CHAPTER 13 THE MAORI LEADERS' ASSEMBLY, KORORIPO PA, Manuka Henare

Transcription

1 CHAPTER 13 THE MAORI LEADERS' ASSEMBLY, KORORIPO PA, 1831 Manuka Henare On 5 October 1831, a seemingly insignificant political and economic event took place in the Bay oflslands at Te Kerikeri and Kororipo pa, when a gathering of thirteen regional rangatira met with their missionary advisers to compose a letter in Maori to William IV, King of Great Britain and Ireland (see Fig. 13.1). At the time, the pa and surrounding area were the hub of a dynamic economy, a military base and a type of parliament, as well as the centre of Christian missionary activity. On this October day, which was in the season of Mahuru or Koanga, the fourth month of the Maori year and early spring to the missionaries, the principal tribal leaders met, as they and their communities often did to discuss and plan political, economic and military matters of regional importance. One such assembly of Ngapuhi took place sometime before March 1820, when, according to Hone Rameka's statement at a hearing of the Maori Land Court in 1935, 'it was from Kororipo that Hongi Hika and Waikato left for England'. He said at a later hearing on 17 June 1936 that, 'Before Hongi Ika and Waikato sailed for England, the Ngapuhi people assembled at Kororipo and discussed the matter.' 1 The proposed 1831 letter was a joint effort of a representative group oflocal leaders, some of their people and the Kerikeri missionaries, notably the Revd William Yate. It aimed to affirm the relations established in 1820 with the visit by Hongi Hika and Waikato to King William's father, George IV, in London. 2 Kororipo pa was one link in a chain of defensive pa sites extending from Rangihoua (at the head of the Bay of Islands) across to Kororareka (Russell, in the inner harbour), and to Whiria pa on Hokianga Harbour. On this strip of land, between east and west coasts, lived some 20,000-25,000 Maori people. 3 It constituted one of the most densely populated regions 112

2 THE MAORI LEADERS' ASSEMBLY '/' :'but A'Ct... 1 r / _, / _ I ~ / 1 /IL ;lc-lvwil..,/i<- ~!?&n.. JJ,_,.. A.c... frt- - 1 T/c~J<.r..._ /-1U.L.. JJua.. /~-L. the l~;yf.l~. LJ..,{,-6_!Jn.'Vl/H1 t,. f, lo.<rlvr O,{, l J/i/*R *-a_. t,t,;_, / J. d I /. tj ~,{).._ f/1rfj../r{l ( (".l.~.b~.flfho. J& fi 0,,,.i.~ tjun,....ilm-r J,,J... ~.JfA~ e.al/l ~ t. tl /J;~ - fe:_ (;; /vl'v'lz~ :Jo..a ~~ k ~.11 Fig.13.1 The first page of the letter from the rangatira, 5 October 1831, and some of the moko by which they signed. co 201/221, PP , NATIONAL ARCHIVES, LONDON of'niu Tireni', the Maori transliteration of the name New Zealand. The rangatira who assembled on 5 October came from these various communities. According to oral tradition, Kororipo pa dated from the time Te Kerikeri was occupied by Ngati Awa, and by the Wahineiti and Ngati Miru people, until they were displaced in the 1770s by the new alliances ofngapuhi and, in particular, Ngati Rehia. According to elder John Alexander, the pa site and associated kainga areas were occupied from time to time by Hongi Hika and his allies from the early nineteenth century. One of the associated kainga areas of this period was led by Rewa, a close relative and ally of Hongi, 4 and signatory to the 1831 letter. Other associated names for Kororipo point to its mana and tapu, its power, authority and sacredness, and consequently its significance in northern Maori political, economic and military history. 'Te Waha-o-te-Riri', rendered as 'The Mouth of Anger' or 'The Inlet of War', was one such attribute, and refers to the use of Kororipo as the first of a number of coastal staging posts for the departure of Ngapuhi fighters and expeditions to the south. On their return from the southern raids, the warriors and captives would come back to Kororipo and Te Kerikeri. A second attribute for Kororipo, 'Te Awa-o-te-Rangatira', which is associated with Ngati Rehia of Te Ti and means 'The Deliberating Place of Chiefs', refers to the pa as an 113

3 MANUKA HENARE Ki a Kingi Wiremu te Rangatira atawai o Ingarangi E Kingi Wiremu. Ko matou ko nga Rangatira o Niu Tireni e huihuia nei ki tenei kainga kite Kerikeri, e tuhituhi atu nei ki a koe; e rongo ana hoki matou ko koe te Rangatira nui o tarawahi, nou hoki nga kaipuke maha e u mai nei ki to matou wenua. He hunga rawa kore matou he oi ano o matou taonga he rakau, he muka, he poaka, he kapana he oi ka hokona enei mea ki ou tangata, ka kite matou i te taonga o te Pakeha. Ko tou kainga anake te atawai ana ki a matou nou ano hoki nga Mihaneri e ako nei i a matou ki te wakapono ki a Ihowa te Atua ki a Ihu Karaiti ano hold tana tamaiti. Kua rongo matou ko te Iwi o Marion tenei me ake u mai kite tango i to matou kainga, koia matou ka inoi ai kia meinga koe hei hoa mo matou hei kai tiaki i enei motu kei tata mai te wakatoi o nga tau iwi, kei haere mai nga tangata ke ki te tango i to matou wenua. A, ki te mea ka tutu e tahi o ou tangata ki a matou, ka noho nei hold he hinu ki te wenua nei he mea oma mai i runga i te kaipuke mau ra pea ratou e riri kia rongo ai, kei ho noa te riri o te tangata maori. No matou tenei pukapuka no nga Rangatira o te Iwi Maori o Niu Tireni. [Thirteen signatures follow.] Signed in the presence of the Committee of Missionaries at Kerikeri. Oct' William Yate Fig.13.2 Transcription of the Maori text. assembly place or a venue for councils of tribal leaders, where for generations, it seems, they had gathered. Such venues around the Bay oflslands were referred to as 'Ngapuhi wananga', rendered as places oflearning and discourse on matters of significance for Ngapuhi. It is likely that Kororipo was one such place, a wananga of the rangatira and tohunga. The Letter William Yate forwarded the original letter, signed by the thirteen rangatira, together with his translation and gloss, to England. The letter is well known in Yate's translation (see Fig.13.4). 5 The significance of the Maori text, and the extent of its independent construction, is less familiar. This letter is the first we know of that arose from a gathering of Maori tribal leaders. It marks the beginning of the acceptance of literacy as a new tool of communication, which these leaders willingly grasped for their purposes. The consideration and drafting of such 114

4 THE MAORI LEADERS' ASSEMBLY SIGNATORY LEADER (CHIEF) TRIBES No. 1 Warerahi (Wharerahi) No. 2 Rewa (Brothers) No. 3 Patuone No. 4 Nene (Brothers) No. 5 Kekeao No. 6 Titore No. 7 Tamoranga (Te Morenga) No. 8 Ripe (Ripi) No. 9 Hara (Haara) No. 10 Atuahaere No. 11 Moetara No. 12 Matangi No. 13 Tammi (Tammi) Rangatira of Paroa Rangatira ofwaimate Rangatira of Hokianga Rangatira of Hokianga Rangatira of Te Ahuahu Rangatira of Kororareka Rangatira of Taiarnai Rangatira of Mapere (Omapere) Rangatira of Ohaeawai Rangatira of Kaikohe Rangatira of Pakanae Rangatira ofwaima Rangatira of Utakura Ngaitawake, Ngati Tautahi, Te Patukeha, Te Uri-o-Ngongo Ngaitawake, Ngati Tautahi, Te Patukeha, Te Uri-o-Ngongo Ngati Hao, Ngati Pou Ngati Hao, Ngati Pou, Te Roroa, Ngati Mim Ngati Matakiri, Te Uritaniwha Ngaitawake Urikapana Te Uri-o-Hua, Te Uritaniwha Te Uri-o-Te-Hawato, Ngati Rangi Ngati Tautahi Ngati Korokoro, Te Hikutil, Ngati Hau, Ngai Tfl Te Popoto? Te Mahurehure? Te Popoto Fig.13.3 The chiefs who signed the letter, with their main places of residence as identified by William Yate, and their known or deduced hapo affiliations. co 201/221, PP , NATIONAL ARCHIVES, LONDON a letter would have followed a procedure. First, the purpose of the assembly would have been put forward and discussed formally. A draft of the document would already have been prepared - in this case probably by Yate - and read aloud to the assembly. Further debate would follow, the letter redrafted, and more discussion would eventuate until a consensus was reached by the rangatira. At this point the final draft would be read aloud, and those who supported its message would come forward and put their moko mark, a copy of part of their facial tattoo, to the paper. The moko mark was considered something holy and binding, because it was taken from the skin of the head, believed to be the most sacred part of a leader's body. The tohu, or sign, was the recognised signature of the leader. The placing of the tohu on paper was considered an 115

5 MANUKA HENARE i ~ ~, King William We, the chiefs of New Zealand assembled at this place, called the Kerikeri, write to thee, for we hear that thou art the great Chief of the other side of the water, since the many ships that come to our land are from thee. We are a people without possessions. 'vve have nothing but timber, flax, pork and potatoes. We sell these things, however, to your people, and then we see the property of Europeans. It is only thy land which is liberal towards us. From thee also come the Missionaries who teach us to believe on Jehovah God, and on Jesus Christ His Son. 'vve have heard that the tribe of Marion is at hand coming to take away our land, therefore we pray thee to become our friend and guardian of these Islands, lest through the teazing of other tribes should come war to us, and lest strangers should come and take away our land. And if any of thy people should be troublesome or vicious towards us (for some persons are living here who have run away from ships) we pray thee to be angry with them that they may be obedient, lest the anger of the people of this land fall upon them. This letter is from us the chiefs of the natives of New Zealand. [Thirteen signatures follow.) ~ Fig.13.4 William Yate's 'literal' translation, co , PP , NATIONAL ARCHIVES, LONDON invitation to a relationship between the leader and his people, and King William and his people. The moral and ethical codes implicit in the act would be underpinned by the cardinal values of reciprocity and obligation. Subsequent generations of descendants of the signatories would refer to such moko marks as 'taonga tapu', a most sacred treasure and commitment. 6 William Yate annotated his English translation with a description of the chiefs and their main place of residence. Fig.13.3 sets out this information, with the addition of the hapii affiliations of the rangatira. It reveals the breadth of the gathering that assembled at Kerikeri. A narrative of the Maori text is offered in Fig This can be compared with the 'literal' translation made by William Yate (Fig. 13.4) and read beside the transcription of the Maori text in Fig The rangatira letter is the first written statement created by an assembled group of Maori chiefs. They gathered at Kerikeri, under missionary auspices, but they probably discussed the issues among themselves at Kororipo pa. The choice of words in the letter provides evidence that its composition was, at least in part, their own. The chiefs appealed to the King to help 116

6 ~ THE MAORI LEADERS' ASSEMBLY King William We are the leaders of New Zealand who have gathered at this locality (kainga) here in Kerikeri to write (tuhituhi) to you; we have heard that you are indeed the great Leader (Rangatira nui) of a distant place, and many of the trading ships (kaipuke) landing here in our country (to matou wenua) belong to you. And this is our first matter we wish to raise with you. Compared to your country we are a people of meagre (limited) resources (taonga) the products we have are trees (rakau), flax fibres (muka), pigs (poaka), potatoes (kapana), which we exchange with your missionaries, whalers and traders, we have seen the products (taonga) of the English people (Pakeha). It seems to us that it is your country alone that shows compassion and friendliness (atawhai) to us, furthermore the Missionaries belong also to you and they live here among us teaching the beliefs of Jehovah the Spiritual Power (God) (Atua) and Jesus Christ (Thu Karaiti) his son. We have heard it said that the people of Marion (we mean other French people because we killed Marion du Fresne and some of his crew because of their wrong doing after accepting our hospitality and reciprocity) and strangers (nga tangata ke) desire to settle permanently here and take (tango) our country (t6 matou kainga). \Vhile we have had many fruitful exchanges we have had far too many bitter and regretful experiences with foreign explorers and traders (te wakatoi o nga tau iwi). You will know that when necessary we dealt with them and it is for these experiences that we bring to your attention the second matter of our letter. We ask (implore/pray) (inoi) you to be a friend and ally with us (hei hoa), including that of being a protector and guardian (hei kai tiaki) of these islands in case of further discrimination and retaliation from other foreigners, including the likelihood of invasion to take (tango) from us our land (to matou wenua). Furthermore, if in the event that some of your own people interfere in our ways and provoke us by devious actions, while living also off the fat of our land (he hinu kite wenua nei), and we include those who have run away from any of your trading ships (te kaipuke), it is best that you be their judge and deal swiftly (riri) with them; otherwise they will experience the anger and righteousness of Maori people (kei ho noa te riri o te tangata maori). ' Friend this letter comes from us the leaders of the Maori people (te Iwi Maori) of New 7 L_Z_e_a-la-1-1d-(Niu Tireni). Fig.13.5 Narrative of the Maori text. 117

7 MANUKA HENARE guard their land; in so doing they will undoubtedly have recalled Hongi Hika's meeting with George IV in In similar manner, Hone Heke wrote to Queen Victoria in 1849: 'for although he [King George] and Hongi are dead, still the conversation lives; and it is for you to favour and make much of it'. 8 The letter sent from Kerikeri in 1831 expanded the conversation that began in The next step was the larger gathering held at Waitangi on 28 October 1835, when thirty-four northern Maori leaders signed 'He Wakaputanga o te Rangatiratanga o Nu Tireni', a declaration of independence sent to William IV seeking his support. Among them were the men who had sent the letter from Kerikeri. In total, fifty-two rangatira signed the declaration between 1835 and Ultimately, this continuing conversation led to the signing of the Treaty of Waitangi in 1840.