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1 This article was downloaded by:[university of Queensland] On: 22 March 2008 Access Details: [subscription number ] Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: Registered office: Mortimer House, Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK Asian Population Studies Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: THE ROLE OF TEMPORARY MIGRATION IN RURAL HOUSEHOLD ECONOMIC STRATEGY IN A TRANSITIONAL PERIOD FOR THE ECONOMY OF VIETNAM Bang Nguyen Pham; Peter S. Hill Online Publication Date: 01 March 2008 To cite this Article: Pham, Bang Nguyen and Hill, Peter S. (2008) 'THE ROLE OF TEMPORARY MIGRATION IN RURAL HOUSEHOLD ECONOMIC STRATEGY IN A TRANSITIONAL PERIOD FOR THE ECONOMY OF VIETNAM', Asian Population Studies, 4:1, To link to this article: DOI: / URL: PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Full terms and conditions of use: This article maybe used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, re-distribution, re-selling, loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. The accuracy of any instructions, formulae and drug doses should be independently verified with primary sources. The publisher shall not be liable for any loss, actions, claims, proceedings, demand or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material.

2 THE ROLE OF TEMPORARY MIGRATION IN RURAL HOUSEHOLD ECONOMIC STRATEGY IN A TRANSITIONAL PERIOD FOR THE ECONOMY OF VIETNAM Bang Nguyen Pham and Peter S. Hill Rural to urban migration has been a central outcome of, and a key contributor to the rapid economic growth in Vietnam since Much of the policy and research attention given to migration flows have focused on permanent migration. This paper conceptualizes temporary migration from rural to urban areas and discusses the role of temporary migration in the rural household economy from the point of view of returned migrants. The paper uses qualitative data from the 2003 Young and Family Study conducted in four rural communes, substantially supplemented by a review of secondary data, to assess the nature and determinants of temporary migration. The data suggest that temporary migration is an important part of rural household economic strategy in this transitional period of the economy of Vietnam. KEYWORDS: temporary migration; rural household economy; Vietnam Introduction The relationship between migration and development has emerged as one of the biggest concerns in sustainable socio-economic development of countries in Asia and particularly in the South-east Asia region. Studies in China, Vietnam, India and Indonesia show that internal migration is rising in those countries, and it has been identified as an important factor contributing to economic growth and poverty reduction in communities at both origin and destination. However, internal migration is still often regarded as a negative factor by policy-makers and the potential of internal migration is still severely limited by policies designed to discourage it (Deshingkar 2006). Given its importance to economic growth and its political significance, there is a need for a better understanding of internal migration at the country level. Rural to urban migration has been identified as the main flow of internal migration in Asia and the South-east Asia region. The impacts of such migration on socio-economic development have been articulated in various studies. For example, Adger et al. (2002) argued that rural to urban migration, as a part of demographic change, has had both financial and social impacts on communities and individuals and that remittances from migrants have had positive effects on social resilience and stimulate rural economic growth. Asian Population Studies, Vol. 4, No. 1, March 2008 ISSN print/ online/08/ Taylor & Francis DOI: /

3 58 BANG NGUYEN PHAM AND PETER S. HILL While our understanding of permanent rural to urban migration has improved, in contrast, the role of temporary rural to urban migration, referred to as temporary migration in this paper, remains poorly documented and largely unexplored (Nguyen 2001a; Brauw & Harigaya 2004). Recognition of this type of migration has been recently emerging as a result of the socio-economic transformation in Vietnam. In this paper, we analyse the role of temporary migration as one of the economic strategies adopted by a large number of households in rural areas of Vietnam. The relationship between temporary migration and household economy is, however, much more complex than what is recognized in the current migration discussion (Zhang et al. 2006). Temporary migration has been adopted by many households ranging from the poor, the average to the better-off (Cramb et al. 2004), and the household economy is strengthened through migration (Tsutsui 2004). We argue that temporary migration is an important economic strategy for rural households, who use it to cope with the challenges as well as to take advantage of the changes brought about by economic reform in the current transitional period for Vietnam. Temporary migration enables the extension of the rural household economy into the larger urban economy, and through that, such migration makes a significant contribution to the improvement of household living standards and to the development of the national economy as a whole. Defining Temporary Migration in Vietnam Temporary migration is not readily defined. Bell and Ward (2000) defined it as any spatial displacement that does not involve a permanent change of residence. In this paper, temporary migration is defined on the basis of five direct dimensions, recommended by Brown and Bell (2005) in their paper on measuring temporary migration. These dimensions are: (1) movement intensity, (2) duration of stay, (3) frequency of movement, (4) periodicity and (5) seasonality. The term temporary migration, as used in this paper, refers to a specific type of population movement with the main flows being from rural to urban areas. Temporary migration mostly occurs within the country s boundaries although it also happens across borders. In temporary migration, migrants themselves initiate the process and participate voluntarily in it. They are responsible for their decisions on migration and for all the costs incurred during the migration process. This is in contrast to much of the permanent migration that occurs in Vietnam that is initiated and subsidized by the government. Temporary migrants leave their places of origin for an urban destination with the intention to return to their origin after a short period of time. However, they may also decide to stay permanently in an urban area. Permanent migration is associated with the intention of a long-term change in place of residence. However, the differentiation between temporary and permanent migration based on the intention to stay in the destination is not satisfactory. Importantly, the intention to stay permanently in a destination is not always immediately identified, as it depends largely on whether migrants attain satisfactory conditions with respect to housing and employment. Furthermore, due to their social ties with the place of origin, as well as difficulties at their destination, migrants also use temporary migration as a transitional step to explore opportunities, as well as to cope with challenges during the transitional period before

4 TEMPORARY MIGRATION IN VIETNAM 59 securing conditions to move to a further destination or to settle permanently (Djamba et al. 1999; Nguyen 2001b). One of the common types of permanent migration in Vietnam is organized migration, which refers to government-initiated, financially-supported migration. This organized migration involves a forced change of permanent residence (Dang 2006). This type of migration has occurred over the last 30 years with the flows from urban to rural areas or from one rural area to another (Dang et al. 1997; Dang 1998). Organized migration still happens but on a much smaller scale. Temporary migrants reside in urban areas for a limited duration, often defined as less than six months. However, many of them do not have residential registration in urban areas, even on a temporary basis. In reality, it is impractical to seek registration because temporary migration often involves multiple moves and each move can be more or less than six months, with many migrants unable to remember exactly the time they move or return. Temporary migration is characterized by multiple moves. In the Vietnamese context, spontaneous migration is also defined as another type of migration (Dang et al. 1997; Guest 1998). Both temporary migration and spontaneous migration are associated with multiple movements, often originating from a rural area, initiated at a household and individual level, following a particular pattern and more likely relying on an established family or social network. However, temporary migration is slightly different from spontaneous migration in terms of destination. While spontaneous migration is also often used to refer to an internal movement of population from a rural to another rural area, mostly to the Central Highlands region (United Nations 2004), the concept of temporary migration is often applied to indicate a specific movement of population from rural to urban areas and mostly to large urban centres, including movements back to the place of origin and movements on to another urban area. In terms of seasonality, temporary migration is, to some extent, similar to seasonal migration. But unlike seasonal migration, temporary migration can occur at any time at regular or irregular intervals, depending more on job availability in urban areas, rather than on seasonal push factors. It is not necessarily associated with the pattern of rural to urban movement during seasons of low demand for agricultural labour when farmers have more time available between two crops. Temporary migration also includes periodic return to individuals rural origins based on the requirements of agricultural work. Temporary migration is also distinguished from circular migration in the sense that temporary migration may turn into permanent migration with a permanent change in resident status in an urban area. In circular migration, the origin is also the destination and migrants follow a circular flow including commuting movements (Hugo 1982). However, a precise definition of temporary migration is not always obtained. Therefore, temporary migration is simply defined in this paper as a short absence away from home for economic purposes*it can include spontaneous, seasonal, or circular moves. Methodology The primary source of the data used in this paper is the 2003 Youth and Family Survey (YFS), supplemented by a comprehensive review of analytical studies on temporary migration available in Vietnam, including the data from the 2004 National Migration

5 60 BANG NGUYEN PHAM AND PETER S. HILL Survey (NMS). Qualitative analysis was used to explore perspectives of migrants and their parents on temporary migration as an important household economic strategy and the contribution of such migration to their household economic development. The findings were also discussed in relation to other migration studies in Asia. The YFS was conducted by the Institute of Sociology in collaboration with the Population Council in Vietnam in The overall objective of the YFS was to provide a full description of the transition to adulthood among young people living in rural areas in Vietnam through a study of four communes at varying levels of development. The YFS focused on a number of specific areas, including temporary migration in this transitional period for rural society and economy. The 2003 YFS used a multi-round approach to capture variation within livelihood activities. The first round of data collection was undertaken in May 2003 with a focus on young people, using interviews and group discussions. The second round was conducted in July 2003 and included interviews and group discussions with parents about the movement of their children to urban areas. Household questionnaires were also used to collect additional information at the household level and local statistical data were utilized to provide a description of the study context. The YFS used purposive sampling to target source communities. Based on the Human Poverty Index (HPI) of Vietnam in 2000 (Viet Nam 2000), four provinces with highranking and low-ranking values of HPI were selected, two each from the Red River Delta in the north and the Mekong River Delta in the south of Vietnam. One district identified as demonstrating average levels of socio-economic development was selected from each province. Communes were selected in consultation with local leaders at the district level, using the same criteria of average levels of socio-economic development. Finally, villages were randomly selected from the list of villages. Villages, considered to be outliers, and thus not representative of the whole commune in terms of socio-economic development, were excluded. TABLE 1 Socio-economic characteristics of study sites, Red River Delta Mekong River Delta Region Province District Commune Hanoi Gia Lam Hoi Xa Hung Yen Khoai Chau Ham Tu Dong Nai Vinh Cuu Thanh Phu Ben Tre Cho Lach Son Dinh, Population ,762 12,314 Households Land area (ha) Villages Agricultural land allocation 396 m 2 /labourer 458 m 2 / son 1055 m 2 / household members 25,000 m 2 / household Industrialization More prevalent Less prevalent More prevalent Less prevalent Migration Receiving/ Sending Receiving/sending Sending sending Poverty rate B1% About 10% About 4% About 10%

6 TEMPORARY MIGRATION IN VIETNAM 61 Table 1 shows differences in allocating agricultural land for households in four selected study sites. While in Hanoi the agricultural land area is calculated based on the number of labourers in the household (adults aged 1549), the allocation in Hung Yen is still based on the number of sons in the household. In Dong Nai agricultural land is allocated according to number of household members. In contrast, in Ben Tre, the land is equally divided to all households, regardless of household size. Hanoi and Dong Nai province not only export but also import a significant number of migrants from the surrounding areas. In contrast, Hung Yen and Ben Tre mainly send out migrants. Indeed, among the list of top 10 provinces exporting migrants, Hung Yen ranked the second in 2003; Ben Tre ranked the first in 2001 (Parliamentary Committee for Social Affairs 2005). In each selected village, 30 households were randomly selected from the list of households. One hundred people aged between 15 and 35 from those households were selected for the YFS. A total of 400 people were recruited from the four selected communes. They then participated in in-depth interviews and/or discussion groups. Demographic characteristics of the YFS sample are shown in Table 2. Unlike other studies on migration that focus on the destination, our study collected data on temporary migration at the rural places of origin by accessing migrants on their return from urban areas. Only transcripts from in-depth interviews with those migrants were analysed for this paper. Therefore, their perspectives may be different from those migrants who currently remain at their urban destination. The proportion of participants involved in temporary migration varied from one village to another, being highest in Hung Yen (about 50 per cent) and lowest in Hanoi (about 20 per cent). Additionally, this sampling approach is more likely to capture married adults than single adults because the field observation suggested that married people more frequently return home than do the unmarried. The views of married migrants may not be the same as those of unmarried ones. TABLE 2 Demographic characteristics of YFS population (n400, in percentages). Red River Delta Mekong River Delta Region Province District Commune Hanoi Gia Lam Hoi Xa Hung Yen Khoai Chau Ham Tu Dong Nai Vinh Cuu Thanh Phu Ben Tre Cho Lach Son Dinh Sex Male Female Age Below Marital status Single Educational level Primary school Lower secondary Upper secondary Involvement in 6 months temporary migration B6 months Non-migrant

7 62 BANG NGUYEN PHAM AND PETER S. HILL The Emergence of Temporary Migration in the Socio-economic Transition of Vietnam The recent increase in temporary migration in Vietnam has been supported by three key factors: socio-economic reform, the relaxation of current migration-related policy, and new legislation regarding land ownership. The interactions among those factors have facilitated temporary migration flows from rural areas to urban areas. Since 1986, Doi Moi (economic renovation) has seen Vietnam gradually shift from a centrally planned economy to an open market economy. The gross domestic product (GDP) doubled in the 1990s, and grew annually at an average of 7.5 per cent during the period , reaching US$600 per capita in This halved the poverty rate from 58 per cent in 1993 to 20 per cent in 2004 (Viet Nam 2005). Despite rapid socio-economic development, poverty is still a major issue, particularly in rural areas, where about 73 per cent of the population is living. The poverty rate is five times higher in rural areas such as in the north-east, the north-west, Central Highlands and the North Central Coast compared with the average level of the whole country (Socialist Republic of Vietnam, 2005). According to the Living Standards Survey conducted by the General Statistics Office, the income gap between the top 10 per cent and the bottom 10 per cent of households has increased consistently, from 10 times to 13.5 times over the period (GSO 1995; Viet Nam 2005). Twenty years of Doi Moi policy has brought Vietnam great progress in socioeconomic development. With the shift from a centrally planned economy to a more market-oriented economy, people are no longer dependent on government subsidies to obtain their basic needs. The rapid development of business and services, particularly in the private sector, has led to an increase in urban-based job opportunities, many of which are on a casual basis. These economic opportunities have attracted people to move from rural to urban areas, creating temporary migration flows. Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh City (HCMC), the two largest urban centres in the north and the south of Vietnam, respectively, are the main destinations of temporary migrants (Tran, 1998). Between 1994 and 1999, more than five million people moved across provincial borders, and more than a half of them moved to Hanoi and HCMC. The number of migrants in HCMC has continuously increased over the last decade and now makes up about one-third of the city population (Truong et al. 1996; Tran 1998; GSO & UNFPA 2005; Parliamentary Committee for Social Affairs 2005; GSO 2007). After the introduction of the new Law on Land Use in 1993, agricultural land was redistributed to households. Subsequently, the land accumulation process has accelerated, leading to a differentiation of social classes in rural areas (Tsutsui 2004). The evolving transition in the rural economy has resulted in a gradual replacement of agricultural land by new public infrastructure such as roads, schools and government buildings. The loss of agricultural land to urbanization, industrialization and tourism has further contributed to the declining agricultural land area. Moreover a rapid decline in rice cultivated areas due to expansion of shrimp and fish farming has been recorded (Binh et al. 2005). The modernization of the agricultural labour force in particular has also released a large number of people from agricultural occupations in rural areas (Dang et al. 1997; GSO & UNFPA 2005). As a result, less agricultural labour is required resulting in reduced employment opportunities in rural areas for the agricultural labour force.

8 TEMPORARY MIGRATION IN VIETNAM 63 To improve or maintain their living standards, rural households must adopt a variety of economic strategies, including intensifying agricultural production and diversifying their economic activities in non-agricultural areas. Rural households intensify agricultural production by increasing the area being cultivated, extending intensity of cropping through irrigation, working longer hours in agriculture, greater use of fertilizers and pesticides, better selection of seeds, improvement of agricultural tools, application of modern technologies to agricultural production and diversification of agriculture (Adger et al. 2002; Cramb et al. 2004; Tsutsui 2004; Vien et al. 2006). As an alternative to these agricultural strategies, rural households may seek nonagricultural employment in urban areas. This strategy includes temporary movement to urban areas (Waddington 2003). In fact, rural households often adopt more than one strategy to diversify their economic activities in both agricultural and non-agricultural areas, in order to safeguard their livelihoods (Le Coq & Guy 2005). The country s economic reform requires a more flexible labour market with fewer restrictions upon population mobility. These needs are gradually undermining policies controlling rural to urban migration and forcing the country s policy-makers to adjust the migration policy (Forbes 1996). Indeed, internal migration has become an integral component of the national economic transition. Although the household residential registration system still exists to control population movement to urban areas, the system no longer hinders people s movement to the extent it did in the past. Along with rapid urbanization, information access*particularly through the internet*has dramatically increased in urban centres over the last decade. The development of physical infrastructure and transportation has facilitated population mobility, and telephone communication has enhanced social contacts between rural and urban areas. Economic growth has led to rapid social changes including changes in young people s perception of social values, with Western values now more likely to be accepted and adopted among young people, particularly in urban areas. The higher labour demand in urban areas has led to a situation where people in rural areas can use temporary migration as a feasible option for them to access cash incomes while still maintaining a foothold in rural households. The most responsive to this economic opportunity are young people. Although they move to work in urban areas, they are tied to their rural origins with a complex social network of family relationships, fundamental civil rights and social duties. For example, their right to the use of household agricultural land and their obligations to military service remain the same during their absence. In contrast, legal barriers and lack of social support in urban areas prevent them from fully integrating into urban society (Tran 1998). With higher living costs and unstable employment in urban areas, many people choose temporary migration as a strategy to cope with such difficult circumstances. Temporary migration also reduces the cost of shelter at the destination, and hence generates additional savings. In most cases, the outcome of the temporary migration process is diversification of livelihoods and increased flow of household income, leading to the improvement of living conditions in the household of origin. Furthermore, temporary migration contributes to the socio-economic development of rural areas through the expansion of the exchange of goods between the urban and rural economy (Dang et al. 1997). A recent study in Vietnam and China also indicates that wage employment and diversification beyond agriculture are associated with higher living standards during the economic reform era in both countries (Korinek et al. 2006).

9 64 BANG NGUYEN PHAM AND PETER S. HILL In Vietnam, migrants have become an important source of labour in urban areas and industrial zones (Truong et al. 1996; Dang 1999). Each year, about 1.7 million young people enter the labour force. With the current country target to have 45 per cent of the population living in urban areas by 2020, it is obvious that the movement of people from rural to urban areas will be the main means to achieve the goal of urbanization. This is especially important now because the nationwide total fertility rate (TFR) has reached the replacement level of 2.1 and the TFR of urban areas is even lower than that of rural areas, 1.9 compared with 2.2. A declining trend in TFR is predicted to continue in the future (Parliamentary Committee for Social Affairs 2005; UNFPA 2006). Temporary Migration as a Household Economic Strategy Migration, particularly temporary migration, has become a feasible option for young people and their families in this transitional period. Migration to the Central Highland region, which was a key economic strategy for many rural households in both lowland and highland areas of Vietnam over the last two decades, has been slowing down in recent years (Hardy 2000; Ito 2003). Meanwhile, temporary migration to urban areas is increasing and has gradually become an important component in the development of the rural household economy. Temporary Migration as a Response of Rural Household to Socio-economic Changes The socio-economic reforms of the last two decades have impacted on all households. The traditional household autonomy, lost during the immediate postunification period, has been gradually re-established under Doi Moi. The issuance of certificates of land use and house ownership in both urban and rural areas has activated household autonomy. Rural households are now able to hire workers. They are also able to rent or buy properties in urban areas, something that was very difficult or impossible to do in the past. Members of rural households have responded promptly to such changes by temporarily migrating to urban areas while still retaining their legal status in rural areas. This economic strategy does not only sustain their agricultural economic activities, but also allows them to diversify to non-agricultural economic activities such as retail, peddling and other urban jobs. Our study shows that although most people make migration decisions by themselves, the involvement of other family members, such as parents, brothers and sisters in the discussion and consultations on the possible move is even more important. Previous studies stressed the importance of critical decision-making points at an individual level (Zhang et al. 2001, 2006). According to the 2004 NMS, one-third of males and onefifth of females reported that they decided on their own to migrate to urban areas (GSO & UNFPA 2005). However, the findings from our study suggest that temporary migration is adopted by a larger number of rural households as a household economic strategy, rather than it being an individual response to the economic change. Indeed, this point was stressed by both migrants and their parents in almost all interviews and discussions. It is more likely a joint decision of household members, rather than one being made by an individual. The discussion on who will go, where to go and how to arrange work is

10 TEMPORARY MIGRATION IN VIETNAM 65 discussed carefully among household members. Once a family member leaves home, agricultural tasks and housework are often shared among those left behind. In most cases, the rearrangement of household labour assignments is organized before a household member migrated to an urban area. There are many things to say. First is because of my family economy, second is because of my children s future. Therefore, I have to create a condition for my wife. If my wife stays at home, we can share the work with each other but our economy is not stable so I want my wife to go out to work...in my family now, my wife is responsible for housework such as cooking and washing, but when she is tired or goes far away, I or my youngest brother will do it. Sometimes, my parents help. If I stay at home, I will do it. (Male, 24, married, Hung Yen) Indeed, temporary migration does not only impact on the division of labour in a household, but also leads to a change in gender roles in occupations. Thus, a study in 1997 showed that migration contributed to closing the gender gap in job and occupation distribution by increasing women s autonomy in job seeking (Djamba et al. 2000). In our study, a significant number of females were observed working in traditionally male occupations, such as construction and, in contrast, many males reported doing housework and taking care of their children during their wives migration. Temporary migrants often leave their parents, spouse and children behind when they move to urban centres. By limiting the number of dependants, migrants reduce living costs in urban destinations and are able to save more money to remit to their families. It is not uncommon for households to have a missing generation in rural areas of Vietnam, with only the children and the elderly remaining at home while most working-age people leave for work somewhere else. Grandparents take care of their grandchildren and do the housework while their adult children are away for work. Old people can manage the agricultural work by themselves or they hire labourers to work for them and let their children move to work elsewhere. Our study suggests that temporary migration to urban areas is more economically effective than agricultural work. However, it raises a concern about the social wellbeing of those left behind and the remaining labour force engaged in agriculture. This concern is also shared in a recent paper on migration in Asian countries (Nguyen et al. 2006). Yes, I have two children living far away and they sometimes send me some money. So, our lives get better thanks to the money they send home. Our children go home maybe once or twice a year because they are busy and do not have time to visit us...both men and women go. Each family now just has an adult at home, others work far away. (Group discussion of mothers, Ben Tre) Like other forms of self-initiated migration, temporary migrants rely on support from relatives and other household members. Indeed, social networks including family members, extended relatives, friends, neighbours and other villagers are their first source of social support (Dang 1999; Djamba et al. 2000). It is likely that such kind of support is a fundamental factor influencing decisions to move. We are villagers. We cannot survive there. We must have some relatives in our family if we want to go there. Without their support, we do not know where to eat and where to live. (Male, 19, married, Dong Nai)

11 66 BANG NGUYEN PHAM AND PETER S. HILL About three quarters of temporary migrants in our study obtained information about jobs and their eventual destination from their relatives, parents or friends. They may also borrow money from their relatives in order to assist in paying for their migration costs, purchasing motorcycles, and providing initial living expenses. The earlier quotation from a young male indicates that people are reluctant to move without such support. Temporary Migration as a Tool for Searching for Employment in Urban Areas Temporary migration allows people to find a job outside agriculture. This is important for most rural households to supplement their agricultural livelihoods and find employment for excess labour. Our study shows that moving to large urban centres in search for jobs in the service sector is the preferred option, with most migrants moving directly to large urban centres. Nevertheless, a few people choose small towns as a transit point before they continue their move to large urban centres. The largest cohort of temporary migrants moves to large urban centres, smaller groups migrate to industrial zones and only a few individuals go to small towns. Other studies indicate that flows of migration to Hanoi and HCMC are on the increase while flows to smaller towns and to rural areas are on the decrease (Tran 1998; GSO & UNFPA 2005; GSO 2007). Our study shows that temporary migration links rural households with economic opportunities at the destination and helps migrants integrate into employment networks and gain access to geographically dispersed labour markets spontaneously established by migrants in new urban areas or areas close to highly populated suburbs where extensive construction sites offer employment. Apart from the private sector and urban households, the public sector also recruits temporary migrants to work on construction sites because of their lower salaries. Once temporary migrants have built their employment networks, they easily find jobs by themselves. They can also obtain work directly from co-workers or employers. I know him. When a job is available there, he telephones me and I go...i gave him my contact and he gave me his telephone number... There are some people from this village working over there. We look for jobs and go together. (Male, 32, married, Dong Nai) Most temporary migrants obtained a job quickly at the destination, often during the first few weeks of stay, through either an employment market or their employment networks. Thus, the 2004 NMS indicates that about a quarter of the migrants obtained their first job during the first week in the destination and almost all were able to find a job during the first month at the destination (Dang & Nguyen 2005; GSO & UNFPA 2005). However, females are likely to take more time than males to find their first job. Our study reveals that this may be a result of female migrants needing more time to settle down in a new place before they start looking for a job. In addition, temporary migrants returning from smaller towns reported more difficulties in finding a job than those who had returned from larger urban centres like Hanoi and HCMC. This reflects a greater availability of jobs in larger urban centres and the preference of temporary migrants for moving to large urban centres. Previous studies show that migrants undertake various types of job. For example, the most common work of migrants in HCMC were reported as construction (30 per cent),

12 TEMPORARY MIGRATION IN VIETNAM 67 service (30 per cent), and housework (10 per cent) (Tran, 1998). Our study shows that a majority of males work in construction sites in new urban areas and that they prefer working on private houses. House building is likely to be the most available job for male migrants in the urban area. We can be paid a lump sum for the whole construction or by daily wages. For those migrants who work for a master they have a long-term job, but lower payment. In contrast, those working on daily basis receive a higher wage. (Male, 25, married, Ben Tre) In contrast, the largest proportion of females reports working in shops, small private business or housework. There has been increasing number of female migrants working as housemaids for urban families. The term Oshin, adopted from a Japanese soap opera film with the same title, used to describe housemaid, has become a part of Vietnamese modern vocabulary. Oshin has become a common job in urban centres, attracting a large number of temporary female migrants. They may choose to stay with the family they work for or rent a room to live separately. They may work for a few hours per day for one or a few families at the same time. The job ranges from a few months to a few years. However, a few female migrants are also able to work on construction sites if other jobs are not available. I worked as an assistant in a market for half a month. They gave me quite enough money. When I wanted to buy something else, they gave me about 100,000VND or 200,000VND. 1 When I was sick, they also gave me money for medicine...it was not a very long time. Then, I sold drinking water for about six months, and I came home...i can do any job because I am fed up with staying at home. I have an uncle who invited me to work with him. I am going early tomorrow morning. I do not know whether I can work there for long...they work in a construction site and I will stay there. They have eight people. I will do the housework and cook for them. (Female, 21, single, Ben Tre) Our data suggest that temporary migrants in Hanoi are most likely to work in the private sector, while those in Dong Nai and Hung Yen tend to work in new industrial zones. People in Ben Tre prefer working in HCMC rather than working in their own town. Temporary Migration as a Strategy to Secure Household Survival in the Economic Transition An important factor that increased the social vulnerability of households was the breakdown of agricultural collectives in rural areas in the 1990s (Adger 1999). The lack of land for cultivation, particularly in the Red River Delta, and a high underemployment rate in rural areas have been documented in previous studies (Hardy 2000; Cramb et al. 2004). This is an important factor pushing people to look for jobs outside of agriculture. As a result of urbanization and industrialization, the area of land available for rice production has further declined at both national and household levels, obligating young people to look for jobs in the industrial or service sectors. According to GSO and UNFPA (2005), half of the migrants reported that looking for jobs was their main reason for moving. The recent high rate of economic growth has enabled people to find jobs in the industrial or service sector.

13 68 BANG NGUYEN PHAM AND PETER S. HILL One woman in our study decided to leave school to work in HCMC because of her family s poverty. She has a job that helps her support the basic needs of her family of 10 people. She stated that: Because my family was too crowded, we were in difficulty. My father was away. I had to work. I have many younger sisters and brothers. Ten in all. I like school, but because of our poverty I had to drop out. I have worked there for four years. I can buy chinaware and food and supplement the family expenses. (Female, 25, married, Ben Tre) Although the amount of remittances from migrants tends to be small, they remain a very important financial source for sustaining households of origin. Remittances from migrants have become an indispensable part of rural households income and many rely on this money for daily expenditures, especially for health care. When my mother got ill I was in grade 5 or 6. My father financed expenses for the family. Then my grandmother took responsibility for financing my family since my father left home 56 years ago. My brother has had his job for about 34 years. And he started financing the family only during the last 23 years. (Female, 19, single, Ben Tre) A previous study shows that poor households devoted 20 per cent of their income to health care, compared with 10 per cent in households above the poverty line (Segall et al. 2002). According to the 1993 Vietnam Living Standard Survey, remittances contributed to more than one-third of rural household s expenditure. The 2004 NMS also found that about two-thirds of families reported are using remittances for household expenditure. In the social context of Vietnam, where social insurance and institutional support are still weak, particularly in rural areas, remittances from migrants are a vital source of money for elderly people, most of whom do not have a pension or any social support. Indeed, interviews with parents show that remittances account for a large share of household expenditure and contribute to improving household living conditions. My children have all gone to work and sometimes send me money because they know that I only do gardening and do not have much money. I can t do anything else. Yes, when they were small, it was very hard for us to bring them up and now as they have grown up and got a job, they help us a lot in our life...so, it is true that all parents, whose children work far from home, get some money from their children. (Group discussion of mothers, Ben Tre) However, the migration process itself puts migrants, particularly females in more socially vulnerable situations (Lomnitz 1977; Waddington 2003). Temporary migrants are more likely to face problems with health, housing and access to public services than nonmigrants (GSO & UNFPA 2005). Studies also suggest that female migrants are more likely to be sexually abused (Wu & Inglis 1992; Rushing 2006). To minimize those risks, temporary migrants often stay together, providing security in a new environment. Established migrant networks encourage younger and less experienced migrants to follow senior and more experienced migrants. As a result, new temporary migrants are most likely to move to where their relatives and friends are staying. This results in an expansion of their social network and in the long term, it will structure new temporary migration flows to particular urban areas. Many temporary migrants are dependent on their relatives for shelter. The 1997 Migration and Health Survey found that nearly half of migrants obtained accommodation

14 TEMPORARY MIGRATION IN VIETNAM 69 assistance (Dang 2001) and the migration statistics of HCMC in 2005 showed that threequarters of temporary migrants rented houses (Parliamentary Committee for Social Affairs 2005). In our study, the data suggest that females are more likely than males to seek assistance from their relatives. Those migrants who do not have support from relatives, often join together to rent a small room of 4.4 square metres and share the cost around 50,000 VND per person per month. 2 Other migrants may choose to stay individually in temporary lodgings and pay the rent, of about 3000 VND per night. 3 Otherwise, they may stay with other co-workers at construction sites, without paying rent. These shelters are often in poor condition, unsanitary and unhygienic, with a lack of safe water supply and electricity (Deshingkar et al. 2006). Temporary Migration as a Strategy to Secure Household Income Rural households secure their income by sending household members to work in non-agricultural employment while those left behind continue with agricultural work. All four brothers in my family are working there as labourers. Two younger sisters work in Saigon. They do shoe shining. My parents do gardening at home. We have three plots and plant longan. It is easy but we only get several million dong per year. It s not much. When I dropped out of school to work as a labourer to help my family, my uncles had that job so they asked me to do it. (Male, 28, married, Ben Tre) Most temporary migrants are aware of difficulties they could face during the migration process and at the destination, but they also fully recognize the needs of their families and their responsibility in helping the origin household survive. As a result, they are willing to try a variety of jobs available to them in urban areas. In general, my contribution is very small because I am only involved in agricultural production and it depends on whether the crop is bumper or not. Income is small while expenses are large. It takes several months for some sào 4 of paddy field to ripen enough to harvest, earning me some few hundred thousand dong only. For example only after several months can I harvest one sào of beans. This earns me 500,000 dong in which expenses cover as many as 200,000 to 300,000 dong and finally, there is not much left... We try selling soft drink, mainly for local people during hot weather. However, it doesn t make much profit because people here are poor, too. We have to narrow down our business. There was a time I worked as a vendor of longan in Hanoi but I quit it for this job. Generally speaking, not only I, but also other people here, want to improve their family s economic condition. I m still young and sometimes I don t know what to do. (Male, married, 24, Hung Yen) Importantly, temporary migration generates income for many rural households. By supporting some members to temporarily migrate to urban centres, and by undertaking a variety of jobs, rural households attempt to diversify their economic activities to secure a sufficient income to survive. Our study indicates that the incomes of temporary migrants are mainly reported at between 0.8 million and 1.4 million VND per month. 5 With this income, after deducting living costs, a migrant can save 300,000 up to 600,000 VND per month on average. 6 Although these amounts may not be accurate due to recall biases or reluctance to talk about money, it offers an indication of the income level and savings rate

15 70 BANG NGUYEN PHAM AND PETER S. HILL of temporary migrants. A majority of temporary migrants have benefited from their move and they earn more than they could in agricultural work. However, temporary migrants tend to earn the lowest income compared with other types of migrants (Li 2006). Previous studies showed that temporary migrants earn as little as two-thirds of the income of permanent migrants and only a half of the income of nonmigrants (Nguyen 2001a). This trend was also found in the 2004 NMS when the incomes of various migrant groups were compared, confirming the disadvantage of temporary migrants in the labour market. Additionally, our study finds that temporary migrants who have support from relatives at their destination are more likely to save and remit than those without such support. This is because they are more likely to get a better job in a shorter time, so they can save more. However, not all migrants are able to remit, especially those without support from relatives at the destination. Some temporary migrants keep sending home remittances until they get married or settle down permanently at the destination at which point they feel that they have fulfilled, to some extent, their responsibilities with those left behind and that it is time to save money for their own family. In these circumstances, the left behind, particularly their parents, often understand and accept their decision. I sent some when I was single. I send money home once a year*about one million. But I haven t sent any after I got married because my parents won t take it. I should spend my money for my own family and my child. (Female, 25, married, Dong Nai) Many temporary migrants can save enough money to buy household equipment such as a television or a motorcycle. In some cases, they are able to build a new house. In a specific instance, the parents of a temporary migrant are very proud that their son and now daughter-in-law were able to save enough money from their work in HCMC to build a new house for their family. One year after they married, they moved to a new house...that was with the money he and his wife made, not from our support. (Female, 47, married, Ben Tre) Agricultural products and commodity markets are also exchanged through the migration process and the movement of migrants (GSO & UNFPA 2005). Migration leads to a shift in the rural economy and social relations including improvements in individual socio-economic status and income of the origin household (Dang 1999). The impacts of remittances on the rural economy and society are much more complicated than the current simple economic view (Zhang et al. 2006). For example, remittances sent back home by rural to urban migrants have contributed to the accumulation of capital for local investment, economic development, social wellbeing, and human development including child s education, nutrition and health. Indeed, our study indicates that remittances contribute significantly to improvements of household living standards, changing local social culture and lifestyle in diverse ways, enhancing household consumption, building houses, and purchasing transportation and household appliances. Remittances spent on house building may have further impacts on local economic diversification such as non-farm job creation affecting the demand and supply of the local economy through construction and transportation businesses and stimulating the local labour market and industrialization in rural areas. As an outcome, the rural household economy is enhanced with temporary migration that facilitates the integration of the rural economy into the urban economy.

16 TEMPORARY MIGRATION IN VIETNAM 71 Conclusion In the paper, temporary migration in Vietnam has been defined on the basis of five recommended dimensions: intention of stay, duration of migration, frequency of movement, periodicity of return and seasonality. The emergence of temporary migration has been analysed in the context of transition from the centrally planned economy into a market-based economy. The role of temporary migration in the rural household economy has been analysed from the returned migrants perspective. Although this approach has limited generalization of findings, it provides a new point of view on temporary migration from the rural household perspective. Temporary migration appears to be an effective household economic strategy to cope with the challenges in the transition of the rural economy into an urban-based economy as well as to take advantages of economic opportunities brought about by economic reform. Together with other economic strategies, temporary migration has become an important part of the rural household economy in Vietnam. These central arguments are built on the basis of four essential arguments. Firstly, that temporary migration is a household response to socio-economic change. The paper provides evidence of extensive discussions among household and family members as to who would move, how they would ensure a successful migration and how to rearrange workloads among those who are left behind. The evidence shows that support from household members and relatives is an important factor in determining whether one will get involved in temporary migration or not. To safeguard the move, one household member, usually a younger member moves first, and then others follow. Inexperienced migrants also tend to accompany experienced ones. This finding suggests that understanding temporary migration within the broader household strategy would provide insights into current patterns and the future of migration in Vietnam. Secondly, temporary migration is an effective tool for job-searching in urban areas. The large scale presence of temporary migrants has established labour markets in urban centres where potential employers can find workers and where temporary migrants are able to find jobs. The flows of temporary migrants have also created employment networks where migrants can contact employers directly. We noted that it is not only the urban households and the private sector that recruit temporary migrants for casual jobs because of their low pay; the public sector does the same. Furthermore, our study found that a large volume of young female migrants have been absorbed as household helpers in urban families. The borrowed term Oshin indicating such kinds of job have become popular in modern Vietnamese vocabulary. However, in general, there has been little evidence that temporary migrants used official employment support systems to search for jobs. Thirdly, temporary migration reduces potential vulnerabilities during the migration process. The migration process itself puts migrants, particularly female migrants, in more socially vulnerable situations in terms of poor housing, social insecurity, sexual abuse and other health risks associated with sexual behaviour. To minimize those risks, temporary migrants stick together, following a path that provides a sense of security in their new environment. Doing so reduces the cost of their housing and maximizes the support they can get from their social and migrant networks. This finding suggests that in the long-term, temporary migration flows will structure patterns of migration in particular areas.