Cuban Americans: The Colors of Upward Mobility and Political Involvement

Transcription

1 Cuban Americans: The Colors of Upward Mobility and Political Involvement Eddy Franca Racial Ethnic Politics Professor Chambers 1

2 Eddy Franca December 16, 2013 Professor Chambers Racial Ethnic Politics Cuban Americans: The Colors of Upward Mobility and Political Involvement The Hispanic population in the United States is very diverse. Still, many Americans have yet to understand the idea that Hispanics can in fact have a race that they identify with as well. To the average American there is only this all encompassing label of Hispanic. Cuban Americans have been a great example over the years of this confusion for the American people. Cuban Americans seem to cover the entire spectrum in terms of race, from black to white to mulato. Depending on when they immigrated to the United States, there is likely a trend for which race they are more likely to identify with. This paper will look to further examine just how much the racial identity of a Cuban American affects his/her success in achieving upward mobility and political involvement. Data shows that in general, Cubans have shown greater success in achieving upward mobility than other Hispanic groups. However, does this claim prove to be true when a closer look is taken? Cuban Americans who have migrated to the US more recently tend to identify more as black or mulato. Do these immigrants seem to be sharing the same success that earlier immigrants from Cuba have shown? 2

3 Before the complex question of how Cuban Americans have assimilated; either dependent on their racial identity or independent from it; can be answered, it is important to establish a clear understanding of the perception versus reality of Hispanic immigration to the United States. Samuel Huntington was a prominent political scientist whose works cover everything from the post-cold War era, to the modern day immigration debate. Specifically some of his more recent work, before his passing in 2008, dealt with Hispanic immigration to the United States. In May 2004, his book Who Are We? The Challenges to American National Identity was published. Huntington is quite clear in his stance that the current wave of Latino immigration is a threat to our national identity; even going as far as to say, Latin Americans are eroding our country s core set of Anglo- Protestant values. While Huntington may be the face of such a belief, he is certainly not alone in it. Many Americans agree with Huntington that continued Hispanic immigration would be a danger to our nation s identity. In a 2012 poll by the Associated Press, 57% of respondents who were implicitly asked about their views on race expressed anti-hispanic attitudes (Nevarez 2012). He uses examples like Miami aka the north most Latin American city as examples that Hispanics are creating another America (Eckstein 2006 pg. 297). However, studies done by the Pew Research Center s Hispanic Trends Project show that not only is Huntington s view flawed in regards to first-generation Hispanic Americans, but also more importantly it becomes even less valid when looking at the second and third-generation. As seen in Figure 1 below, of those surveyed, 62% of first-generation Hispanics most often identify with their family s country of 3

4 origin, but that number drops significantly to 43% among second-generation and 28% among third-generation. More importantly, the majority of third-generation Hispanics said that if asked, they would most often describe themselves as American first and foremost (Pew 2012, pg. 1). Figure 1 Huntington believed that three main reasons can be attributed to Hispanics creating another America : 1) Hispanics tend to settle down in the same area (ex. Miami) 2) Hispanics feel it is important to continue the use of Spanish 3) Hispanics typically are strong Catholics. All three of these statements are probably true for the most part, but does that mean they are a threat to our nation s identity? Can it not be said that most WASPs (White Anglo-Saxon 4

5 Protestants) settle in close proximity to each other? Does America as a nation today not place a strong emphasis on the importance of knowing more than one language in order to better one s future? Is one of America s most basic values not freedom of religion? Yes, Hispanics may feel it is important to hold on to their cultural roots, but to suggest that they do so in a way that is threatening to America is simply misinformed. The Pew Research Center s study determined that 82% of Hispanic adults in the United States speak Spanish, and an even larger portion, 95%, believe it is important for future generations to continue to do so as well. However, 48% of adult Hispanics in the US today express a stronger sense of affinity with other Americans and America than do immigrant Hispanics (Pew 2012, pg.1). Furthermore, the vast majority of Hispanics surveyed say that life in the US is better than their home country (regardless of where they immigrated from), and nine out of ten believe learning English is vital to succeeding in the states. So, while Hispanics clearly do show a love and respect for the culture and intend to keep it a part of their lives, they do understand that they are becoming Americans. Even more so, second and third-generations are beginning to identify more as Americans than as a member of the country their family immigrated from. This is a statistic that was surely shared by many immigrant groups in America s past, groups whose descendants probably make up most of white America today. As to be expected, foreign born and Spanish dominant Hispanics identify with their families country of origin 62% and 63% of the time 5

6 respectively, compared to native born and English dominant at 37% and 33% (Pew 2012, pg.2). However as seen in Figure 2, interestingly enough this was not the only notable correlation. Of those surveyed, the percentage of Hispanics that are less educated (high school graduate or less) and identify with their family s country of origin was in the mid 50 s. The percentage of Hispanics that are more educated (some college or more) and identify with their family s country of origin dropped to 46%. Figure 2 6

7 This trend of the level of education affecting the level of assimilation of immigrants will be useful to look at later when specifically looking at Cuban Americans. Also worthy of note is the racial identification that Hispanics said most applied. When looking at all Hispanics in general, 36% identified their race as white, compared to 26% some other race, 25% Hispanic/Latino, and only 10% black (Pew 2012, pg. 2). However, just as it was seen before the trend changed when controlling for generation. Second and third-generation Hispanics are increasingly identifying as either white or some other race. The number of second-generation Hispanics that identify as some other race jumps to 36% (first-generation = 21%). Figure 3 I believe that this significant increase can be attributed to a feeling of not fitting in and being different than the typical American. They are left with a 7

8 feeling that they do not fit into the normal classifications of American society. Consequently, when asked if they see themselves as typical Americans Hispanics were evenly split, with wealthier more educated Hispanics identifying as a typical American and vice versa. The survey also found that over half of Hispanics in the United States immigrated for economic opportunities (Pew 2012, pg. 3). Additionally, 79% of Hispanics say that if they had to do it again, they would; it being moving to the United States. The data in Figure 4 shows that Hispanics are for the most part after the same things the typical American is after, and America is giving them the opportunity to pursue these things. Figure 4 8

9 Now that a clearer picture of what the average Hispanic immigrant to the United States is has been painted, I will take a closer look at Cuban Americans in particular. Where better to start than Miami, the north most Latin American city as Huntington proclaimed. In 1997, over 80% of Cubans entering the United States stated that they immigrated with the specific intent to settle down in South Florida; Hudson, New Jersey came in second with only 3% (Barberia 2002, pg. 808). It may be easy to look back now and see it as the only logical choice for the Cubans, but at the time Miami was economically unsuccessful and unattractive (Gonzalez-Pando pg. 27). It was the proximity of the city that made it so appealing to Cubans. The newly regrouped Cuban population redefined the character of the city of Miami, and pressured other ethnic groups to do the same, which contributed tremendously to the growth of the city (Portes pg. 13). Cuban Americans have been rather successful in achieving the American dream that so many Hispanics emigrate in search of. Cuban-owned businesses, the majority of which were based in Miami, increased their sales and receipts 37 fold between 1969 and Also, the number of Cuban American households making $75,000 more than doubled in the year 2000 to 19% (Eckstein 2006 pg. 297). The economic success that Cubans have achieved in Miami has in turn been beneficial to America as a whole. With the help of the Cuban American workforce, Miami quickly became a major center of trade, investment, finance, and tourism spanning the Americas, from which we nationally benefit, a city with 9

10 hemispheric reach (Eckstein 2006 pg. 298). Miami was a logical destination for Hispanics, especially from the Caribbean even before the large wave of Cuban immigration. When the Cubans fled the communist regime and ended up in Miami, it simply enhanced the attractiveness of the city as a destination. Immigrants began to come in from all over the Caribbean. Miami found itself not only having a Little Havana (neighborhood of Miami named after the capital city of Cuba), but a Little Haiti as well (Gonzalez-Pando pg. 84). Everything from the city s architecture, to the way it did business, to who it did business with, was forever changed, and most would say for the better. Someone like Huntington would look at the progress Cuban Americans have made in Miami and focus on the fact that they have reached this level of success through different means than most Americans. Huntington might claim that the Cuban Americans who have grown Miami into the prosperous city it is today did so by not assimilating. He might argue that Cubans immigrated to the United States and all created a hub in Miami where they would be able to keep so many of their customs, including Spanish as a primary language. By the 1980 s, the non-hispanic population in Miami began to feel threatened, similar to the country as a whole today. A referendum was passed in Miami stating that public funding could no longer be used for events where the primary language was not English and events where any culture other than that of the United States was promoted. However, in their first real collective political action as a group of United States citizens, the Cuban-Americans fought back (Eckstein 2006 pg. 298). It began with the 10

11 Cubans resisting the pressure from the non-hispanics in Miami to abandon their cultural norms, and ended with the Cuban-Americans making up enough of the electorate in the 1990 s to demand the removal of the English Only Amendment. The Cubans began to realize the power they had as a collective force and became more involved in politics and society. It was the rapidity and large numbers of the Cuban migration to the United States combined with their concentration in Dade County [that] made them politically relevant in a short time (Wilbur 1998). Several Cuban American groups began to spring up left and right, including the Municipios de Cuba en el Exilio (Municipalities of Cuba in Exile). What began as a way for individuals from areas in Cuba to plot the takedown of Castro, evolved into something much more useful. The Municipios essentially became the first social outreach group for the Cubans. They began connecting members from the same area in Cuba back here in the United States, and even assisted in finding work and housing. Another prominent Cuban American-run group was, and still is, Liga Contra el Cancer (League Against Cancer). Modeled after an organization back in Cuba in the 1920 s, Liga Contra el Cancer quickly became a prominent group in the business of fundraising to serve cancer patients as well as spread knowledge to others on the subject of cancer (Eckstein 2006 pg. 298). It was movements like these by the early Cubans that acted as a catalyst for the social and political involvement of Cuban 11

12 Americans. Cubans formed, de jour, many professional organizations, including Cuban American lawyer/physician/builder groups, as well as their own Chamber of Commerce. They also formed, de facto, their own branches of nationally run organizations like the Kiwanis Club who is made up 100% by Hispanics, 90% of which are Cuban (Eckstein 2006 pg. 299). However, this complete takeover did not sit well with the white Anglos in Miami, who continued to attempt to live isolated lives from The Cuban Americans. While Cubans sent their children to prominent parochial schools, Anglos sent their children to prestigious nondenominational schools with little to no Hispanics. The separation extended into social clubs as well. The Big Five was a social club named after the five most exclusive clubs in Cuba, whose members were 80% Cuban and 99% Hispanic. On the other hand, Fisher Island Club was made up by 93% non-hispanic whites (Eckstein 2006 pg. 299). The cultural divide was evident, but it did not prevent the Cubans from assimilating to Anglo America. Let s revisit two of those three claims Huntington made that prevent Hispanic assimilation. 1) Hispanics tend to settle down in the same area. A 2004 survey done by the Florida International University (located in Miami, Florida) indicated that 62% of Miami Cuban Americans live in neighborhoods where they are the minority. 2) Hispanics feel it is important to continue the use of Spanish. The same survey found that roughly half of Cuban Americans in Miami speak either English or English and Spanish 12

13 outside their homes (Eckstein 2006 pg. 299). Contrary to what those like Huntington may believe, Hispanics can in fact assimilate to Anglo America while still holding on to their own culture and Miami Cuban Americans are serving as living proof. As a newly forming group in the United States, Cuban Americans quickly began to realize the power in collective action. Since their arrival to the States, Cubans have been close to the ideal case study on immigrant involvement in politics. From citizenship, to electoral participation, to holding office, Cuban Americans have exceled in all three areas. In 2004, two-thirds of the Cubans in Miami had become citizens of the United States. Furthermore, on a national scale 54% of Cubans had become American citizens as compared to only 29% of Mexicans, and of that 54% of Cubans an astounding 90% were registered to vote (Eckstein 2006 pg. 299). As more years passed with the Cuban American population growing, they began to fill more and more of the prominent political positions. They were not only filling small local office but countywide offices as well, and were doing so with the help of the non-cuban electorate as well. By the year 2000, while accounting for a mere 29% of the population in Miami Dade County, Cuban Americans were holding all of the following offices: mayor, county commission, and delegation to state legislature (Eckstein 2006 pg. 300). Two years later, Congress included three Cuban Americans from Miami along with a fourth from Hudson County, New Jersey (followed by the first Cuban American 13

14 United States Senator in 2004). Perhaps even more impressive than all the offices that Cuban Americans were holding was the fact that non-cuban elected officials were equally as focused on addressing the needs of the Cuban electorate. One Man who understood the impact of Cuban Americans was President Bush. Cubans voted for Bush, so in return he appointed them to senior positions on the National Security Council, the State Department, and the Department of Commerce. Cubans also ranked second amongst all ethnic groups in terms of campaign donations (Bueso pg. 8). Most impressive was the fact that all this occurred while Cuban Americans accounted for a less than meager 1% of the country s population (Eckstein 2006 pg. 300). It seems that the data does in fact show Cubans being more successful at assimilating and achieving upward mobility than the average Hispanic. However, this is where the data begins to change. The numbers have spoken volumes about the efforts taken by Cuban Americans to work together to achieve upward mobility. Yet, what the public does not see is the substantial divide amongst Cuban Americans. This divide is focused on the different types of Cuban Americans coming to the United States. The immigrants that came over in the hopes of fleeing the revolution are very different than the immigrants making their way over to America today. The one major difference between the two groups of first-generation immigrants is their 14

15 reason for coming over to America. The first wave of immigrants left Cuba largely for political reasons, while the later wave (post 1990) was more like the average Hispanic across the country, and emigrated for economic reasons. The first-wave immigrants came over mainly in the early 1960 s and were extremely anti-castro and anti-communist. The post-1990 immigrants experienced the revolution first hand and lived in a very different Cuba. Additionally the two waves of Cuban immigrants differed in race as well. First-wave immigrants tended to be predominantly white, while the later group was made up mostly of single black and mulato Cubans (Bueso pg. 4). The difference in race may have contributed to differing levels of success in America. These differing levels of success can be attributed to two basic variables, assets they emigrated with and labor market conditions when they arrived. As of 2000 the first-wave immigrants held three times as many high-level jobs as post-1990 immigrants. Furthermore, twice as many ranked among the nation s wealthiest tercile of income earners (Eckstein 2006 pg. 302). All the elite social clubs Cubans founded and joined in Miami were primarily made up of first-wave immigrants as well. Aside from economic factors, the early 1960 s immigrants relied much less on Spanish than the postrevolution immigrants. The 2004 survey by FIU found that 46% of first-wave Cubans relied on Spanish for their news and 67% spoke only Spanish outside their homes, while 82% of post-revolution immigrants relied on Spanish for the 15

16 news and 90% spoke only Spanish outside their homes. Both statistics show a much larger emphasis on making the effort to acculturate from early Cuban immigrants. Politically speaking the results are no different. With little to no exceptions, the Cuban Americans who have taken political office are typically immigrants from the early 1960 s or the children of those immigrants. The leadership of first wave immigrants comes almost exclusively from first-wave immigrants and their children. They were politically powerful, economically successful, and organizationally skilled which lead to the domination of the public arena specifically towards US-Cuba policy. The problem was, as more postrevolution Cuban immigrants began to come to the US, the Cuban Americans in power began to represent a smaller portion of the overall Cuban American public opinion Barberia 2002, pg. 832). Perhaps the most eyebrow-raising of all the statistics is the percentage of Cuban immigrants who have applied for citizenship. As of 2000, nationwide only 26 percent of eligible 1990s émigrés had taken out citizenship, a prerequisite for voting. In contrast, 92 percent of émigrés were citizens (Eckstein 2006 pg. 302). The fact that only 26% of post 1990 immigrants had taken out citizenship speaks to a lack of effort to assimilate to American culture. Meanwhile, first-wave immigrants had nearly all taken out citizenship, which shows the importance they placed on assimilating. Post-revolution immigrants came to America chasing economic advancement, but early Cuban immigrants came chasing the complete American 16

17 dream. For the most part, these first-wave Cubans have done exactly that. Not only have they in many cases achieved the American dream, but they are now (and have been for quite some time) contributing to what America is. They may not be living the standard Anglo-American life, but they are in many ways contributing to it. So often in today s society Americans talk about the immigrant experience. When elections come around, the minority populations become a focal point for those in power, and the issue of immigration takes center stage. However, as is the case with Cubans, the immigrants experience greatly varies. No one group of Hispanics is the same as the other, and moreover, no group of Hispanics is the same across the board. Cuban Americans cover the entire spectrum; from wealthy to poor, white to black, politically involved to politically apathetic, and as of late even Democrat to Republican. With this disparity, Cuban Americans have had a very different Immigrant experience. The first-wave immigrants have had a truly remarkable experience assimilating to the United States and its culture. From sparking the growth of a now major city, to being deeply involved politically on a national level. These Cuban Americans have set the bar for other immigrant groups to try and replicate. Unfortunately, more recent members of their own immigrant group have had a less favorable experience. Post 1990 Cuban Americans have had significantly more trouble assimilating and climbing the social/political ladder. They have not worked their ways in to the upper class social clubs, or into political positions of power. So 17

18 yes, Cuban Americans are Hispanic, and proudly so, but they certainly do face their own troubles with a cohesive identity. That being said, perhaps this is the new norm for Hispanics. America is a nation with citizens across all classes and of many different races, why should Hispanics be any different. The future of Hispanics in the United States may very well look like the Cuban Americans today. Maybe that is what assimilation truly is? After all, if all Hispanics fit the mold of a specific group of White Anglo-Saxon Protestants then it would not be a true representation of what America is today. Bibliography 1. Eckstein, Susan. "Cuban Émigrés and the American Dream." Perspectives on Politics 4.02 (2006): n. pag. American Political Science Association. Web. 2. Bueso, Lara M. "Cubans: Anomaly or Pioneers?" Thesis. Rollins College, n.d. Web. 3. Alejandro Portes. "Immigrants' Attainment: An Analysis of Occupation and Earnings among Cuban Exiles in the United States." In R.M. Hauser (eds.) Social Structure and Behavior: Essays in Honor of William Hamilton Sewell, (New York: Academic Press, 1982): Eckstein, Susan, and Lorena Barberia. "Grounding Immigrant Generations in History: Cuban Americans and Their Transnational Ties." International Migration Review (2002): Web. 20 Oct Rich Wilbur, Dario Moreno. Cuban-American Political Empowerment Print. < 6. Pew Research Center. Taylor, Paul, Mark Lopez, Jessica Martínez, and Gabriel Velasco. "When Labels Don't Fit: Hispanics and Their Views of Identity." Hispanic Trends Project (2012): 1-5. Pew Research Center. Web. 7. Nevarez, Griselda. "AP Poll: Racial prejudice against blacks and Latinos has risen." VOXXI. N.p., Web. 8. Gonzalez-Pando, Miguel. Greater Miami: Spirit of Cuban Enterprise. 1st ed. Fort Lauderdale, FL: Copperfield Publications Inc., Print. 18