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1 Chapter 1 : World Population by Gender, Age, Fertility Rate, Immigration - Worldometers Focusing on a population's age and sex composition is one of the most basic ways to understand population change over time. This represented an increase of, residents or 5. Post growth translates into an average annual gain of about 62, persons, or a compounded 0. The city has not witnessed such a robust pace of growth in over a half-century. Population growth has been fueled by the continued surplus of births over deaths partly due to record high life expectancy, which has been partially offset by net outflows from the city. The Bronx saw the largest increase among all counties in New York State, up 6. The increase for the Bronx brings it within a whisker of its historical high, achieved in, when the population of the borough was at 1. Growth between and stood at 1. Complete Analysis of U. This method assumes that post-census population change can be closely approximated with vital statistics data on births and deaths, along with other administrative and survey data that provide a picture of migration patterns. Total Population According to U. This is an increase of about, residents over the mark, or 5. Among the boroughs, the Bronx saw the largest change in population in this month period, growing by 6. The lowest growth occurred in Staten Island 2. Components of Population Change Demographers divide population change into components. Natural increase represents the difference between births and deaths. Net migration represents the balance between persons entering and leaving an area. Together, these components describe how populations change over time. Census Bureau constructs population estimates for all counties in the United States by separately estimating the components of change. Births and deaths are compiled using data from the national vital statistics system. Net migration is calculated by estimating the rate of net migration for persons coming in from and leaving for other counties in the 50 states net domestic migration and the balance of people who immigrate from and emigrate to other nations and Puerto Rico net international migration. The net domestic migration rate is derived using income tax returns from the Internal Revenue Service and Medicare enrollment data from the Social Security Administration see methods discussion below. It is important to keep in mind that New York City has a very dynamic population, with several hundred thousand people coming and going each year. This dynamism is a testament to the city being a magnet for those seeking opportunities, then moving on, only to be replaced by the next set of individuals aspiring for a better life. The most recent estimates from the U. Census Bureau indicate the following for the period: This loss totaled 15, â the net result of domestic losses, offset by international gains, New Patterns of Recent Growth: Due to a change in their methodology, the Census Bureau revised earlier estimates for the city. These changes resulted in a series of upward revisions, which altered the pace of change since Census Bureau produces estimates of the population for states, counties, cities and other places, as well as for the nation as a whole. They utilize data from a number of sources to estimate the change in the population for each year since the most recent decennial census. These population estimates use the Census counts as a base. Census Bureau subtracts the number of resident deaths from the number of resident births annually for each county in the U. Births are tabulated by residence of the mother, regardless of where the birth occurred. Similarly, deaths are tabulated by the most recent residence of the decedent, not where the death occurred. Birth and death certificates from the National Center for Health Statistics are used as the data source. The data on births and deaths are generally considered to be the most reliable part of the components of change analysis. Net domestic migration represents the net exchange between a county and other counties in the 50 states. This component is estimated for three age groups, and 65 years and older. For ages 0 to 64, the U. In-migrants and out-migrants between counties as well as non-movers are identified by comparing the addresses of income tax filers from year-to-year to determine residence at two points in time. For example, to produce the July 1, estimates, the addresses of tax filers in and are compared. In-migrants to a county were defined as those with an address in the county in, but outside the county in ; out-migrants are those with an address in the county in, but outside the county in ; and individuals who filed tax returns at the same address at both points in time are non-migrants. Instead a net domestic migration rate needs to be calculated by taking the difference between the numbers of in- and out-migrants net-migrants and dividing it by the sum of the Page 1

2 non-movers and out-migrants. Census Bureau compares addresses from one year to another in the individual Medicare enrollee records in much the same way as they use IRS data to determine domestic migration for the population 65 years and over. Net International Migration is the result of net flows to and from foreign countries and Puerto Rico and is estimated in the following parts: Immigration of the foreign-born is estimated using the ACS question on residence in the prior year. Foreign-born persons who indicated that they lived abroad in the prior year are considered immigrants. Emigration of the foreign-born is estimated using the residual method. For example, the foreign-born population is aged forward to obtain the expected population in the year The expected population is then compared to the population estimated in the ACS. Subtracting the estimated from the expected populations provides the residual, which then serves as the basis of emigration rates for the foreign-born. Emigration rates of the native-born are based on research by Schachter using data from over 80 countries. Brooklyn and Queens likely experienced an undercount in the Census, the result of misclassifying housing units as vacant. A conservative estimate is that this problem understated the population of the two boroughs by 65, persons. This means that the population of the city in was easily in excess of 8,, â and not the 8,, base from the enumeration that is used in the calculations of change. Lessons Gleaned for the Census. Such is the case with super storm Sandy and its impact on the utility of tax return data to estimate migration levels for the boroughs. Includes an in-depth description of the projection methodology. Briefing Booklet kb â An illustrated guide to the projection methodology and to the major findings. Briefing Booklet k â an illustrated guide to the projection methodology and to the major findings. City Planning Press Release: Page 2

3 Chapter 2 : â Population of the U.S. by sex and age Statistic In the coming months, the U.S. Census Bureau will release population estimates for cities and towns, as well as national, state and county population estimates by age, sex, race and Hispanic origin. Millenium Development Goals Population Ratios Population ratios are used to describe the degree of balance between two elements of the population, e. The ratio is normalized to refer to a standard unit of people, usually persons. The sex ratio is the ratio of males to females in the population normalized to We calculate two sex-ratios: At birth, and in the total population. The sex ratio at birth is fairly standard, around Due to higher mortality among males, the sex ratio in the total population switches to For populations with high levels of sex-selective outmigration such as male soldiers leaving a country for war, particularly in certain age groups e. Ranges for sex ratios: Sex ratio at birth: You have been asked to determine if there may be a problem with underreporting of female births in Rajasthan, India. The birth registers for the district show male births and female births. ANSWER Dependency ratios- This ratio quantifies the number of persons in a population who are not economically active for every economically active persons in that population. It can be calculated by dividing the population years and 65 years and older by the population that is in the year age group. A community has 41, children under age 14 and 6, persons age 65 and over. The total population is 85, The dependency ratio is: You can also use the percentages from age distributions. You can calculate separate dependency ratios: Ranges for child dependency ratios: It is usually calculated by dividing the number of children in the age group of both sexes by the number of women of reproductive age years, and then multiplying by A district in Viet Nam has the children under age 5 and 10, women aged In the absence of a direct measure of births, this ratio can be used as a rough indicator of fertility levels. In countries with high levels of infant and child mortality, this ratio can be quite biased- as it only accounts for children who survive to 4 years of age. Ranges for the CWR: The numerator only includes deaths to women during their pregnancy or in the first 6 weeks after delivery. This ratio is often used in lieu of the maternal mortality rate the number of maternal deaths per, women aged per year because of the difficulty in obtaining accurate data to calculate the rate of this relatively infrequent event in a population which is subject to great underestimation, since all pregnancies, births and deaths tend to be underreported. Ranges for the MMR: Page 3

4 Chapter 3 : UNdata record view Population by sex and urban/rural residence An age-sex pyramid breaks down a country or location's population into male and female genders and age ranges. Usually, you'll find the left side of the pyramid graphing the male population and the right side of the pyramid displaying female population. Information was also gathered on minority ethnic groups, urban population, and marital status. The nation began preparing for the census in late Chinese census workers were sent to the United States and Japan to study modern census-taking techniques and automation. Computers were installed in every provincial-level unit except Tibet and were connected to a central processing system in the Beijing headquarters of the State Statistical Bureau. Pretests and small scale trial runs were conducted and checked for accuracy between and in twenty-four provincial-level units. Census stations were opened in rural production brigades and urban neighborhoods. Beginning on 1 July, each household sent a representative to a census station to be enumerated. The census required about a month to complete and employed approximately 5 million census takers. The census collected data in nineteen demographic categories relating to individuals and households. The thirteen areas concerning individuals were name, relationship to head of household, sex, age, nationality, registration status, educational level, profession, occupation, status of nonworking persons, marital status, number of children born and still living, and number of births in The six items pertaining to households were type domestic or collective, serial number, number of persons, number of births in, number of deaths in, and number of registered persons absent for more than one year. Information was gathered in a number of important areas for which previous data were either extremely inaccurate or simply nonexistent, including fertility, marital status, urban population, minority ethnic groups, sex composition, age distribution, and employment and unemployment. A fundamental anomaly in the statistics was noted by some Western analysts. They pointed out that although the birth and death rates recorded by the census and those recorded through the household registration system were different, the two systems arrived at similar population totals. The discrepancies in the vital rates were the result of the underreporting of both births and deaths to the authorities under the registration system; families would not report some births because of the one-child policy and would not report some deaths so as to hold on to the rations of the deceased. Nevertheless, the census was a watershed for both Chinese and world demographics. After an eighteen-year gap, population specialists were given a wealth of reliable, up-to-date figures on which to reconstruct past demographic patterns, measure current population conditions, and predict future population trends. For example, Chinese and foreign demographers used the census age-sex structure as the base population for forecasting and making assumptions about future fertility trends. The data on age-specific fertility and mortality rates provided the necessary base-line information for making population projections. The census data also were useful for estimating future manpower potential, consumer needs, and utility, energy, and health-service requirements. The sudden abundance of demographic data helped population specialists immeasurably in their efforts to estimate world population. But the liabilities of a large, rapidly growing population soon became apparent. These efforts, however, had little impact on fertility. After the interval of the Great Leap Forward, Chinese leaders again saw rapid population growth as an obstacle to development, and their interest in birth control revived. In the early s, schemes somewhat more muted than during the first campaign, emphasized the virtues of late marriage. Birth control offices were set up in the central government and some provincial-level governments in The second campaign was particularly successful in the cities, where the birth rate was cut in half during the â 66 period. The upheaval of the Cultural Revolution brought the program to a halt, however. In and the party mobilized its resources for a nationwide birth control campaign administered by a group in the State Council. Committees to oversee birth control activities were established at all administrative levels and in various collective enterprises. This extensive and seemingly effective network covered both the rural and the urban population. In urban areas public security headquarters included population control sections. By Mao Zedong was personally identified with the family planning movement, signifying a greater leadership commitment to controlled population growth than ever before. Population growth targets were set for both Page 4

5 administrative units and individual families. In the mids the maximum recommended family size was two children in cities and three or four in the country. Since the government has advocated a one-child limit for both rural and urban areas and has generally set a maximum of two children in special circumstances. As of the policy for minority nationalities was two children per couple, three in special circumstances, and no limit for ethnic groups with very small populations. The overall goal of the one-child policy was to keep the total population within 1. The one-child policy was a highly ambitious population control program. Like previous programs of the s and s, the one-child policy employed a combination of public education, social pressure, and in some cases coercion. The one-child policy was unique, however, in that it linked reproduction with economic cost or benefit. Under the one-child program, a sophisticated system rewarded those who observed the policy and penalized those who did not. Through this policy, the increasing population got temperate after the penalties were made. Couples with only one child were given a "one-child certificate" entitling them to such benefits as cash bonuses, longer maternity leave, better child care, and preferential housing assignments. In return, they were required to pledge that they would not have more children. In the countryside, there was great pressure to adhere to the one-child limit. According to reports, ceilings or quotas had to be adhered to; to satisfy these cutoffs, unmarried young people were persuaded to postpone marriage, couples without children were advised to "wait their turn," women with unauthorized pregnancies were pressured to have abortions, and those who already had children were urged to use contraception or undergo sterilization. Couples with more than one child were exhorted to be sterilized. The one-child policy enjoyed much greater success in urban than in rural areas. Even without state intervention, there were compelling reasons for urban couples to limit the family to a single child. Raising a child required a significant portion of family income, and in the cities a child did not become an economic asset until he or she entered the work force at age sixteen. Couples with only one child were given preferential treatment in housing allocation. In addition, because city dwellers who were employed in state enterprises received pensions after retirement, the sex of their first child was less important to them than it was to those in rural areas. Numerous reports surfaced of coercive measures used to achieve the desired results of the one-child policy. The alleged methods ranged from intense psychological pressure to the use of physical force, including some grisly accounts of forced abortions and infanticide. Chinese officials admitted that isolated, uncondoned abuses of the program occurred and that they condemned such acts, but they insisted that the family planning program was administered on a voluntary basis using persuasion and economic measures only. International reaction to the allegations were mixed. Observers suggested that an accurate assessment of the one-child program would not be possible until all women who came of childbearing age in the early s passed their fertile years. As of the one-child program had achieved mixed results. In general, it was very successful in almost all urban areas but less successful in rural areas. Rapid fertility reduction associated with the one-child policy has potentially negative results. For instance, in the future the elderly might not be able to rely on their children to care for them as they have in the past, leaving the state to assume the expense, which could be considerable. Based on United Nations and Chinese government statistics, it was estimated in that by the year the population 60 years and older the retirement age is 60 in urban areas would number million, or In, the number of people over 60 is expected to increase to million. The overall population density of China conceals major regional variations, the western and northern part have a few million people, while eastern half has about 1. Coast and eastern China In the 11 provinces, special municipalities, and autonomous regions along the southeast coast, population density was Broadly speaking, the population was concentrated east of the mountains and south of the northern steppe. The most densely populated areas included the Yangtze River Valley of which the delta region was the most populous, Sichuan Basin, North China Plain, Pearl River Delta, and the industrial area around the city of Shenyang in the northeast. Western areas Population is most sparse in the mountainous, desert, and grassland regions of the northwest and southwest. In Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region, portions are completely uninhabited, and only a few sections have populations denser than ten people per km2. The eastern, coastal provinces are much more densely populated than the western interior because of the historical access to water. Page 5

6 Chapter 4 : Population - Age distribution blog.quintoapp.com This graph shows the population estimates for the United States as of July 1,, sorted by sex and age. As of July 1,, about million males under 5 years were living in the United States. Age distribution Perhaps the most fundamental of these characteristics is the age distribution of a population. Demographers commonly use population pyramids to describe both age and sex distributions of populations. A population pyramid is a bar chart or graph in which the length of each horizontal bar represents the number or percentage of persons in an age group; for example, the base of such a chart consists of a bar representing the youngest segment of the population, those persons less than, say, five years old. Each bar is divided into segments corresponding to the numbers or proportions of males and females. In most populations the proportion of older persons is much smaller than that of the younger, so the chart narrows toward the top and is more or less triangular, like the cross section of a pyramid; hence the name. Youthful populations are represented by pyramids with a broad base of young children and a narrow apex of older people, while older populations are characterized by more uniform numbers of people in the age categories. Population pyramids reveal markedly different characteristics for three nations: Contrary to a common belief, the principal factor tending to change the age distribution of a populationâ and, hence, the general shape of the corresponding pyramidâ is not the death or mortality rates, but rather the rate of fertility. A rise or decline in mortality generally affects all age groups in some measure, and hence has only limited effects on the proportion in each age group. A change in fertility, however, affects the number of people in only a single age groupâ the group of age zero, the newly born. Hence a decline or increase in fertility has a highly concentrated effect at one end of the age distribution and thereby can have a major influence on the overall age structure. This means that youthful age structures correspond to highly fertile populations, typical of developing countries. The older age structures are those of low-fertility populations, such as are common in the industrialized world. Sex ratio A second important structural aspect of populations is the relative numbers of males and females who compose it. Generally, slightly more males are born than females a typical ratio would be or males for every females. On the other hand, it is quite common for males to experience higher mortality at virtually all ages after birth. This difference is apparently of biological origin. Exceptions occur in countries such as India, where the mortality of females may be higher than that of males in childhood and at the ages of childbearing because of unequal allocation of resources within the family and the poor quality of maternal health care. For example, in Europe and North America, among persons more than 70 years of age in, the number of males for every females was only about 61 to According to the Population Division of the United Nations, the figure for the Soviet Union was only 40, which may be attributable to high male mortality during World War II as well as to possible increases in male mortality during the s. The sex ratio within a population has significant implications for marriage patterns. A scarcity of males of a given age depresses the marriage rates of females in the same age group or usually those somewhat younger, and this in turn is likely to reduce their fertility. In many countries, social convention dictates a pattern in which males at marriage are slightly older than their spouses. This may lead to deferment of marriage of these women, a contraction of the age differential of marrying couples, or both. Similarly, a dramatic fertility decline in such a society is likely to lead eventually to an insufficiency of eligible females for marriage, which may lead to earlier marriage of these women, an expansion of the age gap at marriage, or both. All of these effects are slow to develop; it takes at least 20 to 25 years for even a dramatic fall or rise in fertility to affect marriage patterns in this way. Ethnic or racial composition The populations of all nations of the world are more or less diverse with respect to ethnicity or race. Ethnicity here includes national, cultural, religious, linguistic, or other attributes that are perceived as characteristic of distinct groups. Such divisions in populations often are regarded as socially important, and statistics by race and ethnic group are therefore commonly available. For this reason, international comparisons of ethnic and racial groups are imprecise, and this component of population structure is far less objective as a measure than are the categories of age and sex discussed above. Page 6

7 Chapter 5 : Total population by sex and age The population of France by sex and age is estimated by INSEE each year. A provisional estimate is first issued and final figures are published at a later date. Censuses are conducted in certain years to enumerate the population. Chapter 6 : NYC Population: Current and Projected Populations GBD Population and Fertility Collaborators. Population and fertility by age and sex for countries and territories, a systematic analysis for the Global Burden of Disease Study Chapter 7 : Population estimates - Office for National Statistics The graph shows the Hispanic population in the United States in, by sex and age. In, about million female Hispanics were aged between 30 and 34 years. Chapter 8 : Demography of the United States - Wikipedia This report presents an analysis of New York City's population projected from through These projections were done for each of the city's five boroughs by age and sex, at five year intervals for this 30 year period. Chapter 9 : Population Data Archive blog.quintoapp.com The census provided demographers with a set of data on China's age-sex structure, fertility and mortality rates, and population density and distribution. Information was also gathered on minority ethnic groups, urban population, and marital status. Page 7