The Debate over Hawaii and an American Overseas Empire

Transcription

1 The Debate over Hawaii and an American Overseas Empire Revolutionaries easily overthrew the native Hawaiian monarchy in The United States then debated for five years whether to annex the former kingdom and launch an American overseas empire. By 1795, the warrior chief, Kamehameha the Great, had conquered most of the Hawaiian islands and established a monarchy. In the 1820s, American whalers, traders, and Christian missionaries began to visit and settle in the kingdom of Hawaii. Although a small minority, the Americans in Hawaii soon owned much of the land, which they began to tum into large sugar-cane plantations. The native Hawaiian population dropped sharply due to smallpox and other diseases that came with the American immigrants. Needing more workers, the sugar planters imported Chinese and Japanese contract laborers who agreed to work on the plantations for a set period of time. As their influence increased, the Americans became deeply involved with the government of the Hawaiian kings. In 1840, American advisors helped King Kamehameha III produce Hawaii's fa~! written constitution. By 1842, the United States had developed regular diplomatic relations with Hawaii and supported its status as an independent country. After King David Kalakaua ascended the throne in 1874, Hawaii and the United States signed a trade agreement lifting some restrictions on exporting Hawaiian sugar to the United States. In addition. this agreement permitted the United States to lease a naval station at Pearl Harbor. For a long time, Americans (both U.S. citizens and those born in Hawaii of American parents) had resented living under the Hawaiian monarchy. They believed that since they owned about two-thirds of the land and paid the majority of taxes, they deserved a greater say in the government. In 1887, a group of armed Americans forced King Kalakaua to agree to a ne'0': constjtutio_~1 that weakened his power. This constitution also contained property requirements that prevented about 75 percent of the native Hawaiians from voting for representatives to the legislature. After Kalakaua's death in 1891, his sister, Lydia Liliuokalani, became queen. She was determined to reclaim the monarchy's old power on behalf of her people. On January 14, 1893, Queen Liliuokalani announced her intention to proclaim a new constitution on her own authority. On hearing this news, a group of about a dozen, mainly American, business and political leaders started plotting to overthrow the monarchy. Almost immediately, the queen withdrew her plan for a new constitution. But the

2 revolutionaries claimed that Liliuokalani had given up her right to rule by violating her oath to the current constitution. On January 16, the U.S. diplomatic representative in Honolulu, John Stevens, asked the U.S. Navy "to protect the life and property of American citizens." Four boatloads of marines from an American warship in the harbor came ashore, marched into the city, and surrounded the royal palace. Stevens granted U.S. recognition to the provisional government that the revolutionaries had formed. The revolutionaries appointed Sanford Dole, the son of American missionary parents and a Hawaiian Supreme Court justice, to head the provisional government. On January 17, Dole and a few hundred armed supporters went to the palace to demand the queen's surrender. With nearly 200 American troops nearby, Queen Liliuokalani surrendered under protest. "I yield to the superior force of the United States of America," she said. The provisional government immediately sent a commission to the United States to persuade President Benjamin Harrison and Congress to annex Hawaii as a U.S. territory. A few months after the Hawaiian Revolution, an American naval historian, Captain Alfred Mahan, published a stunning article titled, "Hm\ aii 9ndOur Future Sea Pmver." Mahan argued that the United States should abandon its tradition of isolationism and. like imperial Great Britain, acquire an overseas empire, starting with Hawaii. Mahan's essay marked the beginning of a long and often bitter debate in the United States on the question of whether the United States should become an imperial world power. President Cleveland Says No President Harrison harbored some doubts about the revolution in Hawaii, but he signed an annexation treaty with the provisional government in February He sent the treaty to the U.S. Senate for ratification. Back in Hawaii, the provisional government, consisting of about 20 white men, began to worry about the native Hawaiian majority that the revolutionaries had largely ignored. The provisional government declared martial law and ordered newspapers not to stir up trouble. The new government also persuaded John Stevens, the U.S. diplomat, to place Hawaii under temporary American military protection. Popular opinion in the United States favored the treaty. But the presidency changed from Republican Harrison to Democrat Grover Cleveland, who objected to the use of U.S. troops in the overthrow of Queen Liliuokalani. Cleveland withdrew the treaty from the Senate. President Cleveland appointed a former member of Congress, John Blount, to go to Hawaii to find out what had happened. Blount interviewed the members of the provisional government, supporters of the revolution and the monarchy, and Queen Liliuokalani herself. She told Blount that the "missionary party" had worked for years so that "their children might some day be rulers over these Islands."

3 Blount's fact-finding report convinced President Cleveland that U.S. diplomat John Stevens had acted improperly by calling for American troops, whose presence caused the queen to surrender. Cleveland sent a new diplomat to Hawaii to pressure the provisional government to restore the monarchy and the queen to grant amnesty to the revolutionaries. The provisional government refused to accept Cleveland's demands. Sanford Dole, president of the provisional government, declared that the United States had no right to interfere in Hawaii's internal affairs. Surprisingly, the queen at first also refused to go along with Cleveland, saying she would never pardon the revolutionaries. She changed her mind and offered amnesty. But by this time, Cleveland had decided to let Congress debate the Hawaiian issue. The Republic of Hawaii Sanford Dole and the other members of the provisional government recognized that the United States probably would never annex Hawaii as long as Cleveland was in the White House. So they decided that they had better form a more permanent government. In June 1894, a convention, composed mostly of Hawaiian-born Americans and foreign residents, produced a new constitution for the Republic of Hawaii. The constitution named Sanford Dole the first president. It stated that the republic's main goal was to be annexed by the United States. The constitution placed property and income qualifications on the right to vote and required voters to take an oath against restoring the monarchy. The provisional government proclaimed the constitution on July 4, 1894, without any ratification vote by the people. In January 1895, about 300 supporters of Queen Liliuokalani took up arms and attempted to restore her to power. But the government quickly defeated and captured the royalist rebels. The government established a military commission, tried about 200 rebels for treason, and sentenced most of them to prison. The government also tried the queen for treason. She denied any involvement with the rebellion, but declared that she owed no allegiance to the Republic of Hawaii, only to her people. After finding her guilty, the government restricted her to an apartment in the palace. Within a year, the government freed all the royalist prisoners, including the queen. "It Is Manifest Destiny" Republican William McKinley won the American presidential election of He acted quickly to sign a new annexation treaty shortly after he took office in Again, the question of Hawaiian annexation moved to the U.S. Senate. Imperialists, like Captain Mahan and Assistant Secretary of the Navy Theodore Roosevelt, argued that annexing Hawaii would help the United States become a world

4 power. But the anti-imperialists opposed annexation. "The mission of our nation," said former President Cleveland, "is to build up and make a greater country out of what we have, instead of annexing islands." Thus, the fate of Hawaii became entwined in the larger debate over whether the United States should acquire an overseas empire. By 1897, two powerful American interest groups had joined the anti-imperialists in opposing Hawaii annexation. The sugar beet industry did not want to compete with cheaper Hawaiian sugar. Also, many labor unions disliked the contract labor system in Hawaii and feared Chinese and Japanese workers from there would flood into the mainland, driving down wages. The annexation effort bogged down in the Senate where a two-thirds majority is necessary for treaty ratification. But on February 15, 1898, the U.S. ship Maine exploded in Havana Harbor. Soon afterward, the United States declared war on Spain and invaded Cuba. Then on May 1, Admiral George Dewey destroyed the Spanish fleet in the Philippines. Suddenly, Hawaii's strategic location halfway to the Philippines revived interest in annexation. The annexationists abandoned their treaty ratification campaign in the Senate. They decided to seek a joint resolution by the House of Representatives and the Senate to annex Hawaii. This required only a simple majority vote in each house. "We need Hawaii just as much and a good deal more than we did California," said President McKinley. "It is Manifest Destiny." Hawaii and Empire While the war against Spain continued during the summer of 1898, supporters of Hawaiian annexation made their case in Congress. Many pointed out the necessity of Hawaii as a refueling station for Navy ships on their way to reinforce American troops in the Philippines. Most of those speaking out for annexation, however, argued that Hawaii was essential for expanding trade with China and other Asian countries. The House passed the Hawaiian annexation resolution on June 15. Sensing defeat, the anti-annexationists made their last stand during a Senate filibuster (a delaying tactic in which Senators give never-ending speeches). They hoped to talk the resolution to death. Senator Stephen White of California led the filibuster. "The annexation of Hawaii," he said, "will constitute the entering wedge for an imperialistic policy." He and his allies asked whether Americans should forget their own anti-colonial war for independence and establish a colonial empire of foreign peoples. The filibuster speakers argued Hawaii had little military value. The United States already leased Pearl Harbor, and refueling at the island of Kiska (part of American Alaska) provided a shorter route to the Philippines than stopping over in Hawaii. Besides, defending Hawaii would spread the Navy too thin.

5 Many Senate speakers doubted that Hawaii could fit into our democracy. Some questioned the capability of the native Hawaiians to vote and participate as U.S. citizens. Senator White asked if Americans should affiliate with Hawaiians who lived "far removed and alien to us in language and ideas." Others criticized that the natives, who still made up a large majority of the population, had never voted on annexing their country to the United States. After two weeks of speech making, the anti-annexationists gave up their filibuster. On July 6, the Senate voted to pass the joint resolution. President McKinley signed the measure the next day. Two years later, Congress passed the Qrganic Act, making Hawaii a U.S. territory and setting up its government. In the end, immediate wartime pressures and a desire to expand markets overseas combined to hand victory to the annexationists and imperialists. Sanford Dole, the former president of the Hawaiian Republic, was appointed territorial governor. The first territorial elections, held in the fall of 1900, proved shocking. Candidates favoring Hawaiian independence won a majority of seats in both houses of the new territorial legislature. One of the royalist rebels, who had taken up arms to restore Queen Liliuokalani to power in 1895, was elected as Hawaii's first delegate to Congress. But this was the last election in which candidates supporting independence showed such strength. In 1902, Hawaiian Prince Jonah Kuhio Kalanianaole Piikoi ran for Congress as a Republican and won. After that, the independence movement faded away. * * * * * The debate in Congress over Hawaiian annexation took five years. During that time, the imperialists and anti-imperialists thoroughly argued their positions. After the Spanish American War, Congress took less than a year to approve the acquisition of the Philippines, Puerto Rico, Guam, and Wake Island. The United States then had its overseas empire. For Discussion and Writing 1. Do you think the United States should have annexed Hawaii in 1898? Why or why not? 2. Why did President Cleveland and President McKinley differ over annexing Hawaii? 3. What role did Hawaii play in establishing an American empire? For Further Information Ha1n1ii's StQ_D'_By Queen Liliuokalani. t!a_~vaii Loghj11gBack A history by the Honolulu Star-Bulletin newspaper.

6 The Rom! Familv of Hawaii A history of Hawaii. The Annexation of Hawaii: A Collection of Documents From the University of Hawaii at Manoa Libraries. Psl?<it~~Qy~Jhe A,g11exation o(tl!lw<t_ii Excerpt from historian Hubert Bancroft's history of the United States written in the early 1900s. Should America Have an Empire? ACTIVITY In this class debate, one-third of the students will role-play the imperialists of 1898 who favored an American overseas empire. Another third of the students will role-play the anti-imperialists who opposed an empire. The final third of the students will represent the American public who will decide the debate. 1. The imperialists and anti-imperialists will research the article and other sources to find arguments for their positions. 2. The American public will research the article to develop questions to ask each of the debating groups. 3. The Debate a. Round One: The imperialists make their arguments and answer questions from the American public. b. Round Two: The anti-imperialists make their arguments and answer questions from the American public. c. Round Three: The imperialists and anti-imperialists ask each other questions and make counter-arguments. The American public observes. d. Final Round: The members of the American public discuss the merits of the arguments they have heard and then take a vote on the debate question.

7 Teaching With Documents: The 1897 Petition Against the Annexation of Hawaii Background When the Hawaiian islands were formally annexed by the United States in 1898, the event marked end of a lengthy internal struggle between native Hawaiians and white American businessmen for control of the Hawaiian government. In 1893 the last monarch of Hawaii, Queen Lili'uokalani, was overthrown by party of businessmen, who then imposed a provisional government. Soon after, President Benjamin Harrison submitted a treaty to annex the Hawaiian islands to the U.S. Senate for ratification. In 1897, the treaty effort was blocked when the newly-formed Hawaiian Patriotic League, composed of native Hawaiians, successfully petitioned the U.S. Congress in opposition of the treaty. The League's lobbying efforts left only 46 Senators in favor of the resolution, less than the 2/3 majority needed for approval of a treaty. The League's victory was shortlived, however as unfolding world events soon forced the annexation issue to the fore again. With the explosion of the U.S.S. Maine in February of 1898 signaling the start of the Spanish American War, establishing a mid-pacific fueling station and naval base became a strategic imperative for the United States. The Hawaiian islands were the clear choice, and this time Congress moved to annex the Hawaiian islands by Joint Resolution, a process requiring only a simple majority in both houses of Congress. On July 12, 1898, the Joint Resolution passed and the Hawaiian islands were officially annexed by the United States. The Hawaiian islands had a well-established culture and long history of self-governance when Captain James Cook, the first European explorer to set foot on Hawaii, landed in The influence of European and American settlers quickly began to alter traditional ways of life. Originally governed by individual chiefs or kings, the islands united under the rule of a single monarch, King Kamehameha, in 1795, less than two decades after Cook's arrival. Later the traditional Hawaiian monarchy was overthrown in favor of a constitutional monarchy. Eventually, the monarchy itself was abandoned in favor of a government elected by a small group of enfranchised voters, although the Hawaiian monarch was retained as the ceremonial head of the government. Even elements of daily life felt the social and economic impact of the white planters, missionaries and businessmen. The landholding system changed, and many aspects of traditonal culture were prohibited including teaching the Hawaiian language and performing the native Hula dance. In 1887, the struggle for control of Hawaii was at its height as David Kalakaua was elected to the Hawaiian throne. King Kalakaua signed a reciprocity treaty with the United States making it possible for sugar to be sold to the U.S. market tax-free, but the haole - or "white" - businessmen were still distrustful of him. They criticized his ties to men they believed to be corrupt, his revival of Hawaiian traditions such as the historic Hula, and construction of the royal lolani Palace. A scandal involving Kalakaua erupted in the very year he was crowned, and it united his opponents, a party of businessmen under the leadership of Lorrin Thurston. The opposition used the threat of violence to force the Kalakua to accept a new constitution that stripped the monarchy of executive powers and replaced the cabinet with members of the businessmen's party. The new constitution, which effectively disenfranchised most native Hawaiian voters, came to be known as the "Bayonet Constitution" because Kalakaua signed it under duress. When King Kalakaua died in 1891, his sister Lili'uokalani succeeded him, and members of the native population persuaded the new queen to draft a new constitution in an attempt to restore native rights

8 and powers. The move was countered by the Committee on Annexation, a small group of white businessmen and politicians who felt that annexation by the United States, the major importer of Hawaiian agricultural products, would be beneficial for the economy of Hawaii. Supported by John Stevens, the U.S. Minister to Hawaii, and a contingent of Marines from the warship, U.S.S. Boston, the Committee on Annexation overthrew Queen Lili'uokalani in a bloodless coup on January 17, 1893 and established a revolutionary regime. Without permission from the U.S. State Department, Minister Stevens then recognized the new government and proclaimed Hawaii a U.S. protectorate. The Committee immediately proclaimed itself to be the Provisional Government. President Benjamin Harrison signed a treaty of annexation with the new government, but before the Senate could ratify it. Grover Cleveland replaced Harrison as president and subsequently withdrew the treaty. Shortly into his presidency, Cleveland appointed James Blount as a special investigator to investigate the events in the Hawaiian Islands. Blount found that Minister Stevens had acted improperly and ordered that the American flag be lowered from Hawaiian government buildings. He also ordered that Queen Lili'uokalani be restored to power, but Sanford Dole, the president of the Provisional Government of Hawaii, refused to turn over power. Dole successfully argued that the United States had no right to interfere in the internal affairs of Hawaii. The Provisional Government then proclaimed Hawaii a republic in 1894, and soon the Republic of Hawaii was officially recognized by the United States. The overthrow of Lili'uokalani and imposition of the Republic of Hawaii was contrary to the will of the native Hawaiians. Native Hawaiians staged mass protest rallies and formed two gender-designated groups to protest the overthrow and prevent annexation. One was the Hui Hawaii Aloha Aina, loosely translated as the Hawaiian Patriotic League, and the other was its female counterpart, the Hui Hawaii Aloha Aina o Na Wahine. On January 5, 1895, the protests took the form of an armed attempt to derail the annexation but the armed revolt was suppressed by forces of the Republic. The leaders of the revolt were imprisoned along with Queen Lili'uokalani who was jailed for failing to put down the revolt. In March of 1897, William McKinley was inaugurated as President of the United States. McKinley was in favor of annexation, and the change in leadership was soon felt. On June 16, 1897, McKinley and three representatives of the government of the Republic of Hawaii --Lorrin Thurston, Francis Hatch, and William Kinney-- signed a treaty of annexation. President McKinley then submitted the treaty to the U.S. Senate for ratification. The Hui Aloha Aina for Women and the Hui Aloha Aina for Men now organized a mass petition drive. They hoped that if the U.S. government realized that the majority of native Hawaiian citizens opposed annexation, the move to annex Hawaii would be stopped. Between September 11 and October 2, 1897, the two groups collected petition signatures at public meetings held on each of the five principal islands of Hawaii. The petition, clearly marked "Petition Against Annexation" and written in both the Hawaiian and English languages, was signed by 21,269 native Hawaiian people, or more than half the 39,000 native Hawaiians and mixed-blood persons reported by the Hawaiian Commission census for the same year. Four delegates, James Kaulia, David Kalauokalani, John Richardson, and William Auld, arrived in Washington, DC on December 6 with the 556-page petition in hand. That day, as they met with Queen Lili'uokalani, who was already in Washington lobbying against annexation, the second session of the 55th Congress opened. The delegates and Lili'uokalani planned a strategy to present the petition to the Senate.

9 The delegation and Lili'oukalani met Senator George Hoar, chairman of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations on the following day, and on December 9, with the delegates present, Senator Hoar read the text of the petition to the Senate. It was formally accepted. The next day the delegates met with Secretary of State John Sherman and submitted a formal statement protesting the annexation to him. In the following days, the delegates met with many senators, voicing opposition to the annexation. By the time the delegates left Washington on February 27, 1898, there were only 46 senators willing to vote for annexation. The treaty was defeated in the Senate. Other events brought the subject of annexation up again immediately. On February 15, 1898, the U.S. Battleship Maine was blown up in Havana harbor in Cuba. The ensuing Spanish-American War, part of which was fought in the Philippine Islands, established the strategic value of the Hawaiian islands as a mid-pacific fueling station and naval installation. The pro-annexation forces in Congress submitted a proposal to annex the Hawaiian Islands by joint resolution, which required only a simple majority vote in both houses. This eliminated the 2/3 majority needed to ratify a treaty, and by result, the necessary support was in place. House Joint Resolution 259, 55th Congress, 2nd session, known as the "Newlands Resolution," passed Congress and was signed into law by President McKinley on July 7, Once annexed by the United States, the Hawaiian islands remained a U.S. territory until 1959, when they were admitted to statehood as the 50th state. The story of the annexation is a story of conflicting goals as the white businessmen struggled to obtain favorable trade conditions and native Hawaiians sought to protect their cultural heritage and maintain a national identity. The 1897 Petition by the Hawaiian Patriotic League stands as evidence that the native Hawaiian people objected to annexation, but because the interests of the businessmen won out, over the coming decades most historians who wrote the history of Hawaii emphasized events as told by the Provisional Government and largely neglected the struggle of the Native Hawaiians. Today, there is a growing movement on the Islands to revive interest in the native Hawaiian language and culture. Primary sources such as this petition bear witness that there is another side to the story. The annexation petition with its voluminous signatures, along with many related records, is filed in the Records of the U.S. Senate, Record Group 46, at the National Archives and Records Administration. The petitions are available on microfilm as publication M1897. Resource Silva, Noenoe K. Aloha Betrayed: Native Hawaiian Resistance to American Colonialism.. Durham: Duke University Press, 2004, pages The Documents The 1897 Petition Against The Annexation of Hawaii Page 6 of Men's Petition Against Annexation of Hawaii September 11, 1897

10 Why CRF? 1 Teachers I Students I Parents I Donors 1 Volunteers 1 Alumni search.. J Go HOME ABOlJT CRF PROGRAMS rree LESSOliS STORf EVfNTS CRF \'/FB SITES PRESS ROOM OUR HISTORY ALUMNI CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHTS FOUNDATION Bill of Right in Action Spring 2002 (18 :2) lmperlallsm ' -:.(, DONATE NOW Username 1 Password --i ---, I ----~---1 Remember Me Login J i I The Debate Over Hawaii and an American Overseas Empire Revolutionaries easily overthrew the native Hawaiian monarchy In The United States then debated for five years whether to annex the former kingdom and launch an American overseas empire. By 1795, the warrior chief, Kamehameha the Great, had conquered most of the Hawaiian islands and established a monarchy In the 1820s. American whalers, traders, and Christian missionaries began to visit and settle in the kingdom of Hawaii Although a small minority, the Americans in Hawaii soon owned much of the land, which they began to turn into large sugar-cane plantations The native Hawaiian population dropped sharply due to smallpox and other diseases that came with the American immigrants. Needing more workers, the sugar planters imported Chinese and Japanese contract laborers who agreed to work on the plantations for a set period of time As their influence increased, the Americans became deeply involved with the government of the Hawaiian kings. In American advisors helped King Kamehameha Ill produce Hawaii's 'c"' ~ 1!:'.0~: c:'l!. 2_1,rct:.;_[I By 1842, the United States had developed regular diplomatic relations with Hawaii and supported its status as an independent country. After King David Kalakaua ascended the throne in 1874, Hawaii and the United States signed a trade agreement lifting some restrictions on exporting Hawaiian sugar to the United States. In addition, this agreement permitted the United States to lease a naval station at Pearl Harbor. For a long time, Americans (both U.S citizens and those born in Hawaii of American parents) had resented living under the Hawaiian monarchy. They believed that since they owned about two-thirds of the land and paid the majority of taxes. they deserved a greater say 1n the government. In 1887, a group of armed Americans forced King Kalakaua to agree to a -~~- -~~ that weakened hrs power This constitution also contained property requirements that prevented about 75 percent of the native Hawaiians from voting for representatives to the legislature After Kalakaua's death in 1891, his sister. Lydia Liliuokalani, became queen. She was determined to reclaim the monarchy's old power on behalf of her people. On January 14, 1893, Queen Liliuokalani announced her intention to proclaim a new constitution on her own authority. On hearing this news, a group of about a dozen, mainly American. business and political leaders started plotting to overthrow the monarchy. Almost immediately, the queen withdrew her plan for a new constitution. But the revolutionaries claimed that Liliuokalani had given up her right to rule by violating her oath to the current consbtution. On January 16, the U.S. diplomatic representative in Honolulu, John Stevens. asked the U S Navy "to protect the life and property of American citizens." Four boatloads of marines from an American warship in the harbor came ashore, marched into the city, and surrounded the royal palace. Stevens granted U.S. recognition to the provisional government that the revolutionaries had formed. The revolutionaries appointed,,.,, the son of American missionary parents and a Hawaiian Supreme Court justice. to head the provisional government. On January 17, Dole and a few hundred armed supporters went to the palace to demand the queen's surrender With near1y 200 American troops nearby, Queen Liliuokalani surrendered under protest. "I yield to the superior force of the United States of America," she said. The provisional government immediately sent a commission to the United States to persuade President Benjamin Hamson and Congress to annex Hawaii as a U.S territory. A few months after the Hawaiian Revolution, an American naval historian, Captain Alfred Mahan, published a stunning article titled, " l-'--~_jj:_r :!_'.~~" Mahan argued that the United States should abandon its tradition of isolationism and, like imperial Great Britain, acquire an overseas empire, starting with Hawaii. Mahan's essay marked the beginning of a long and often bitter debate rn the United States on the question of whether the United States should become an imperial world power. President Cleveland Says No President Harrison harbored some doubts about the revolution in Hawaii, but he signed an annexation treaty with the provisional government in February He sent the treaty to the U S Senate for ratification. Back in Hawaii, the provisional government, consisting of about 20 white men, began to worry about the native Hawaiian majority that the revolutionaries had largely ignored. The provisional government declared martial law and ordered newspapers not to stir up trouble The new government also persuaded John Stevens, the U.S. diplomat. to place Hawaii under temporary American military protection. Popular opinion in the United States favored the treaty. But the presidency changed from Republican Harrison to Democrat Grover Cleveland. who objected to the use of U.S troops in the overthrow of Queen Liliuokalani. Cleveland withdrew the treaty from the Senate. President Cleveland appointed a former member of Congress. John Blount, to go to Hawaii to find out what had happened. Blount interviewed the members of the provisional government, supporters of the revolution and the monarchy, and Queen Liliuokalani herself. She told Blount that the "missionary party" had worked for years so that "their children might some day be rulers over these Islands." Blount's fact-finding report convinced President Cleveland that U.S. diplomat John Stevens had acted improper1y by calling for American troops, whose presence caused the queen to surrender. Cleveland sent a new diplomat to Hawaii to pressure the provisional government to restore the monarchy and the queen to grant amnesty to the revolutionaries. The provisional government refused to accept Cleveland's demands. Sanford Dole, president of the provisional government. declared that the United States had no right to intertere in Hawaii's internal affairs. Surprisingly, the queen at first also refused to go along with Cleveland, saying

11 she would never pardon the revolutionaries. She changed her mind and offered amnesty. But by this time. Cleveland had decided to let Congress debate the Hawaiian issue. The Republic of Hawaii Sanford Dole and the other members of the provisional government recognized that the United States probably would never annex Hawaii as long as Cleveland was in the White House. So they decided that they had better form a more permanent government. In June 1894, a convention, composed mostly of Hawaiian-born Americans and foreign residents, produced a new constitution for the Republic of Hawaii. The constitution named Sanford Dole the first president. It stated that the republic's main goal was to be annexed by the United States. The constitution placed property and income qualifications on the right to vote and required voters to take an oath against restoring the monarchy. The provisional government proclaimed the constitution on July 4, 1894, without any ratification vote by the people In January 1895, about 300 supporters of Queen Liliuokalani took up arms and attempted to restore her to power. But the government quickly defeated and captured the royalist rebels. The government established a military commission. tried about 200 rebels for treason, and sentenced most of them to prison The government also tried the queen for treason. She denied any involvement with the rebellion, but declared that she owed no allegiance to the Republic of Hawaii, only to her people. After finding her guilty, the government restricted her to an apartment in the palace. Within a year, the government freed all the royalist prisoners. including the queen. "It Is Manifest Destiny" Republican William McKinley won the American presidential election of He acted quickly to sign a new annexation treaty shortly after he took office in Again, the question of Hawaiian annexation moved to the U.S. Senate. Imperialists, like Captain Mahan and Assistant Secretary of the Navy Theodore Roosevelt, argued that annexing Hawaii would help the United States become a world power. But the anti-imperialists opposed annexation. "The mission of our nation," said former President Cleveland, "is to build up and make a greater country out of what we have, instead of annexing islands." Thus. the fate of Hawaii became entwined in the larger debate over whether the United States should acquire an overseas empire. By 1897, two power1ul American interest groups had joined the anti-imperialists in opposing Hawaii annexation. The sugar beet industry did not want to compete with cheaper Hawaiian sugar. Also, many labor unions disliked the contract labor system in Hawaii and feared Chinese and Japanese workers from there would flood into the mainland, driving down wages. The annexation effort bogged down in the Senate where a two-thirds majority is necessary for treaty ratification. But on February 15, 1898, the U S ship Maine exploded in Havana Harbor. Soon afterward, the United States declared war on Spain and invaded Cuba. Then on May 1, Admiral George Dewey destroyed the Spanish fleet in the Philippines. Suddenly, Hawaii's strategic location halfway to the Philippines revived interest in annexation. The annexationists abandoned their treaty ratification campaign in the Senate. They decided to seek a joint resolution by the House of Representatives and the Senate to annex Hawaii. This required only a simple majority vote in each house. "We need Hawaii just as much and a good deal more than we did California," said President McKinley. "It is Manifest Destiny." Hawaii and Empire While the war against Spain continued during the summer of 1898, supporters of Hawaiian annexation made their case in Congress Many pointed out the necessity of Hawaii as a refueling station for Navy ships on their way to reinforce American troops in the Philippines. Most of those speaking out for annexation, however, argued that Hawaii was essential for expanding trade with China and other Asian countries The House passed the Hawaiian J :""x:1:1u1 c ""':1:1. i: on June 15. Sensing defeat, the anti-annexationists made their last stand during a Senate filibuster (a delaying tactic in which Senators give never-ending speeches). They hoped to talk the resolution to death. Senator Stephen White of California led the filibuster. "The annexation of Hawaii," he said, "will constitute the entering wedge for an imperialistic policy." He and his allies asked whether Americans should forget their own anti-colonial war for independence and establish a colonial empire of foreign peoples. The filibuster speakers argued Hawaii had little military value. The United States already leased Pearl Harbor. and refueling at the island of Kiska (part of American Alaska) provided a shorter route to the Philippines than stopping over in Hawaii. Besides. defending Hawaii would spread the Navy too thin. Many Senate speakers doubted that Hawaii could fit into our democracy. Some questioned the capability of the native Hawaiians to vote and participate as U.S. citizens. Senator White asked if Americans should affiliate with Hawaiians who lived "far removed and alien to us in language and ideas." Others criticized that the natives, who still made up a large majority of the population, had never voted on annexing their country to the United States. After two weeks of speech making, the anti-annexationists gave up their filibuster. On July 6, the Senate voted to pass the joint resolution. President McKinley signed the measure the next day. Two years later, Congress passed the G1qan : :,..,,making Hawaii a U.S. territory and setting up its government. In the end, immediate wartime pressures and a desire to expand markets overseas combined to hand victory to the annexationists and imperialists. Sanford Dole, the former president of the Hawaiian Republic, was appointed territorial governor. The first territorial elections, held in the fall of 1900, proved shocking. Candidates favoring Hawaiian independence won a majority of seats in both houses of the new territorial legislature One of the royalist rebels, who had taken up arms to restore Queen Liliuokalani to power in was elected as Hawaii's first delegate to Congress. But this was the last election in which candidates supporting independence showed such strength. In 1902, Hawaiian Prince Jonah Kuhio Kalanianaole Piikoi ran for Congress as a Republican and won. After that, the independence movement faded away The debate in Congress over Hawaiian annexation took five years. During that time, the imperialists and anti-imperialists thoroughly argued their positions. After the Spanish-American War, Congress took less than a year to approve the acquisition of the Philippines. Puerto Rico, Guam, and Wake Island. The United States then had its overseas empire. For Discussion and Writing 1. Do you think the United States should have annexed Hawaii in 1898? Why or why not? 2. Why did President Cleveland and President McKinley differ over annexing Hawaii? 3. What role did Hawaii play in establishing an American empire? For Further Information -i;,v"'''' S:or> By Queen Liliuokalani.

12 A history by the Honolulu Star-Bulletin newspaper.,.,,, A history of Hawaii. :.' l;cj "' ''I' From the University of Hawaii at Manoa libraries.,- '~'l' "'- c, ' :. ' r 'I ''1 -',.,r : ' : Excerpt from historian Hubert Bancroft's history of the United States written in the earty 1900s ACTIVITY Should America Have an Empire? In this class debate, one-third of the students will role-play the imperialists of 1898 who favored an American overseas empire Another third of the students will role-play the anti-imperialists who opposed an empire. The final third of the students will represent the American public who will decide the debate. 1. The imperialists and anti-imperialists will research the article and other sources to find arguments for their positions. 2. The American public will research the article to develop questions to ask each of the debating groups. 3. The Debate a. Round One: The imperialists make their arguments and answer questions from the American public b. Round Two: The anti-imperialists make their arguments and answer questions from the American public c. Round Three: The imperialists and anti-imperialists ask each other questions and make counter-arguments The American public observes. d. Final Round: The members of the American public discuss the merits of the arguments they have heard and then take a vote on the debate question. Sources The Great Rebellion of 1857 In India Chaudhuri, Sashi Bhusan. Civil Rebellion in the Indian Mutinies. Calcutta. The Wortd Press Private Hibbert, Christopher The Great Mutiny, India 1857 New York: The Viking Press "Indian Mutiny." Encyclopaedia Britannica, vol. 6, 1998 ed Leasor, James The Red Fort, the Story of the Indian Mutiny of New York Reynal & Co, Spear, T. G. Percival "The Mutiny and the Great Revolt of " Encyclopaedia Britannica, vol. 21, 1998 ed. Wal bank, T. Walker et al. History and Life. 3rd ed. Glenview. Ill.. Scott Foresman and Co [chapters 3 and 15]. Ward, Andrew. Our Bones are Scattered, The Cawnpore Massacres and the Indian Mutiny of New York Henry Holt and Co., and National Security Abraham, Spencer. "Drill ANWR Now." Wall Street Journal 8 Nov A24. Alvarez, Lizette. "Bush's Energy Bill is Passed in a G 0 P Triumph." New York Times 2 Aug. 2001:A1. "Arctic Drilling Just Doesn't Add Up." [editorial]. Atlanta Journal-Constitution 30 Nov A21 Arnesen, Amie. "Conservatives' Energy Policies Ignore Conservation, Efficiency." Boston Globe. 26 Aug Bush, George. "A National Energy Plan: Diversity, Conservation, Harnessing New Technology: Vital Speeches of the Day 1 June Chen, Edwin "Bush Orders U.S. Emergency Oil Stockpile Restored to Capacity." Los Angeles Times. 14 Nov Clark, John Energy and the Federal Government, Fossil Fuel Policies, Urbana, Ill.. University of Illinois Press, Cohn, Laura and Crock, Stan. "What to Do About Oil?" Business Week. 29 Oct Crowell, Stephen L. and Dyen, Mark. "Bush-Cheney Energy Plan is Doomed to Fail." Boston Globe 2 June 2001 :A15. Easterbrook, Gregg. "How the Oilmen in the White House See the Wortd." The New Republic 4 June 2001 Hamburger, Tom. "Coalitions Press for Passage of Bush Energy Plan." Wall Street Journal 14 Nov A 13. "How Much Would It Really Help? Alaska Oil." The Economist, 20 Oct :35. Hunt, Ed. "Remember the Environment?" Christian Science Monitor. 24 Dec Jones, Ternl Yue. "Passenger Cars Are Outsold by Light Trucks for First Time." Los Angeles Times. 4 Jan Kerry, John "Power Up on Innovation " Los Angeles Times. 3 Dec Knickerbocker, Brad. "New Push to Pump Oil from Alaska Refuge." Christian Science Monitor. 26 Nov 2001 :3. Kriz, Margaret. "Still Hooked on Oil." National Journal. 10 Nov McCarthy, Terry. 'The Last Wild Place War Over Arctic Oil." Time. 19 Feb Mclaughlin, Abraham. "A Supply-Side Plan for US Energy" Christian Science Monitor 18 May Mazarr, Michael. "Terrorism, The Energy Trap, and the Way Out."Christian Science Monitor. 23 Oct :9. "Message Gets Garbled on Patriotism and Gas Guzzlers." Los Angeles Times. 23 Nov 2001 :A52. National Energy Policy Development Group. \,..-,, A, ;,"/), : :".. --rcj ' c" -.. < c. ",.,.. ~....: ' F.. :.. May 2001 "Nevada to Sue on Nuclear Waste" San Diego Union-Tribune. 16 Dec A 13. Ovenholser. Geneva. "Green Light for Gas-Guzzlers" Washington Post. 7 Aug 2001.A 15 Samuelson, Robert J. "Now Do We Get Serious on Oil?" Washington Post. 11 Oct A33. Schlesinger. Robert. "Citing 011 Need, Bush Pushes Energy Bill, Senate Seeks Block on Arctic Drilling." Boston Globe. 12 Oct 2001 A6. Seelye, Katharine 0 "U S Holds Gathering on Renewable Energy." New York Times. 29 Nov 2001 :A31 Shogren, Elizabeth and Simon, Richard "Democrats Delay Senate Vote on Energy Bill" Los Angeles Times. 28 Nov A16. Simon, Richard. "House OKs Energy Bill, Drilling 1n Arctic Refuge" Los Angeles Times. 2 Aug 2001 A1 Simon. Richard and Shogren, Elizabeth. "Democrats Introduce 'Balanced' Energy Bill." Los Angeles Times. 6 Dec 2001 A28. Stagliano. Vito A Policy of Discontent, The Making of a National Energy Strategy. Tulsa. Okla.. Pennwell, 2001 Stipp, David "The Coming Hydrogen Economy." Fortune. 12 Nov :90+. Taylor, Jerry. "No Matter What, the Oil Will Flow." Los Angeles Times 12 Oct B15 : ;, [), 1.u"1". 4 Jan With. Eugene linden. "Selling the Sun." Time. 16 July 2001 BB+. The Debate Over Hawaii and an American Overseas Empire Daws, Gavan. The Illustrated Atlas of Hawaii. Honolulu: Island Heritage, 1994 Damon, Ethel M. Sanford Ballard Dole and His Hawaii Palo Alto, Calif.. Pacific Books, Liliuokalani. Hawaii's Story. Honolulu: Mutual Publishing, 1990 [originally published 1898). Osborne, Thomas J. Annexation Hawaii, Fighting American Imperialism Waimanalo, Ha.: Island Style Press, Russ. William Adam The Hawaiian Republic ( ) and Its Struggle to Win Annexation. Selinsgrove, Pa.: Susquehanna University Press The Hawaiian Revolution ( ). Selinsgrove. Pa: Susquehanna University Press White, Stephen M. "Annexation of Hawaii." [speech) Senate of the United States. Washington. D C., June 21 and 22, July 5 and 6, Young, Lucian. The Boston in Hawaii Washington, DC Gibson Bros P~wacy Policy Terms of Use

13 ' I 11'1 t ~ i, r 1 r 11 1, 1 r Hawaii History.org Home Contribute Sign In Register You're here: Home» Library» Biographies» Governors Search:!Keyword~ I(!) «Return to Biographies ~ Sanford Ballard Dole George Robert Carter Walter Francis Frear Lucius Eugene Pinkham Charles J. McCarthy Wallace Rider Farrington Lawrence Mccully Judd Joseph Boyd Poindexter Ingram Macklin Stainback Oren E. Long Samuel Wilder King William Francis Quinn John Anthony Burns George Ryoichi Ariyoshi John David Waihee III Benjamin Cayetano Tillk Stor1 Timeline Guest! Find something to talk about on this pagei Share your story here. Sanford Ballard Dole ( ) Born in the Islands to American parents, Dole became the only American to become the Chief Executive of an independent foreign nation. Dole's parents arrived in 1840 from Maine so that his father could take over the leadership of Oahu College (Punahou School). Sanford left to attend law school on the mainland, but returned to Hawai' i in 1867 and established a private law practice. Dole's legal and political roles developed side by side over the next decades, a period in which Hawaii's history changed drastically. In 1886, under the Hawaiian Kingdom, Dole was appointed to the Supreme Court as an Associate Justice. A few years later he played a prominent and active role in the overthrow of the rnla~:o;e IMAGE monarchy and was then elected president of the Provisional Government in Ignoring the illegal origins of his own government, he refused President Cleveland's request that Lili' uokalani be restored to the throne. Instead, the Provisional Government declared itself the Republic of Hawai' i and in 1898 Dole went to Washington, D.C. to press for American annexation of the Islands. In 1898, Hawai' i became a United States territory and President McKinley appointed Dole first governor of the territory. Dole retired from political leadership in 1903 but continued to work for many years as a judge and lawyer. He was a U.S. District Judge from 1903 until 1916, then pursued private practice from 1916 until his death in Sites for further information There are no links available. Please help us by adding a relevant link to this page. Report a broken link. Add to HJwa1 1 History Add an event or photo. Add an article on a specific topic, person or detailed event. Back to the top I Print or page.,.

14 C()LUMBIA C250 CHEBIATES C250 HOW C250 PERSPECTIVES C250 FORUM C250 EVEMTS C250 TO GD REGISTRATION SEARCH '_:: ~ co ALFRED THAYER MAHAN "War now not only occurs more rarely.. [but is] an occasional excess. from which recovery is easy." Alfred Thayer Mahan ( ) Naval Historian Columbia College By arguing that sea power-the strength of a nation's navy-was the key to strong foreign policy, Alfred Thayer Mahan shaped American military planning and helped prompt a worldwide naval race in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Mahan studied at Columbia for two years beginning in 1854-he was a member of the Philolexian Society, the campus literary club established in 1802-before decamping for Annapolis, from which he graduated in A longtime naval officer who cut his teeth on the Union side in the Civil War, Mahan eventually lectured on history and strategy at the Naval War College in Newport, R.I. It was there, inspired in part by a history of Rome, that he began developing his theories; in 1890 he turned his lecture notes into The Influence of Sea Power upon History Theodore Roosevelt befriended Mahan and subscribed to h,s tlietjr1es ~ Prorn1ncnt alu111s of "Philo" llll:ludc f-1::111111'.on F1sl1.Jr \C K11i:1w.11F~ ~ ""'" '.vl rr' ~ CulL;n1h1a'(; fi:str_1r-y ~~::-- '~t.;-;-;r n! those wllu 11av1' sll,d1t"l1 T:.:uu! 1 '. ancj wor~e<'.i rie c: ~,'.~:,_:H},.',111 Jr n: I~ m.~11:: Columl11ans have change.! t!w world anc1 r1ow 1 1e sec it~ Appearing at a time when Japan and the nations of Europe were engaged in a fiercely competitive arms race, Mahan's work had a singularly profound influence on politics worldwide. In the United States, Mahan's theories found a particularly receptive audience in Presidents William McKinley and Theodore Roosevelt: His work bolstered the case for rapid expansion and reconfiguration of the U.S. Navy, which replaced small cruisers with massive battleships and underwent a concomitant change in tactics; continued expansion overseas (to the Philippines, Hawaii and other Pacific islands, and the Caribbean), whicli'afted the creation bases at which U.S. ships could refuel and protect commerce; and even the construction of the Panama Canal, which facilitated the movement of fleets and freight. Mahan's work influenced strategists in other countries as well, leading to naval buildups in England, Germany, and Japan in particular. Although Mahan saw military might as a means for avoiding war, the global growth inspired by his theories very clearly set the stage for World War I. Read more about Alfred Thayer Mahan in the Columbia Encyclopedia

15 Queen Lydia Liliuokalani (September 2, November 11, 1917) Queen Liliuokalani was the last reigning monarch of the Hawaiian islands. She felt her mission was to preserve the islands for their native residents. In 1898, Hawaii was annexed to the United States and Queen Liliuokalani was forced to give up her throne. Queen Liliuokalani was deposed by the advocates of a Republic for Hawaii in She was born in Honolulu to high chief Kapaakea and the chiefess Keohokalole, the third of ten children. Her brother was King Kalakaua. Liliuokalanie was adopted at birth by Abner Paki and his wife Konia. At age 4, her adoptive parents enrolled her in the Royal School. There she became fluent in English and influenced by Congregational missionaries. She also became part of the royal circle attending Kamehameha IV and Queen Emma. Liliuokalanie married a ha'ole, John Owen Dominis on September 16, Dominis would eventually serve the monarchy as the Governor of O'ahu and Maui. They had no children and according to her private papers and diaries, the marriage was not fulfilling. Dominis died shortly after she assumed the throne, and the queen never remarried. Upon the death of her brother, King Kalakauam Liliuokalani ascended the throne of Hawaii in January One of her first acts was to recommend a new Hawaii constitution, as the "Bayonet Constitution" of 1887 limited the power of the monarch and political power of native Hawaiians. In 1890, the McKinley Tariff began to cause a recession in the islands by withdrew the safeguards ensuring a mainland market for Hawaiian sugar. American interests in Hawaii began to consider annexation for Hawaii to re-establish an economic competitive position for sugar. In 1893, Queen Liliuokalani sought to empower herself and Hawaiians through a new constitution which she herself had drawn up and now desired to promulgate as the new law of the land. It was Queen Liliuokalani's right as a sovereign to issue a new constitution through an edict from the throne. A group led by Sanford B. Dole sought to overthrow the institution of the monarchy. The American minister in Hawaii, John L. Stevens, called for troops to take control of Iolani Palace and various other governmental buildings. In 1894, the Queen, was deposed, the monarchy abrogated, and a ovisional government was established which later became the Republic of Hawaii. In 1893, James H. Blount, newly appointed American minister to Hawaii, arrived representing President Grover Cleveland. Blount listened to both sides, annexationists and restorationists, and concluded the Hawaiian people aligned with the Queen. Blount and Cleveland agreed the Queen should be restored. Blount's final report implicated the American minister Stevens in the illegal overthrow of Liliuokalani. Albert S. Willis, Cleveland's next American minister offered the crown back to the Queen on the condition she pardon and grant general amnesty to those who had dethroned her. She initially refused but soon she changed her mind and offered clemency. This delay compromised her political position and President Cleveland had released the entire issue of the Hawaiian revolution to Congress for debate. The annexationists promptly lobbied Congress against restoration of the monarchy. On July 4, 1894, the Republic of Hawaii with Sanford B. Dole as president was proclaimed. It was recognized immediately by the United States government. In 1895, Liliuokalani was arrested and forced to reside in Iolani Palace after a cache of weapons was found in the gardens of her home in Washington Place. She denied knowing of the existence of this cache and was reportedly unaware of others' efforts to restore the royalty. In 1896, she was released and returned to her home at Washington Place where she lived for the next two decades. Hawaii was annexed to the United States through a joint resolution of the U.S. Congress in The "ex-"queen died due to complications from a stroke in A statue of her was erected on the grounds of the State Capital in Honolulu.

16 10 Return to the Ha\\aiian lndcpcndcnce Home l'a 0 e or the Legal Documents Inde\.. t I ttlt llt tt I It 1 ltltll Ul I I 1ltlllllUI lltl111111ItiI ti I llhi Ull tiIItt11 ltl PRESIDENT GROVER CLEVELAND'S MESSAGE December 18, 1893 Citation: Hawaiian Islands. Report of the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate, with accompanying testimony. and Executive documents transmitted to Congress from January J, J 883 to March JO, 1894, page To the Senate and House of Representatives: In my recent annual message to the Congress I briefly referred to our relations with Hawaii and expressed the intention of transmitting further information on the subject when additional advices permitted. Though I am not able now to report a definite change in the actual situation, I am convinced that the difficulties lately created both here and in Hawaii and now standing in the way of a solution through Executive action of the problem presented, render it proper and expedient, that the matter should be referred to the broader authority and discretion of Congress, with a full explanation of the endeavor thus far made to deal with the emergency and a statement of the considerations which have governed my action. I suppose that right and justice should determine the path to be followed in treating this subject. If national honesty is to be disregarded and a desire for territorial extension, or dissatisfaction with a form of government not our own, ought to regulate our conduct, I have entirely misapprehended the mission and character of our Government and the behavior which the conscience of our people demands of their public servants. When the present Administration entered upon its duties the Senate had under consideration a treaty '.)Viding for the annexation of the Hawaiian Islands to the territory of the United States. Surely under our _onstitution and laws the enlargement of our limits is a manifestation of the highest attribute of sovereignty, and if entered upon as an Executive act, all things relating to the transaction should be clear and free from suspicion. Additional importance attached to this particular treaty of annexation, because it contemplated a departure from unbroken American tradition in providing for the addition to our territory of islands of the sea more than two thousand miles removed from our nearest coast. These considerations might not of themselves call for interference with the completion of a treaty entered upon by a previous Administration. but it appeared from!he documents accompanying the treaty when submitted to the Senate. that the ownership of Hawaii was tendered to us by a provisional government set up to succeed the constitutional ruler of the islands, who had been dethroned, and it did not appear that such provisional government had the sanction of either popular revolution or suffrag~. Two other remarkable features of the transaction naturally attracted attention. One was the extraordinary haste - not to say precipitancy - characterizing all the transactions connected with the treaty. It appeared that a so-called Committee of Safety, ostensibly the source of the revolt against the constitutional Government of Hawaii, was organized on Saturday, the 14th day of January; that on Monday, the 16th, the United States forces were landed at Honolulu from a naval vessel lying in its harbor; that on the 17th the scheme of a provisional government was perfected, and a proclamation naming its officers was on the same day prepared and read at the Government building; that immediately thereupon the United States Minister recognized the provisional government thus created; that two days afterwards, on the 19th day of January, commissioners representing such government sailed for this country in a steamer especially chartered for the occasion, arriving in San Francisco on the 28th day of January, and in Washington on the 3rd day of February; that on the next day they had their first interview with the Secretary of State, and another on the 11th, when the treaty of annexation was practically agreed upon, and that on the 14th it was formally concluded and on the 15th transmitted to the Senate. Thus between the initiation of the scheme for a provisional government in Hawaii on the 14th day of January and the submission to the Senate of the treaty of annexation concluded with such government, the entire interval was thirty-two days, fifteen of which were spent by the Hawaiian Commissioners in their journey to Washington. 1 the next place, upon the face of the papers submitted with the treaty, it clearly appeared that there was open and undetermined an issue of fact of the most vital importance. The message of the President accompanying the treaty declared that "the overthrow of the monarchy was not in any way promoted by this Government," and in a letter to the President from the Secretary of State also submitted to the Senate with the treaty, the following message occurs: "At the time the provisional government took possession of the

17 Government buildings no troops or officers of the United States were present or took any part whatever in the proceedings. No public recognition was accorded to the provisional government by the United States Minister until after the Queen's abdication and when they were in effective possession of the Government buildings, the archives, the treasury, the barracks, the police station, and all the potential machinery of the Government." But a protest also accompanied said treaty, signed by the Queen and her ministers at the time she made way for the provisional government, which explicitly stated that she yielded to the superior force of e United States, whose Minister had caused United States troops to be landed at Honolulu and declared that 11e would support such provisional government. The truth or falsity of this protest was surely of the first importance. If true, nothing but the concealment of its truth could induce our Government to negotiate with the semblance of a government thus created, nor could a treaty resulting from the acts stated in the protest have been knowingly deemed worthy of consideration by the Senate. Yet the truth or falsity of the protest had not been investigated. I conceived it to be my duty therefore to withdraw the treaty from the Senate for examination, and meanwhile to cause an accurate, full, and impartial investigation to be made of the facts attending the subversion of the constitutional Government of Hawaii and the installment in its place of the provisional government. I selected for the work of investigation the Hon. James H. Blount, of Georgia, whose service of eighteen years as a member of the House of Georgia, and whose experience as chairman of the Committee of Foreign Affairs in that body, and his consequent familiarity with international topics, joined with his high character and honorable reputation, seemed to render him peculiarly fitted for the duties entrusted to him. His report detailing his action under the instructions given to him and the conclusions derived from his investigation accompany this message. These conclusions do not rest for their acceptance entirely upon Mr. Blount's honesty and ability as a man, nor upon his acumen and impartiality as an investigator. They are accompanied by the evidence upon which they are based, which evidence is also herewith transmitted, and from which it seems to me no other deductions could possibly be reached than those arrived at by the Commissioner. The report with its accompanying proofs, and such other evidence as is now before the Congress or is herewith submitted, justifies in my opinion the statement that when the President was led to submit the treaty to the Senate with the declaration that "the overthrow of the monarchy was not in any way promoted by this Government", and when the Senate was induced to receive and discuss it on that basis, both President and Senate were misled. 1e attempt will not be made in this communication to touch upon all the facts which throw light upon the ogress and consummation of this scheme of annexation. A very brief and imperfect reference to the facts and evidence at hand will exhibit its character and the incidents in which it had its birth. It is unnecessary to set forth the reasons which in January, 1893, led a considerable proportion of American and other foreign merchants and traders residing at Honolulu to favor the annexation of Hawaii to the United States. It is sufficient to note the fact and to observe that the project was one which was zealously promoted by the Minister representing the United States in that country. He evidently had an ardent desire that it should become a fact accomplished by his agency and during his ministry, and was not inconveniently scrupulous as to the means employed to that end. On the 19th day of November, 1892, nearly two months before the first overt act tending towards the subversion of the Hawaiian Government and the attempted transfer of Hawaiian territory to the United States, he addressed a long letter to the Secretary of State in which the case for annexation was elaborately argued, on moral, political, and economical grounds. He refers to the loss of the Hawaiian sugar interests from the operation of the McKinley bill, and the tendency to still further depreciation of sugar property unless some positive measure of relief is granted. He strongly inveighs against the existing Hawaiian Government and emphatically declares for annexation. He says: "In truth the monarchy here is an absurd anachronism. It has nothing on which it logically or legitimately stands. The feudal basis on which it once stood no longer existing, the monarchy now is only an impediment to good government - an obstruction to the prosperity and progress of the islands." He further says: "As a crown colony of Great Britain or a Territory of the United States the government modifications could be made readily and good administration of the law secured. Destiny and the vast future interests of the United States in the Pacific clearly indicate who at no distant day must be responsible for the government of these islands. Under a territorial government they could be as easily governed as any of the existing Territories of the United States." * * * "Hawaii has reached the parting of the ways. She must now take the road which leads to Asia, or the other which outlets her in America, gives her an American civilization, and binds her to the care of American destiny." He also declares: "One of two courses seems to me absolutely necessary to be followed, either bold and vigorous measures for annexation or a 'customs 11ion," an ocean cable from the Californian coast to Honolulu, Pearl Harbor perpetually ceded to the United 1tes, with an implied but not expressly stipulated American protectorate over the islands. I believe the tormer to be the better, that which will prove much the more advantageous to the islands, and the cheapest and least embarrassing in the end to the United States. If it was wise for the United States through Secretary Marcy thirty-eight years ago to offer to expend $100,000 to secure a treaty of annexation, it certainly can not be chimerical or unwise to expend $100,000 to secure annexation in the near future. To-day the United States

18 has five times the wealth she possessed in 1854, and the reasons now existing for annexation are much stronger than they were then. I can not refrain from expressing the opinion with emphasis that the golden hour is near at hand." These declarations certainly show a disposition and condition of mind, which may be usefully recalled when '"terpreting the significance of the Minister's conceded acts or when considering the probabilities of such 1duct on his part as may not be admitted. In this view it seems proper to also quote from a letter written by the Minister to the Secretary of State on the 8th day of March, 1892, nearly a year prior to the first step taken toward annexation. After stating the possibility that the existing Government of Hawaii might be overturned by an orderly and peaceful revolution, Minister Stevens writes as follows: "Ordinarily in like circumstances, the rule seems to be to limit the landing and movement of United States forces in foreign waters and dominion exclusively to the protection of the United States legation and of the lives and property of American citizens. But as the relations of the United States to Hawaii are exceptional, and in former years the United States officials here took somewhat exceptional action in circumstances of disorder, I desire to know how far the present Minister and naval commander may deviate from established international rules and precedents in the contingencies indicated in the first part of this dispatch." To a minister of this temper full of zeal for annexation there seemed to arise in January, 1893, the precise opportunity for which he was watchfully waiting - an opportunity which by timely "deviation from established international rules and precedents" might be improved to successfully accomplish the great object in view; and we are quite prepared for the exultant enthusiasm with which in a letter to the State Department dated February 1, 1893, he declares: "The Hawaiian pear is now fully ripe and this is the golden hour for the United States to pluck it." As a further illustration of the activity of this diplomatic representative, attention is called to the fact that on the day the above letter was written, apparently unable longer to restrain his ardor, he issued a proclamation whereby "in the name of the United States" he assumed the protection of the Hawaiian Islands and declared that said action was "taken pending and subject to negotiations at Washington." Of course this assumption of a protectorate was promptly disavowed by our Government, but the American flag remained over the Government building at Honolulu and the forces remained on guard until April, and after Mr. Blount's arrival on the scene, when both were removed. brief statement of the occurrences that led to the subversion of the constitutional Government of Hawaii in.e interests of annexation to the United States will exhibit the true complexion of that transaction. On Saturday, January 14, 1893, the Queen of Hawaii, who had been contemplating the proclamation of a new constitution, had, in deference to the wishes and remonstrances of her cabinet, renounced the project for the present at least. Taking this relinquished purpose as a basis of action, citizens of Honolulu numbering from fifty to one hundred, mostly resident aliens, met in a private office and selected a so-called Committee of Safety, composed of thirteen persons, seven of whom were foreign subjects, and consisted of five Americans, one Englishman, and one German. This committee, though its designs were not revealed, had in view nothing less than annexation to the United States, and between Saturday, the 14th, and the following Monday, the 16th of January - though exactly what action was taken may not be clearly disclosed -they were certainly in communication with the United States Minister. On Monday morning the Queen and her cabinet made public proclamation, with a notice which was specially served upon the representatives of all foreign governments, that any changes in the constitution would be sought only in the methods provided by that instrument. Nevertheless, at the call and under the auspices of the Committee of Safety, a mass meeting of citizens was held on that day to protest against the Queen's alleged illegal and unlawful proceedings and purposes. Even at this meeting the Committee of Safety continued to disguise their real purpose and contented themselves with procuring the passage of a resolution denouncing the Queen and empowering the committee to devise ways and means "to secure the permanent maintenance of law and order and the protection of life, liberty, and property in Hawaii." This meeting adjourned between three and four o'clock in the afternoon. On the same day, and immediately after such adjournment, the committee, unwilling to take further steps without the cooperation of the United States Minister, addressed him a note representing that the public safety was menaced and that lives and property were in danger, and concluded as follows: "We are unable to protect ourselves without aid, and therefore pray for the protection of the United States forces." Whatever may be thought of the other contents of this note, the absolute truth of this latter statement is incontestable. When the note was written and delivered, the committee, so far as it appears, had neither a man or a gun at their command, and after its delivery they became so panic-stricken at their stricken position that they sent some of their number to interview the Minister and request him not to land the United States forces till the next 1orning. But he replied that the troops had been ordered, and whether the committee were ready or not the nding should take place. And so it happened that on the 16th day of January, 1893, between four and five o'clock in the afternoon, a detachment of marines from the United States Steamer Boston, with two pieces of artillery, landed at Honolulu. The men, upwards of 160 in all, were supplied with double cartridge belts filled with ammunition and with haversacks and canteens, and were accompanied by a hospital corps with stretchers and medical supplies. This military demonstration upon the soil of Honolulu was of itself an act of

19 war, unless made either with the consent of the Government of Hawaii or for the bona fide purpose of protecting the imperilled lives and property of citizens of the United States. But there is no pretense of any such consent on the part of the Government of the Queen, which at that time was undisputed and was both the de facto and the de jure government. In point of fact the existing government instead of requesting the presence of an armed force protested against it. There is as little basis for the pretense that such forces were 1ded for the security of American life and property. If so, they would have been stationed in the vicinity of ch property and so as to protect it, instead of at a distance and so as to command the Hawaiian Government building and palace. Admiral Skerrett, the officer in command of our naval force on the Pacific station, has frankly stated that in his opinion the location of the troops was inadvisable if they were landed for the protection of American citizens whose residences and places of business, as well as the legation and consulate, were in a distant part of the city, but the location selected was a wise one if the forces were landed for the purpose of supporting the provisional government. If any peril to life and property calling for any such martial array had existed, Great Britain and other foreign powers interested would not have been behind the United States in activity to protect their citizens. But they made no sign in that direction. When these armed men were landed, the city of Honolulu was in its customary orderly and peaceful condition. There was no symptom of riot or disturbance in any quarter. Men, women, and children were about the streets as usual, and nothing varied the ordinary routine or disturbed the ordinary tranquility, except the landing of the Boston's marines and their march through the town to the quarters assigned them. Indeed, the fact that after having called for the landing of the United States forces on the plea of danger to life and property the Committee of Safety themselves requested the Minister to postpone action, exposed the untruthfulness of their representations of present peril to life and property. The peril they saw was an anticipation growing out of guilty intentions on their part and something which, though not then existing, they knew would certainly follow their attempt to overthrow the Government of the Queen without the aid of the United States forces. Thus it appears that Hawaii was taken possession of by the United States forces without the consent or wish of the government of the islands, or of anybody else so far as shown, except the United States Minister. Therefore the military occupation of Honolulu by the United States on the day mentioned was wholly without justification, either as an occupation by consent or as an occupation necessitated by dangers threatening American life and property. It must be accounted for in some other way and on some other ground. and its real motive and purpose are neither obscure nor far to seek. The United States forces being now on the scene and favorably stationed, the committee proceeded to carry out their original scheme. They met the next morning, Tuesday, the 17th, perfected the plan of temporary 'vernment, and fixed upon its principal officers, ten of whom were drawn from the thirteen members of the _ommittee of Safety. Between one and two o'clock, by squads and by different routes to avoid notice, and having first taken the precaution of ascertaining whether there was any one there to oppose them, they proceeded to the Government building to proclaim the new government. No sign of opposition was manifest, and thereupon an American citizen began to read the proclamation from the steps of the Government building almost entirely without auditors. It is said that before the reading was finished quite a concourse of persons, variously estimated at from 50 to 100, some armed and some unarmed, gathered about the committee to give them aid and confidence. This statement is not important, since the one controlling factor in the whole affair was unquestionably the United States marines, who, drawn up under arms and with artillery in readiness only seventy-six yards distant, dominated the situation. The provisional government thus proclaimed was by the terms of the proclamation "to exist until terms of union with the United States had been negotiated and agreed upon". The United States Minister, pursuant to prior agreement, recognized this government within an hour after the reading of the proclamation, and before five o'clock, in answer to an inquiry on behalf of the Queen and her cabinet, announced that he had done so. When our Minister recognized the provisional government the only basis upon which it rested was the fact that the Committee of Safety had in the manner above stated declared it to exist. It was neither a government de facto nor de jure. That it was not in such possession of the Government property and agencies as entitled it to recognition is conclusively proved by a note found in the files of the Legation at Honolulu, addressed by the declared head of the provisional government to Minister Stevens, dated January 17, 1893, in which he acknowledges with expressions of appreciation the Minister's recognition of the provisional government, and states that it is not yet in the possession of the station house (the place where a large number of the Queen's troops were quartered), though the same had been demanded of the Queen's officers in charge. Nevertheless, this wrongful recognition by our Minister placed the Government of the Queen in a position of most perilous perplexity. On the one hand she had possession of the palace, of the barracks, and of the police station, and had at her command at least five hundred fully armed men and several pieces of artillery. Indeed, the whole military force of her kingdom was on her side and at her disposal, while the Committee of Safety, by actual arch, had discovered that there were but very few arms in Honolulu that were not in the service of the Jovernment. In this state of things if the Queen could have dealt with the insurgents alone her course would have been plain and the result unmistakable. But the United States had allied itself with her enemies, had recognized them as the true Government of Hawaii, and had put her and her adherents in the position of opposition against lawful authority. She knew that she could not withstand the power of the United States, but she believed that she might safelv trust to its iustice. Accordingly. some hours after the recognition of the

20 provisional government by the Unit~d States Mi~ister, the palace, the barracks, and the police st~tion, with all the military resources of the country, were delivered up by the Queen upon the representation made to her that her cause would thereafter be reviewed at Washington, and while protesting that she surrendered to the superior force of the United States, whose Minister had caused United States troops to be landed at Honolulu and declared that he would support the provisional government, and that she yielded her authority to prevent ~ollision of armed forces and loss of life and only until such time as the United States, upon the facts being esented to it, should undo the action of its representative and reinstate her in the authority she claimed as the constitutional sovereign of the Hawaiian Islands. This protest was delivered to the chief of the provisional government, who endorsed thereon his acknowledgment of its receipt. The terms of the protest were read without dissent by those assuming to constitute the provisional government, who were certainly charged with the knowledge that the Queen instead of finally abandoning her power had appealed to the justice of the United States for reinstatement in her authority; and yet the provisional government with this unanswered protest in its hand hastened to negotiate with the United States for the permanent banishment of the Queen from power and for the sale of her kingdom. Our country was in danger of occupying the position of having actually set up a temporary government on foreign soil for the purpose of acquiring through that agency territory which we had wrongfully put in its possession. The control of both sides of a bargain acquired in such a manner is called by a familiar and unpleasant name when found in private transactions. We are not without a precedent showing how scrupulously we avoided such accusations in former days. After the people of Texas had declared their independence of Mexico they resolved that on the acknowledgment of their independence by the United States they would seek admission into the Union. Several months after the battle of San Jacinto, by which Texan independence was practically assured and established, President Jackson declined to recognize it, alleging as one of his reasons that in the circumstances it became us "to beware of a too early movement, as it might subject us, however unjustly, to the imputation of seeking to establish the claim of our neighbors to a territory with a view to its subsequent acquisition by ourselves". This is in marked contrast with the hasty recognition of a government openly and concededly set up for the purpose of tendering to us territorial annexation. I believe that a candid and thorough examination of the facts will force the conviction that the provisional government owes its existence to an armed invasion by the United States. Fair-minded people with the evidence before them will hardly claim that the Hawaiian Government was overthrown by the people of the 'ands or that the provisional government had ever existed with their consent. I do not understand that any.ember of this government claims that the people would uphold it by their suffrages if they were allowed to vote on the question. While naturally sympathizing with every effort to establish a republican form of government, it has been the settled policy of the United States to concede to people of foreign countries the same freedom and independence in the management of their domestic affairs that we have always claimed for ourselves; and it has been our practice to recognize revolutionary governments as soon as it became apparent that they were supported by the people. For illustration of this rule I need only to refer to the revolution in Brazil in 1889, when our Minister was instructed to recognize the Republic "so soon as a majority of the people of Brazil should have signified their assent to its establishment and maintenance"; to the revolution in Chile in 1891, when our Minister was directed to recognize the new government "if it was accepted by the people"; and to the revolution in Venezuela in 1892, when our recognition was accorded on condition that the new government was "fully established, in possession of the power of the nation, and accepted by the people." As I apprehend the situation, we are brought face to face with the following conditions: The lawful Government of Hawaii was overthrown without the drawing of a sword or the firing of a shot by a process every step of which, it may be safely asserted, is directly traceable to and dependent for its success upon the agency of the United States acting through its diplomatic and naval representatives. But for the notorious predilections of the United States Minister for annexation, the Committee of Safety, which should be called the Committee of Annexation, would never have existed. But for the landing of the United States forces upon false pretexts respecting the danger to life and property the committee would never have exposed themselves to the pains and penalties of treason by undertaking the subversion of the Queen's Government. Rut for the presence of the United States forces in the immediate vicinity and in position to afford all needed )tection and support the committee would not have proclaimed the provisional government from the steps 01 the Government building. And finally, but for the lawless occupation of Honolulu under false pretexts by the United States forces, and but for Minister Stevens' recognition of the provisional government when the United States forces were its C'r\I' " C'l1r\t"'V""ort rinrl r>r.nc'f;tntic.rl itc' nnh mij;tri~1 C'frAnrrth th' " n11oon rinrl ho:lor f!a'1prf"'uyh::anf n1r.11jrl ni:>, P.r h'lot'n

21 JVl'-' Juppv1L UlJU '-'VllJlllUl'-'U llj Vlll) lljlllu.. U).."Jll'-'llf;lll, ltl'-' >...CU"'"'" UllU ""'' \JVt'-'111111'-'tll HVUIU ""'."'' llu '-' yielded to the provisional government, even for a time and for the sole purpose of submitting her case to the enlightened justice of the United States. Believing, therefore, that the United States could not, under the circumstances disclosed, annex the islands without justly incurring the imputation of acquiring them by unjustifiable methods, I shall not again submit ' treaty of annexation to the Senate for its consideration, and in the instructions to Minister Willis, a copy which accompanies this message, I have directed him to so inform the provisional government. But in the present instance our duty does not, in my opinion, end with refusing to consummate this questionable transaction. It has been the boast of our government that it seeks to do justice in all things without regard to the strength or weakness of those with whom it deals. I mistake the American people if they favor the odious doctrine that there is no such thing as international morality, that there is one law for a strong nation and another for a weak one, and that even by indirection a strong power may with impunity despoil a weak one of its territory. By an act of war, committed with the participation of a diplomatic representative of the United States and without authority of Congress, the Government of a feeble but friendly and confiding people has been overthrown. A substantial wrong has thus been done which a due regard for our national character as well as the rights of the injured people requires we should endeavor to repair. The provisional government has not assumed a republican or other constitutional form, but has remained a mere executive council or oligarchy, set up without the assent of the people. It has not sought to find a permanent basis of popular support and has given no evidence of an intention to do so. Indeed, the representatives of that government assert that the people of Hawaii are unfit for popular government and frankly avow that they can be best ruled by arbitrary or despotic power. The law of nations is founded upon reason and justice, and the rules of conduct governing individual relations between citizens or subjects of a civilized state are equally applicable as between enlightened nations. The considerations that international law is without a court for its enforcement, and that obedience to its commands practically depends upon good faith, instead of upon the mandate of a superior tribunal, only give additional sanction to the law itself and brand any deliberate infraction of it not merely as a wrong but as a disgrace. A man of true honor protects the unwritten word which binds his conscience more scrupulously, if possible, than he does the bond a breach of which subjects him to legal liabilities; and the United States in aiming to maintain itself as one of the most enlightened of nations would do its citizens gross injustice if it applied to its international relations any other than a high standard of honor and morality. On that ground the ited States can not properly be put in the position of countenancing a wrong after its commission any more... an in that of consenting to it in advance. On that ground it can not allow itself to refuse to redress an injury inflicted through an abuse of power by officers clothed with its authority and wearing its uniform; and on the same ground, if a feeble but friendly state is in danger of being robbed of its independence and its sovereignty by a misuse of the name and power of the United States, the United States can not fail to vindicate its honor and its sense of justice by an earnest effort to make all possible reparation. These principles apply to the present case with irresistible force when the special conditions of the Queen's surrender of her sovereignty are recalled. She surrendered not to the provisional government, but to the United States. She surrendered not absolutely and permanently, but temporarily and conditionally until such time as the facts could be considered by the United States. Furthermore, the provisional government acquiesced in her surrender in that manner and on those terms, not only by tacit consent, but through the positive acts of some members of that government who urged her peaceable submission, not merely to avoid bloodshed, but because she could place implicit reliance upon the justice of the United States, and that the whole subject would be finally considered at Washington. I have not, however, overlooked an incident of this unfortunate affair which remains to be mentioned. The members of the provisional government and their supporters, though not entitled to extreme sympathy, have been led to their present predicament of revolt against the Government of the Queen by the indefensible encouragement and assistance of our diplomatic representative. This fact may entitle them to claim that in our effort to rectify the wrong committed some regard should be had for their safety. This sentiment is strongly seconded by my anxiety to do nothing which would invite either harsh retaliation on the part of the Queen or violence and bloodshed in any quarter. In the belief that the Queen, as well as her enemies, would be willing to adopt such a course as would meet these conditions, and in view of the fact that both the Queen and the provisional government had at one time apparently acquiesced in a reference of the entire case to the United States Government, and considering the further fact that in any event the provisional government by its own declared limitation was only "to exist until terms of union with the United States of America have been negotiated and agreed upon," I hoped that after the assurance to the members of that government that such 'on could not be consummated I might compass a peaceful adjustment of the difficulty. Actuated by these desires and purposes,and not unmindful of the inherent perplexities of the situation nor of the limitations upon my power, I instructed Minister Willis to advise the Queen and her supporters of my desire to aid in the restoration of the status existing before the lawless landing of the United States forces at Honolulu on the 16th of January last, if such restoration could be effected upon terms providing for clemency

22 as well as justice to all parties concerned. The conditions suggested, as the instructions show, contemplate a general amnesty to those concerned insetting up the provisional government and a recognition of all its bona fide acts and obligations. In short, they require that the past should be buried, and that the restored Government should reassume its authority as if its continuity had not been interrupted. These conditions have not proved acceptable to the Queen, and though she has been informed that they will be insisted upon, and 1.t, unless acceded to, the efforts of the President to aid in the restoration of her Government will cease, I ve not thus far learned that she is willing to yield them her acquiescence. The check which my plans have thus encountered has prevented their presentation to the members of the provisional government, while unfortunate public misrepresentations of the situation and exaggerated statements of the sentiments of our people have obviously injured the prospects of successful Executive mediation. I therefore submit this communication with its accompanying exhibits, embracing Mr. Bount's report, the evidence and statements taken by him at Honolulu, the instructions given to both Mr. Blount and Minister Willis, and correspondence connected with the affair in hand. In commending this subject to the extended powers and wide discretion of the Congress, I desire to add the assurance that I shall be much gratified to cooperate in any legislative plan which may be devised for the solution of the problem before us which is consistent with American honor, integrity, and morality. GROVER CLEVELAND Executive Mansion, Washington, December 18, ~Return to the Hawaiian Independence Home Page or the Legal Documents Index