1% per annum (Arad and Mehedinji) to growth of similar extent (Giurgiu/Dfov and Prahova). Growth seems to occur where there is immediate access to a large city (with the opportunities for employment but coupled with migration controls), whereas decline is pronounced in some of the more backward counties and also in those where natural increase rates are now negative. In 1985 this situation arose in twelve counties mainly in the western half of the country: four in the West (unofficial) macroregion (Arad, Bihor, Caras-Severin, and Timi ) and two in each of four others: Centre (Alba and Hunedoara), North (Cluj and Salaj), South East (Giurgiu and Teleorman), and South West (Dolj and Mehedinji). In 1975 only Caras-Severin and Hunedoara were affected in this way (Arad, Mehedinji, and Timi were also affected in 1980). This underlines one of the most fundamental contrasts in the human geography of Romania: the demographic dichotomy between the dynamic northeastern counties (Moldavia) and the very low levels of reproduction in the western districts. A summary view is also attempted for the six macroregions, confirming the impression of convergence in the levels of urbanisation, with the range in percentage values between the highest levels (Centre) and lowest (South West) cut from 33.0 to 28.6 (table 3). However, activity rates are relatively high in both the Centre and the South West, whereas the North East is relatively weak because of the high proportion of young people in the population. Everywhere, however, the age structure of the rural population has been deteriorating and the differences in rates of natural increase are therefore profound. Table 4 shows that, although the higher rates of natural increase in the towns (since 1975) reflect lower death rates, there is also the factor of higher marriage rates and (since 1980) higher birth rates (Trebici, 1971; 1979; 1980; 1985; see also Giosu, 1981; Sandu, 1985; tefanescu and Baranovsky, 1978). The deteriorating age structure may be seen in figure 2 (see over) which compares 1977 with 1948: in 1948 the rural areas were noticeably weaker in the age groups, but in Table 3. Rural population by macroregions (sources: Census 1966 and 1977; Anuarul Statistic, 1986). Criterion 3 Region Romania Centre North North East South East South West West A B C D E F G H I J a A Population, 1966 (thousands); B population, 1985 (thousands); C rural population, 1966 (thousands); D rural population, 1985 (thousands); E percentage of rural population, 1966; F percentage of rural population, 1985; G active rural population, 1966 (thousands); H active rural population, 1977 (thousands); I percentage of rural population active, 1966; J percentage of rural population active, 1977.

7 The changing Romanian countryside this situation was much more pronounced and it was starting to depress the birth rate which has traditionally been much higher in the countryside than in the towns. In 1948 the 0-14 group accounted for 31.3% of the total population in the rural areas and only 21.1% in the towns: a difference of But the difference was reduced to 7.3 in 1956, 6.9 in 1966, and 3.8 in By contrast the difference between the percentages of population aged 60 and over rose from only 0.3 in 1948 (9.4% in the rural areas and 9.1% in the urban areas) to 1.0 in 1956, 2.4 in 1966, and 5.2 in Whereas the average age has increased in the rural areas from 29.2 to 34.4, it has fallen in the towns from 32.0 to Table 4. Rural and urban population (sources: Trebici, 1985; Anuarul Statistics, various years). Population (a) Absolute figures (thousands) 3 Rural Births Deaths Natural increase Marriages Deaths < 1 year AAA Urban Births Deaths Natural increase Marriages Deaths < 1 year Romania Births Deaths Natural increase Marriages Deaths < 1 year (b) Rates (per thousand of the s population/live 1 births) Rural Births Deaths Natural increase Marriages Deaths < 1 year Urban Births Deaths Natural increase Marriages Deaths < 1 year Romania Births Deaths Natural increase Marriages Deaths < 1 year a The absolute figures for the rural and urban areas are estimated for the years prior to 1975 working from the percentages and official figures for the total population for the rural and urban areas

8 326 D Turnock Age structures for urban population Women 1948 EE2 Urban excess compared with rural (per thousand) Age structures for rural population (per thousand) Women YZA Rural excess compared with urban (per thousand) Active population in: (a) industry in 1977 m }W7, ww*" Men V//7/K -vzi E3 Excess of men rloo; 90 : 80 : 70 : (thousand) (b) agriculture in 1977 Women Men [100] Women F 5>o H 80 E3 Excess of men 470^ r*" 1 '"! 20 10^ :2zsa IP % EZ3 Excess of women (thousands) Active population on: (a) cooperative farms in 1977 (b) individual farms in 1977 Men y Women Men Women 80 EJ 70!^ 60 1 r50 60 i~? » ^ W 20 V7Z Excess of men 101 E2 Excess of women 0 YZA Excess of women (thousand) (thousands) Figure 2. Aspects of rural demography (source: Trebici, 1985).

9 The changing Romanian countryside 327 The socialist rural economy This demographic situation reflects the growth of opportunity in the towns, but the imbalance is exaggerated by disenchantment with agricultural work arising out of relatively low wages and lack of job satisfaction following collectivisation. Young people have been encouraged to migrate and their preference for an apartment in town has been strengthened by limited public transport services which make daily commuting difficult. The rail services are relatively reliable, but journeys are slow and uncomfortable. The higher costs for both transport and basic commodities in the rural areas, combined with relatively low rents for apartments, further tilt the balance in favour of life in the town. The generally better food-supply situation in the countryside does not apply to all commodities (bread has been particularly difficult to find in recent years) and has been gradually eroded by draconian policies towards the peasantry during the 1980s. In any case food can be transferred to the towns during occasional visits by young urban-based couples to parental homes in the country. Older people are less likely to migrate, but it is common to find the men working in the towns (commuting daily, weekly, or seasonally as appropriate) while the women attend to the agriculture. This point shows up dramatically when employment in agriculture and industry is shown in terms of both age and sex distribution (figure 2). Despite the social problems of divided families the phenomenon of 'navetism' (migration and commuting to industrial employment in the towns) has been seen as fundamental to the modernisation of the countryside. (4) The employment structure for the rural population has therefore changed significantly with the growing importance of work in manufacturing and services. The census data for 1966 and 1977 may be compared on a macroregional basis in table 5. Employment nationally rose by 4.2% but among rural dwellers there was a decline of 12.6% compared with an increase of 41.3% for the urban population. However, because no data are available to show the number of jobs (as opposed to workers) in rural and urban areas, it is not possible to calculate the level of ruralurban commuting. But it is certainly true that much of the nonagricultural work for the rural population is located in the towns, whereas only a small number of townspeople mainly managers actually commute to jobs in the countryside). In the Centre the decline of jobs for country dwellers reached 16.0% and the North East and South West registered small losses in employment overall. The rural decline is caused by the retreat from agriculture, along with other primary activities (33.5% decline), complemented by increases in the numbers employed in industry (83.5%) and services (39.6%). However, the decline in agriculture was much greater in the Centre and North (Transylvania) with over 40% than in the North East (Moldavia) where the rate was just below 30%. The share of agriculture among the employment of the rural population fell from 77.6% in 1966 to 59.1% in 1977 (with the regional extremes featuring the Centre 65.3% to 46.4% and the South West 83.8% to 66,8%) (table 6). More immediate access to employment by the rural population is very necessary to reduce the level of migration and the pressure on housing in the towns. This requires more investment in the rural areas (including transport) so that commuting to work can be made more attractive. And it also calls for the generation of more nonagricultural employment in the countryside. But progress has been slowed down by the discouragement of private enterprise in favour of the planned allocation of (4) The concept is dealt with in such contributions as Constantinescu et al (1981), Cucu (1976), Fulea (1973), Fulea and Tama (1982), Ionescu and Matei (1983), Marica and Alua (1972), Miftode (1978). Empirical studies were very numerous after the foundation works in the series Procesul de Urbanizare: Bogdan et al (1970), Brescan et al (1973), Cazacu et al (1970). Examples are cited in Turnock (1987b; 1990).

10 328 D Turnock capital through the administrative hierarchies. Despite the ideology of equity, the system inevitably marginalised the rural areas. Even families remaining in possession of a small farm usually lacked incentive to increase output: normally any available nonagricultural employment would be taken up, leaving only the residual labour for farm work, which in turn would be geared to subsistence as well as cash commodities required on local markets or demanded by the state under the system of compulsory contracts and deliveries. As a result the age structure of the population working on individual farms became remarkably well balanced with all age groups represented from the youngest to the oldest and with no perceptible emphasis on the population usually regarded as being of 'working' age (figure 2) (Banciu, 1985; Cernea, 1974; Spornic, 1975)! Table 5. Employment structures 1966 and 1977 by macroregions (source: Census, 1966; 1977). Region sector 3 Employment (thousands) 1966 total urban rural 1977 total urban rural Change (%) total urban rural Romania Total Agriculture Industry Services Centre Total Agriculture Industry Services North Total Agriculture Industry Services North East Total Agriculture Industry Services South East Total Agriculture Industry Services South West Total Agriculture Industry Services West Total Agriculture Industry Services a T total; A agriculture, forestry, etc; I industry; S services

11 The changing Romanian countryside 329 The situation in agriculture can be examined in some detail because statistics are relatively plentiful and, although there is no discrimination between urban and rural areas, it can be assumed that farm work is overwhelmingly rural (in million rural dwellers worked in agriculture compared with only 0.27 million townspeople). Since 1970 information has been published to show the total value of all farm production and since 1975 such information has been available on an annual basis. This enables table 7 to show production by macroregions for 1970, , and , with the average figures for the two later periods helping to overcome annual fluctuations in the harvest. It is noteable that all regions except the South East (easily the most important producer) have increased their shares between 1970 and There is a clear north-south split, however, between the emphasis on crops (in the South East, South West, and West), and the strength of the pastoral sector in the Centre, North, and North East. Thus the first group shows up well when production is measured against the total amount of farmland whereas the second group is stronger when arable land is the basis of comparison. But as regards the use of labour it is evident that the relatively well-developed Centre, South East, and West regions achieve the highest levels of output per worker. This point gains further significance in an analysis made elsewhere which shows that the more advanced counties produce more in relation to land, investment, and labour than the more backward counties where traditional practices still restrict the level of specialisation (Ungureanu, 1987). The most remarkable results emerge from the relationship between production and investment shares. The Centre, North, and North East show production shares consistently well in excess of investment shares. Table 6. Employment structures 1966 and 1977, by macroregions (source: Census, 1966; 1977). Region Sector Percentage shares total urban rural total urban rural Romania Centre agriculture industry services agriculture industry services North North East agriculture industry services agriculture industry services South East South West agriculture industry services agriculture industry services West agriculture industry services

12 330 D Turnock In the arable-intensive regions, the South West and West are close to parity (except for ) whereas the South East has conspicuously failed to increase its output in proportion to the investment that has been lavished on it. As regards nonagricultural employment the indications suggest that central planning has emphasised the existing strengths of the economy the highly urbanised regional complexes and exploited the resources elsewhere in a distinctly ambivalent fashion. Production has been taken from the land, but, apart from the modest wages paid to the local producers, the proceeds have found their way back to the grass roots only through selective investments (occurring mainly in the county centres among the backward regions) (Barbacioru, 1983; Cucu, 1988; Deica, 1975; Ianos, 1988). Arguably, greater equality would have occurred if more wealth had been returned to the rural areas with scope for private investment decisions to achieve greater agricultural efficiency and a greater degree of industrialisation through the development of small businesses. Centralised decisionmaking has been all the more unsatisfactory because individual ministries have operated autonomously Table 7. Distribution of agricultural production, , by macroregion (source: Anuarul Statistic, various years). Macroregion Centre North North East South East South West West Romania Agricultural production 1970 (million lei) regional distribution (%) (million lei) regional distribution (%) Total (million lei) regional distribution (%) Crops (million lei) importance of crop within region (%) Stock (million lei) a Share of agricultural production 1970 Agricultural land Arable land Labour Investment ( ) Agricultural land Arable land Labour Investment Agricultural land Arable land Labour Investment in relation to: Production share in relative to: a The percentages for stock complement those for crops :

13 The changing Romanian countryside 331 without a powerful regional planning component to assure the necessary spatial coordination. The communist authorities therefore discouraged local industry which had previously been a significant branch of ancillary employment while substituting only those activities specifically required by the command economy. Thus, although rural industry was not ruled out, its scope was restricted. Although the principal cropping regions attracted a mixture of small food-processing and maintenance units, the number of villages with industries of national (that is, 'republican') significance was small. Despite some early idealism it would appear that considerations of energy and transport, in addition to political control, made for greater concentration of activity in the towns (Puia et al, 1986). Only after the 1974 party congress was there stronger encouragement of small rural industry through the communal authorities, and national organisations such as CENTROCOOP and UCECOM (Erdeli and Candea, 1984; Marinescu, 1975; Vlasceanu and Vlasceanu, 1984). It is unfortunate that a lack of documentation frustrates any detailed understanding of location decisionmaking in the 1950s when the central planning system was being created. But such evidence as has become available since the overthrow of the Ceau escu regime points to an initial effort to establish rural growth centres at the level of the district {raion), followed by a degree of consolidation as a smaller number of centres was found to be more manageable (figure 3) (Deica and Karjeva, 1967; Radulescu, 1950). Whereas seventy (out of a total of 191) districts were originally based on village centres (the rest on towns) the consolidation of the 1960s reduced the number to thirty-four. Most of these village centres were eventually promoted to urban status and several studies have dealt with the emergence of these local growth points: for example Cimpeni in the Centre and Novaci in the South West (Nitulescu, 1972; Tufescu, 1982; Vasile et al, 1971; Velcea and Cucu, 1956). Meanwhile one of the villages which lost its district administrative role through reorganisation (Vidra in the Vrancea Mountains of the South East) is known to have lost its food-processing industry in favour of Tecuci, apparently on the instruction of the regional authority in Birlad which controlled the Vrancea raion at the time. Rural development continued at a modest rate in Vidra, with the improvement in educational and health services and the extension of the road system in conjunction with the nearby railhead of Burca, where a lorry depot was built. But the strategy of rural industrial growth, which had previously generated not only a small complex at Vidra but further activity (mainly sawmilling) in Gre u and Naruja, was comprised by the preference for urban locations (Mihailescu et al, 1970; Pasoi-Barco, 1964; Pusca, 1987; Roman, 1989; tefanescu, 1968). Rural industry took the form of a limited number of uncoordinated developments, complemented by some surviving peasant enterprises which benefitted from the supportive attitude of commune authorities in remote areas rarely visited by ideologically motivated activists. Local industry has been extremely beneficial in rural areas situated too far away from large towns for daily commuting to be feasible. Figure 4 shows the position of (unofficial) rural districts in the Romanian Carpathians in relation to towns with a population exceeding In many cases (particularly in the western areas) distances exceed 50 km. There is always the option of temporary migration to work (on a weekly, monthly, or seasonal basis) and, although they create social problems, such practices are traditional in areas like Maramure where the peasantry finds work in forests throughout the country. But alternatives are few. As already noted the option of intensification of agriculture on small individual Carpathian farms is complicated. Prices were stimulative during the 1970s but measures preventing the use of nonfamily labour and arbitrary taxation to discourage amalgamation and

14 Centres of administrative districts (raioane) Town: regional centre (named on map -l&^^c-s? or below) or former regional *//&^*fyk ^^*~ ' centre (unnamed) ^ f v v?xp / 5^^S^ffll A * p Ploiesti '* " ^ x " ^ ^ ^ ' T Tirgu Mures. Town: other O Village Urban district 1 Hunedoara 2 Resjja 3 Petro ani ^ Urban district (unofficial) T* with two or more towns 4 Dr Petru Groza 13 Medgidia 5 Turda _. 14 Tulcea 6 Aiud 15 Foc ani 7 Sighi oara 16 Panciu 8 Sibiu 17 Tirgu Secuiesc 9 RTmnicu Vilcea 18 Tirgu Ocna 10 Fagara 19 Moine ti 11 Cimpina 20 Toplila 12 Valeni de Munte 21 Gura Humorului Other industrialised districts (unofficial) with more than five major industries 32 Alba lulia 39 Tirgoviste 33 Media? 40 Buzau 34 STngeorgiu 41 Braila de Padure 42 Miercurea Ciuc 35 Odorheiul 43 Piatra Neamj Secuiesc 44 Gheorgheni 36 Sfintu 45 Vatra Dornei Gheorghe 46 CTmpulung 37 CTmpulung Moldovenesc 38 Pucioasa Other places selected as administrative centres for districts (plasi) pre-1950 A Village A Village promoted to urban status by Other towns declared by 1968 Polarising centre for commune reorganisation 1968 Figure 3. Aspects of regional development, (sources: Chiju, 1990; Roman, 1990). Railway Bus link between raion and regional centre where no railway km 100

15 The changing Romanian countryside 333 cooperation meant that agriculture tended to be marginalised in the minds of the occupiers. Tourism was adversely affected by central planning which concentrated attention on large-scale developments. Some spread away from the historic cities and wateringplaces was achieved by hydroelectric projects which included provision for the growth of tourism through refurbishment of the accommodation provided for construction workers (at Voineasa in the Lotru valley, for example) (Borza, 1967; Giurgiu, 1980; Surdeanu, 1984; Turnock, 1991b). But the reservoirs tend to silt up and the scenic benefits arising from the creation of lakes have to be balanced against the taming of the gorges. At Voineasa the defile above the resort has been affected by diversion of the bulk of the water into an underground conduit. Indeed environmental damage has occurred on a massive scale as a result of the policies of the 'Ceau escu epoch' and this has adversely affected employment (Hancu, 1990). The rural areas are affected by pollution generated by factories in the towns but there are additional problems arising from mining and quarrying in the Figure 4. Main commuter flows between rural districts of the Carpathians and towns with a population exceeding (source: Atlas RSR).

16 334 D Turnock countryside (involving heavy traffic as well as air and noise pollution at the installations themselves) and the careless dumping of waste (Iacob, 1985). There are also specific issues concerned with soil pollution and the transformation of local environments (Coloncea, 1972; Ionescu, 1970). The dyking, drainage, and irrigation of the Danube floodplain have required enormous investments which have secured increases in maize production at the expense of a sharp fall in the value of local fisheries and vineyards (because of the elimination of lakes and consequent changes in the microclimate) (Cucu, 1987; Cucu and Bordanc, 1985; Popovici, 1979; Preda, 1990). This campaign mentality has had an even more massive impact on the Danube Delta, a distinctive ecosystem of truly international interest (Banu et al, 1965). Yet an area which merits a carefully coordinated management policy to ensure adequate concern for conservation and continuity of employment for the local population has been subjected to a succession of special programmes aiming at maximum output of reeds (for cellulose extraction), fish, and cereals (Chiju, 1990; Roman, 1990). Each programmes has been undermined by unforeseen difficulties (use of heavy machinery on the reedbeds; introduction of exotic species and water pollution) and has left a legacy of financial loss, social disruption, and environmental damage as the nature reserves have been compromised by the priorities for development. As against this there has been a constructive approach from the foresters who have seen to the stabilisation of extensive areas of land eroded through the heavy pressure of population on the land before the First World War (Donija et al, 1977; Giurgiu, 1979; 1988; Traci and Costin, 1966). Work that began near Birlad in the 1930s has now spread through the Moldavian Plateau and other eroded districts such as the plateau lands of Transylvania (Ionija, 1985; Soneriu, 1973; VergheleJ et al, 1979; Zavoianu, 1989). But it is necessary for this work to expand so that more wasteland can be put to good use. And it is ; also important that an assessment of environmental problems is made in each area (Ungureanu, 1982; 1988). Prospects for rural development since the revolution The Ceau escu regime appreciated that the rural settlement pattern was not well adjusted for central planning, but policy was geared almost entirely to the enlargement of the towns and, despite the formulation of a programme to consolidate rural settlement from the 1960s, it was only in the late 1980s that the political will was summoned to adopt a range of coercive measures to resettle the population in a manner befitting the 'new socialist man' and to destroy villages considered nonviable (Turnock, 1991a). Fortunately only a handful of the country's villages were completely eliminated and the rural population is still remarkably dispersed, especially in parts of the Carpathians. This distribution is conducive to a switch back to privatisation which the revolution is most likely to endorse. After the Ceau escu regime fell in December 1989, the new provisional government immediately halted all redevelopment work in the villages. No further destruction will be authorised and restrictions on the construction of traditional housing have been relaxed. The result is a surge of new building in the villages as people take advantage of the new permissive climate. In some cases at least people are being allowed to move back to the places which were completely destroyed two years ago. In Vrancea a surge of new enterprise was evident in the autumn of 1991 as land was retrieved from cooperatives and intensification was proceeding through the clearance of scrub from hayfields and orchards neglected by the old management because of remoteness from the administrative centre of the farm. The breakup of cooperatives is unlikely to happen immediately because the National Salvation Front government is apparently unwilling to dismantle the entire infrastructure of

17 The changing Romanian countryside 335 socialist agriculture. There are even uncertainties as to when people will receive title to land they have taken back into their own hands (and also title to the 500 m 2 of land which the interim government made available to each rural dweller). But there also appear to be differences in outlook between different parts of the country, with the greatest interest in radical reform in areas where the traditional attachment to land is strong and where substantial increases in output are expected from private farming. Where there is no such perception of major gains in production people are more likely to prefer the retention of a cooperative system with considerable social security benefits. Dismantling the cooperatives will be a very difficult job in areas where there has been a great deal of social change since the 1950s. If people want to receive the land worked by their ancestors how can this be arranged for the benefit of all concerned when many of the claimants (including whole families) have left the village, moved to the towns, or even emigrated? There is no doubt, however, that agriculture will benefit from the revolution and the rejection of the old hostility to private peasant enterprise. Instead of the system of price limits which kept good-quality food off the free markets and state quotas at low prices which discouraged production beyond the bare minimum, there is now a free market mechanism. Prices have risen between two and three times, but the supply of fresh produce has improved. At the same time rural industry is already benefitting from the encouragement of private businesses. Although some small ventures (handicrafts and water-powered installations concerned with the milling of maize, textiles, and timber) existed before the revolution, outside the state factory and cooperative organisations, they were discouraged by high taxes and by the obligation to work part of the time for the state at low prices. Now the tax liability is complemented by free enterprise and new businesses are springing up: bakeries, garages, and sawmills. Prospects for the timber industry in the countryside (largely starved of investment in view of the state's priority for large wood industrialisation complexes in the towns) are particularly good if the woodlands expropriated in 1948 are returned to their former owners. This will provide a steady supply of raw material for small businesses in the Carpathians. Tourism is another rural business that faces improved prospects. In the past the embargo against accommodation of foreign visitors in private houses, coupled with emphasis by the state tourist organisation on the major resorts of the coast (Mamaia, Jupiter, Neptun, etc) and mountains (Calimane ti, Poiana Bra ov, etc) has left little scope for local initiatives apart from motels and campsites. Again, the withdrawal of regulations prohibiting ownership of second homes (previously legal only if the second home was registered under a different name from that of the principal residence) will stimulate interest in country properties which have in some cases been simply abandoned: given the migration from the rural areas to the towns there has not always been a keen market for 'surplus' houses. The context for rural tourism may be broadened further through reference to the conservation movement. The two national ecological parties received strong support in the May 1990 elections: they have one senator each and a total of twenty deputies. There is a strong demand for better environmental education, and greater awareness of the Carpathians as a relatively unpolluted area, immediately accessible to many of the main cities, should boost the prospects. Here in the mountains there are particularly good prospects for the future rural economy, with potentials that are to be promoted by a new government commission for the mountain districts (Comisia Zonei Montane CZM). It is based in Bucharest with offices in the twenty-two counties which have a share in the mountain region. Although the rural areas have good opportunities, the towns face an uncertain future because of unprofitable industries. Perception of a cautious approach towards

18 336 D Turnock the state factories may well have boosted support for the present government, but nobody has illusions about the impending shakeout of labour. Some factories have become notorious polluters and may have to close completely, but even enterprises which are both clean and efficient may have to slim down on labour in order to secure the foreign assistance which is now widely sought. Thus, all the signs point to an increase in unemployment in the towns and a movement of population back to the countryside. The future trend thus appears to be one of decentralisation, with greater autonomy for the rural districts. Units of local government are destined to be smaller in future. The old counties are to be revived and this will increase the number of local government units from the present forty-one to between sixty and seventy. The communes which Ceau escu sought to enlarge (and reduce in total number to around 2000) are now set to become smaller, although the eventual number is not yet known. Any central government money will have to be spread between more units than before, and the switch from state to private investment should achieve a much more equitable distribution. The old concept of nonviable villages becomes largely redundant and, although the idea of new towns (agroindustrial centres) is still a realistic one in areas presently remote from urban services, the expectation of hundreds of promotions has disappeared. In future, rural changes will be dictated by private capital and by locally expressed preferences for improvements in services. Conclusion In this review of rural issues I have attempted an outline and critique of the policies adopted by the Romanian Communist Party over which the late president, Nicolae Ceau escu, and his wife Elena exercised a dominant influence over a quarter of a century. Although the central planning system was refined so as to allow for greater local initiative, such reforms were precipitated by financial crisis and they always stopped short of encouraging private enterprise among the peasantry. Whereas reforms in neighbouring countries (especially Hungary) encouraged individual initiative, the Romanian leadership could think only of an extension of state control. 1 Sistematizare'' would have been the culmination to decades of struggle against individualism and it reached its ultimate extreme in the late 1980s when an ageing, president turned his back on Romanian history in order to accelerate the construction of a built environment that would satisfy his eccentric ideas and, at last, extend the authority of the party throughout the countryside. But the abandonment of this programme after two years, during which the most destructive action was mercifully restricted to a small part of the country, opens the way for a restoration of free peasant enterprise on the basis of a settlement plan which has survived largely intact from the precommunist era. The Romanian countryside has been saved from the arbitrary imposition of Ceau escu's policies, but the future is by no means secure and it will take time for the population to regain the confidence and independence of thought characteristic of free peasant societies. The transition will be difficult, especially in areas of ethnic diversity where there may be a legacy of resentment after the policy fluctuations over the question of autonomy during the socialist period. More generally there is a dichotomy between families with historic rights to land and other families with no such claims. The latter feel that any privatisation will bring a decline in the demand for their labour. Also, because the rural population is quite elderly much will depend on the attitude of young people returning to the villages. Will they learn to love the land and accept the demands of a smallholder's life-style or will there be resentment because, at least for the time being, the urbanisation process is being interrupted, with dissent and political instability the consequence?

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