The Strength Of Religious, Local Elite And Political Identity Dynamics Democracy In Indonesia

Transcription

1 The Strength Of Religious, Local Elite And Political Identity Dynamics Democracy In Indonesia Author: Nurul Azizah (Dr., MA., M.Pd.I., S.Ag), Ibrahimy University of Situbondo Co Author :Mohammad Armoyu (Dr., MM., Drs), Ibrahimy University of Situbondo Abstract There have been significant changes in Indonesia s political situations, shifting from authoritarian regime to democratization and from centralization to decentralization. Hegemony is then employed by Indonesia s religious elite to reach and maintain their power. According to Gramsci s theory, hegemony is the term used to denote the predominance of one social class over others, which then leads to the emergence of identity politics. The implementation of hegemony of religion and identity politics also occur in east areas of East Java: Situbondo, Bondowoso, Jember and Banyuwangi. It shows that religious elite have the biggest influence on the regional elections in these areas, and that identity politics is done by implementing hegemony of religion for reaching and maintaining power. The research questions in this study include : (1) why does hegemony implemented by the religious elite form identity politics?; and (2) how is the implementation of client patron in the mass movement? This study is a qualitative phenomenological research. The data collection methods used are in-depth interview, observation, documentation, and triangulation. The subjects of this study are four Regents, four Vice Regents, and eight religious elites. The results of this study suggest that hegemony of religion and identity politics create harmonious conditions for all society levels through two important things, i.e. (1) hegemony is not used as the way to manipulate the society for the sake of fulfilling economic needs and power politics, (2) the existence of power sharing and client patron, as well as the balance of identity politics among groups in a governmental structure. Keywords: hegemony of religion, identity politics, governmental structure.

2 INTRODUCTION Since the Law No. 32/2004 on Direct Regional Election was enacted, there has been a significant change regarding the 2015 s Direct Regional Election in which Governors, Regents, Mayors are elected simultaneously in all areas in Indonesia. This is in contrast to the previous years election system which was carried out separately, depending on the end of their term of office. Such change is marked by the enactment of the Law No. 1/2015 (Law on amendment) regarding local elections in Indonesia. East Java is one of many provinces that conduct Regional Election simultaneously. As the second largest province after West Java, its population reaches 42 million people. In this regard, this province has naturally referred to as the national political barometer which always plays a very significant role in influencing the national political map. In addition, this happens because it has a very high political dynamics. The level of heterogeneity is even higher than West Java and Central Java. Hence, it remains become a barometer of national political developments, raising the adage that to win national political contestation, one must make sure that he wins East Java prior to winning other provinces. In this study, the researcher focuses on the regional election in Tapal Kuda (Horseshoe) regions which include Situbondo, Bondowoso, Banyuwangi and Jember. 1 These regions are often considered as disadvantaged regions in East Java as they rank the lowest based on the map of Human Development Index in the province. Basically, major cities in these regions are Probolinggo, Jember, and Banyuwangi. The northern coastal areas of Tapal Kuda are also ones of the most economically strategic locations in Indonesia as they pass the main link between Java and Bali Islands. The role and hegemony of Kiai (a Javanese expert in Islam) in the eastern Tapal Kuda regions is very significant in winning the Regional election. These regions are a strong base of NU (Nahdatul Ulama) community and many more. Typically, the people who are very obedient to this so-called kiai are not only found in the former Residency of Besuki (Situbondo, Bondowoso, Banyuwangi, Jember). In addition, the Community in these regions is largely rural-based and communal (gemeinschaft, a social relations between individuals, based on close personal and family ties). Traditional and informal leaders (kiai, ulama, cleric, tribal chief, village head, etc.) play important role in determining political choices. Consequently, the 1 Tapal Kuda regions are names of area in East Java, precisely in the eastern zone. Such name was initially given because the shape of the area in the map is similar to that of a horseshoe. The area includes Pasuruan (Easter zone), Probolinggo, Lumajang, Jember, Situbondo, Bondowoso, and Banyuwangi.

3 potential for the emergence of Identity politics has a large portion in East Java due to the hegemony of the religious elite, and the role of these traditional and informal leaders. Surprisingly, incumbent victory and a newcomer s victory often happen in some districts during the direct election. This is due to the strong hegemony of religious elites to influence the community so that they can form identity politics and take control of the victory of several regional heads. In the context of political power, their role is very dominant in determining victory. Theoretical Framework a. Hegemony of Religion The role of religion, leader and power becomes an inseparable unity, including all election events, both local and legislative elections. Such unity will always be related to political conversations. Religion, for instance, seems to be a sensitive issue when discussed in terms of politics. This is initially believed that one, consciously or not, is currently being used by another as a means to achieve victory or take power. Religion, according to the Javanese s belief, is ageing ati or it is said the clothes of heart in Bahasa Indonesia which means religion is in the heart. According to P. Bourdeau, religion is a system of symbols which is formed and shapes a consensus for the meaning of the symbols and the meaning of this world. 2 In this case, religion becomes a belief that belongs to a person. Not without reason turning a religion as a belief, everyone surely expects the ultimate goal in life. In his book Agama dan Ideologi (say Religion and Ideology), JB Sudarmanto reveals religious people also expect a reason to justify the essence or existence of their religion, especially when having certain power. Max Weber says religion gives legitimacy of power to the ruling groups and over the people it takes control. In addition, it gives spiritual or supernatural dimension to the existing institutions and delivers meaning to the changing demands. 3 The spirit of religion which can give and lead to power often makes it used as a tool to perpetuate the power. Here, power that takes a shape as politics has now coloured various circles of societies, especially in Indonesia. 2 JB. Sudarmanto, Agama dan Ideologi, (Yogyakarta: Kanisius, 1987), p Ibid, p. 18.

4 In contrast, the understanding of religion offered by Karl Marx is much more extreme. According to Marx, the religion is the opium of the people. The Radical Marxism such as Lenin interprets religion as entirely negative. It lulls, poisons, and defuses people. That is why he expected the destruction of all doctrines and religious institutions when he came to power in his country. Marx s words, in any interpretation, criticize religion. According to him, it does not make man himself, but rather make something out of him which consequently causes him to be alienated from himself. Suffice to say, he adds, it is the source of human alienation. Here, his extreme opinion on religion is inseparable from his surroundings. According to Murtadho Mutahhari in Masyarakat dan Sejarah Kritik Islam atas Marksime dan Teori Lainnya (1787) (say Society and History of Islamic Criticism against Marxism and Other Theories), Marx argues that religion is a trap set by the ruling class (Bourgeoisie) to ensnare or lure the oppressed class of proletariat. If the class distinction fades away, then religion will naturally disappear because it is no longer needed as a trap. The idea of religion by radical Marxist group does see religion negatively. However, a ruler is able to hegemonize society with his/her policy. According to Aristotle, politics is an effort taken by citizens in realizing the common good. Along with this, various types of politics arise, including in Indonesia. Identity politics suddenly revolves post-reformation. Unfortunately it is not built to strengthen communal bonds, but brings up group fanaticism. In this case, ethnicity and religion become very vulnerable and violence in the name of religion, both in intra-faith and interfaith, becomes a choking scene. In many cases, tolerance among believers seems very low. The religion which is considered holy is proved to trigger a hatred that brings to violence. We do not want the words of a philosopher and religious psychologist, William James ( ), that good deeds become a mask and inner power is merely a primitive instinct to come true in this country. Political dominance in the majority-minority dichotomy becomes a hegemonic religious power. Not only is the action of mass intolerance that stands out, violence by the state is also difficult to prevent. In fact, the state should protect all elements of the nation in accordance with the mandates of the constitution. Again, religion brings tremendous influence on creating a desirable power.

5 Religious hegemony is usually carried out by local elites. The theory of elite initially came up after World War I and was adored by people in America. Such theory relies on the fact that every society is divided into two categories 4 : 1) A small group of capable human beings and with their capability they occupy a position and govern, and 2) A large number of masses destined to be governed. This basic concept which was born in Europe suggests that within the ruling class come the ruling elite and also their elite rival who can gain power through the masses if the ruling elite loses their ability to govern. What drives elites or elite groups playing an active role in politics is due to an inevitable or neglected humanitarian push to power. According to them, politics is a game of power and individuals accept the necessity to socialize and cultivate values to find expressions for their power achievement. If one goes into this elite theory, he will then know what underlies such theory is power as the ultimate goal. According to Meehan, without power, the elite theory and its groups will lose their meaning. 5 Here, political objectives are the things that force and encourage individuals to form groups and actualize themselves into the groups. b. What Is Identity Politics? In recent years, identity politics has occupied a special place. Some identity politics thinkers such as Ania Loomba, Homi K. Bhabha and Gayatri C Spivak have arisen. Basically, it is a construction that determines the position of the subject's interest in the bondage of a political community. Meanwhile, political identity refers to the political mechanisms of organizing identities (both political and social identities) as a political source and means. 6 The interpretation of identity politics as a political source and means in the struggle and seizure of political power is very possible and increasingly prominent in everyday s 4 SP. Varma. Teori Politik Modern. Jakarta. PT. Raja Grafindo Persada P Translated from Modern Political Theory (second edition, 1982) by Yohanes Kristiarto SL. et.al. edited by M. Tohir Effendi. 5 Eugene J. Meehan, Contemporary Political Thought, A Critical Study, Homewood, Illinois, The Dorsey Press. Inc, 1967, p Social identity determines the subject s position in its relation or social interaction (class, race, ethnicity, gender and sexuality) while political identity determines the subject in the community through a sense of ownership and also marks other objects within a distinction (nationality and citizenship). Arie Setyaningrum in Muhtar Haboddin, MA. Menguatnya Politik Identitas di Ranah Lokal dalam Politik Identitas in Renai: dinamika Politik di berbagai Daerah di Indonesia. No 2/ IX/2009. P. 40.

6 political practices. Here, it is only used as a tool to manipulate and to mobilize political power to meet economics achievement and political interests. At present, the phenomenon that religious elite enters into a political conspiracy to seek for power or money has often happened. According to Klaus Von Beyme, identity politics has three characteristics: (1) Identity movement which basically rebuilds a large narrative in which its principles are rejected and constructs a theory that controls biological factors as the constituent of fundamental differences in real life; (2) in the identity politics movement, there is a tendency to build a reverse apartheid system, (3) The weakness of this movement is the attempt to create a specific theory of science. 7 Based on these criteria, Von Beyme further analyzes by viewing identity politics through movement patterns, motivation and goals. The result of the analysis is described as follows: Table 6. Political Identity Models by Action Patterns and Movement Objectives Model Description Pattern Action Pattern Movement Objectives Pre-modern Objective disunity Ideologically Seizure of power (where there is a fundamental disunity, there must be a thorough social movement) mobilizing the leader s aspirations Modern Conditional approach Balance mobilization Power sharing (separation requires resources to mobilize) from the leader and participation from the people Post-modern Dynamics movement. Protests arise from a variety of individuals. No dominant disunity Self-awareness Autonomy Source: Ubed Abdilah in Muhtar, p See Ubed Abdillah in Muhtar Haboddin, MA. Menguatnya Politik Identitas di Ranah Lokal in Renai : Dinamika Politik di Berbagai Daerah di Indonesia. No 2/ IX/2009. p. 42.

7 Identity politics is considered problematic for democracy if it is seen from two main points. First, democracy was born and grows from the principle of equality and public rationality. At this level, identity politics/sect seeks to interrupt the democracy by making public choices anchored in primordial ties such as ethnicity and religion. It wouldn t be considered problematic as long as the quality, credibility and track record of the candidate are under consideration. However, it would bring up problems if emotional ties are higher than rational reasons. Secondly, identity politics is vulnerable to monolithic practices. Coercion of will as the embodiment of truth claim is feared to bring social segregation. The unity of a nation at this point will certainly find a very serious challenge. In the context of consolidating democracy for plural society such as in Indonesia, social cohesiveness is one of substantial democracy requirements in order to sustain and develop. Politically, the wave of identity politics colours the simultaneous regional election as an epicenter of power, a resonance which will occur in many regions in Indonesia. The Dynamics of Regional Heads Election in Situbondo, Bondowoso and Jember 1. Situbondo Regency Situbondo is one of regencies in East Java which is located in Tapal Kuda regions on the north Coast of Java Island. This regency is familiar for its slogan The City of Santri due to its massive number of pesanteren (Islamic Boarding School) such Salafiyah Syafi'iyah (KHR Azaim Ibrahimy, S.Sy), Walisongo (KHR Muhammad Kholil As'ad), Sumber Bunga (KH Syainuri Sufyan), Nurul Huda Peleyan (Habib Musthofa), Nurul Huda Paowan (KH Mursyid Romli). The societies in Situbondo are well known with their high nuance of religiosity and paternalistic society in which power from Kyai or religious elite become the determinant of policy and decision. There are two great kyai who become role models in this regency; KHR. Cholil As'ad as the head of Pesantren Walisongo in the West Zone and KHR. Azaim Ibrahimy as the head of Pesantren Salafiyah Syafi'iyah Sukorejo, the fourth leader replacing KHR. Ach. Fawaid As'ad Syamsul Arifin in the East Zone. In terms of the regional election, these two forces are the determinants for the victory of each candidate which is either supported by the West or East Kyai. This is the uniqueness of Situbondo; any professional will never win the election unless he/she is promoted by one of the kyai, stated the chairman of DPC PP Situbondo Muhyidin Khotib:

8 Situbondo is a unique region. All depends on what the Kyai says. If he says white, then all says the same thing. Similarly, if he says red, suddenly all says the same. Most of the people obey and answer to the Kyai. There is even a slogan in Maduranese Mate Odhik Norok Kyai which means alive or dead following kyai is a must. In the same way, when a candidate of regent is not granted by the Kyai s permission, he/she should not plan to run as a regent. There is a high possibility that he/she will never win. 8 The interview shows the level of compliance and community participation to the Kyai s commands is very high in Situbondo. Consequently, religious elite and hegemony in certain segments in traditional society is very controlling over the surrounding community. Further, they do not only teach or engage in devoting their time to pesantren, they also become political figures, regional leaders, ministers and even the president. In connection with the 2015 s election on December 9, 2015, three candidates are the descendents of Kyai; KH. Abdullah Faqih Gufron as the head of Pesantren Tanjung Glugur (Mangaran, Situbondo), KH. Abd Hamid Wahid a representative of Pesantren Nurul Jadid (Paiton Probolinggo) and KH. Fadil Muzakky Shah from Pesantren Al Qodiri (Jember) respectively. The above description is seen from the three-time succession for the direct election in , and The elected candidates are supported by one of the greatest Kyai with the largest number of supporters, Pesantren Salafiyah Syafi'iyah Sukorejo or Pesantren Wali Songo. The following table shows the result of election: 9, An interview with Muhyidin Khotib as the chairman of DPC PPP Situbondo, on Sunday, September

9 Table 2. Acquisition of Voters, The Regional Head Election Situbondo, Wedensday, 9 Desember 2015 No Candidate Names Supporting Party 1 R. Abdullah Faqih PDIP Gufron. Demokrat H. Untung Acquisition of Voters Percentage Politics Identity ,10% - Pesantren Tanjung Glugur (Mangaran) - The Former Head of Village (Tanjung Pecinan) 2 KH. Abdul Hamid Wahid KH. Ach. Fadil Muzakki Syah, S.Pd.I 3 H. Dadang Wigiarto, SH H. Yoyok Mulyadi, MSi. PPP ,66% - Pesantren Nurul Gerindra Jadid (Paiton Probolinggo) - Pesantren Al Qodiri (Jember) PKB ,24% - Lawyers and sympathizers of Pesantren Wali Songo (Situbondo) -The Head of Public Works Services Department and the Head of Bina Marga (Situbondo) According to the table, the direct regional head election in Situbondo clearly shows the high influence of religious elite and identity politics supporting the candidates. Basically, the elected Regent and Vice Regent (Dadang Wigiarto and Yoyok Mulyadi) are

10 not the descendants of Kyai, but they had full support and permission from KH. Cholil As ad (Pesaantren Wali Songo). 2. Bondowoso Regency In regard to Bondowoso regency, the regional head election is suspected to have a big scenario and allegation from the Regent of Defense, Amin Said Husni. Almost all parties in the parliament and all political parties comprised of 19 Political Parties seek to hold the election by appointing candidates who are likely to be stirred and played like puppet by PKNU. Such phenomenon indicates a bad sign in the dynamics of democracy in Indonesia. The slapstick during the election seemed more visible when Dewan Pengurus Cabang, Partai Kebangkitan Nahdatul Ulama/DPC PKNU (The Branch Board of Ulema National Awakening Party) finally withdrew his support for Muna s candidacy. This candidacy previously generated a big support from the PKNU when Achmad Dhofir was the chairman of the party. Two weeks after the candidacy was sent to the Komisi Pemilihan Umum/KPU (General Election Commissions), Dhofir who also served as the Chairman of Bondowoso Parliament moved to another party and even chose to become the Chairman of DPC PKB (Dewan Pengurus Cabang, Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa/ The Branch Board of National Awakening Party) Bondowoso. Concerning the protests by non-governmental organizations and sympathizers from PDIP/ Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan (The Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle) who pointed out to the dirty games on the election, the chairman of DPC PKB, Bondowoso who has until now also served as the Chairman of Bondowoso s Regional Representative Council, said:... Muna candidates are unlikely to withdraw from the election which has been determined by the KPUD. If they withdrew from their nomination, they would be charged for 20 billion Rupiah fine, and according to my estimation they cannot afford to pay it. I can clearly confirm that the election in Bondowoso is very democratic and in accordance with the will of the majority of societies here An interview with KH. Dhofir as the chairman of DPC PKB Bondowoso, on Monday, September 4,

11 Further, the election in this regency also affirms the strength of religious hegemony and the thickness of identity politics. After the reform ere, the position of Regent or vice Regent has been occupied by those who come from the Kyai circles or are Nahdhatul Ulama figures. The victory of each candidate should get support and blessing from the Kyai. Table. 2. Kyai s Support on the Elected Regent and Vice Regent Amin Said and Salwa Arifin No Elite s Name Religious Identity Position KH. Idris Marzuki KH. Mutawakkill Alallah KH. Zaini Pesantren Lirboyo Kediri Pesantren Genggong Probolonggo Pesantren Nurul Jadid Paiton Probolinggo Religious Leader Religious Leader Religious Leader 4 KH. A. Nawawi Abd. Dalil Pesantren Sidogiri Religious Leader 5 Pesantren Wali Songo KH. Cholil As ad Religious Situbondo Leader 6 KHR. Ach. Azaim Ibrahimy Pesantren Salafiyah Syafi iyah Sukorejo Situbondo Religious Leader Source: interview with the successful team leader of Aswaja, H. Tohari on Wednesday, September 6, The Regent of Defense candidate is also supported and promoted by a number of ulama (great scholars) in East Java. Such support and promotion was declared and coincided with Prophet Muhammad s commemoration day attended by Ulama and senior party supporters. A number of scholars who attended the event included KH Idris Marzuki from Lirboyo Kediri, a Kiai from Pesantren Zainul Hasan Genggong, a Kiai from Pesantren Nurul Jadid Paiton, a Kiai from Pesantren Sidogiri and a Kiai from Pesantren Salafiyah Syafiiyah Sukrejo, Asembagus respectively. The support and religious hegemony from Kyai or local elites is crucial to the victory of the regent candidates in Bondowo. It seems very difficult for those who do not

12 generate social support from a Kyai Khos 10 to win an election. Since the Law No. 32/2004 on the direct regional election was enacted, no independent candidates who are supported by nationalist parties have appeared to win the election as shown in the following table: Table 3. The Regional Head Election in Bondowoso Regency, May 6, 2013 No Candidates Supporting Acquisition Percentage Identity Parties of Voters 1 MUNA PKNU % Drs. Mustawiyanto, MS.i & Abdul Manan 2 ASWAJA Drs. H. Amin Said Husni & Drs. KH. Salwa Arifin PKB, PPP, PKS, Gerindra, Golkar, Demokrat, Partai gurem ,98% Incumbent Chairman of Syuriah (Supreme Council) PCNU Source: General Election Commissions, Bondowoso Regency. Processed Data, Judging from the victory of Incumbent ASWAJA s candidates, with a significant vote of 69.98% it indicates that the power of kyai hegemony through religious ritual activities plays significant role on gaining votes. In addition, defense also becomes one of the strongest evidence of power influence in local politics. Other factors that come into force include network, funding and support from local elites through the hegemony of religion in mobilizing the masses. Meanwhile, the vice regent candidate, KH Salwa Arifin, is also a religious figure who has a boarding school and a member of Syuriah (Supreme Council) in the Branch Board of Nahdatul Ulama in Bondowoso. He generated his votes from IKSASS/Santri Salafiyah Alumni Santri Syafi iyah Sukorejo Situbondo (say Alumni Association of Santri 10 Kyai Khos is a new term in Islamic tradition. Such name which is also known as Kyai Sepuh initially emerged during the lifetime of Abdurrahman Wahid whose existence also contributed in determining Gus Dur s policies, especially when he served as the Chairman of Nahdatul Ulama and the Chairman of The Syuro Council in PKB, and became the president of Indonesia.

13 Syafi iyah Sukorejo) network as he was an alumnus and became an Ustadz (teacher) in Sukorejo Situbondo. According to the above table, the majority of political parties support the incumbent candidates, making it hard to find equal competitors. Even if competitors are available, they are suspected to be a pair of slapstick or puppet candidates who are deliberately created by the regent of defense. Back then, no rule was enacted that a single candidate could be selected as it is today. As the result, Mustawiyanto and Abdul Manan come as puppet candidates considering any other candidates are unlikely to speculate to go against the incumbent. 3. Banyuwangi Regency The Regional Head Election in Banyuwangi on December 9, 2015 was also a party of the incumbent. Like Bondowoso, this regency only had two candidates who competed in the election. According to the observation, the allegations on the puppet candidates were also bursting as most of the major parties in parliament, such as PDIP, PAN, PKS, Gerindra, Democrat, Nasdem, PKB and PPP, supported the incumbent candidates, whereas the competitors only generated votes from Golkar and Hanura parties. The 2015 s Regent Election was also held on December 9, 2015 to elect the Regent and Vice Regent of Banyuwangi, service periods. Since 2005, Ratna, (the wife of Bali Regent s, Winasa, who won the s election) has nailed the election. Both have got a full support from PKB. At the third time of election ( service periods), the regent of defense managed to maintain its power. However, something was different, the supporting party changed to PDIP. Table 4. The Regional Head Election in Banyuwangi Regency, December 9, 2015 No. Candidates Supporting Parties Acquisition of Percentage Voters PDIP, PAN, PKS, Abdullah Azwar Anas & Yusuf 1 Gerindra, Demokrat, % Widyatmoko Nasdem, PKB, PPP Ir. Sumantri Soedomo, MP & 2 Golkar dan Hanura % Sigit Wahyu Widodo, SH Source: the decree by General Election Commissions No. 52/kpts/KPU/kab /XII/2015 on December 22, Processed data 2017.

14 Of the two candidates, only Abdullah Azwar Anas was a candidate who got full support from Kiai circles. Not only did he benefit being supported by a number of political parties, he also got social votes from Nahdlatul Ulama (NU). Basically, he also has served as a member of Central Board of Ansor and has until now become the Chairman of Nahdatul Ulama Scholars Association center (ISNU/Ikatan Sarjana Nahdatul Ulama). According to the interview with Thoriqul Haq, he said:... Anas is considered as the best candidate in Banyuwangi. To that end, PKB highly recommends him to run for the regent. We want the togetherness and unity of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) to always be maintained in the upcoming election and we declare to follow the direction of the Kiai in Banyuwangi. As we know, PKB is the party that was originally initiated by NU. In this election, there are some NU cadres who come forward to nominate as the regent candidates. Here, we do not expect them to break into pieces. To sustain solidity and meet the direction of kiai, PKB has finally decided to support the incumbent. We have consulted the scholars in Banyuwangi before deciding to support Anas. Practically, we could see that he has successfully run the jamiyah contract with NU. Honestly speaking, PKB is willing to keep the big family of NU remain intact in the face of political competition. In addition, we also keep in touch with the NU in Banyuwangi in order to stay united, especially Anas is a genuine cadre of NU Based on the NU s aspiration record in Banyuwangi, Anas has received the support of majority by 1,014 votes or about 93 percent of the total 1,088 votes coming from pesantren, representative assembly of NU in sub-districts, and NU s autonomous bodies. During the 2010 s regional election, Anas-Yusuf also signed a jamiyah contract with NU consisting of mandates related to the settlement of human right issues, such as improving the quality of education, economy and health, maintaining religious harmony, and so on. 11 Thoriqul Haq is a Secretary to DPW PKB/Dewan Pimpinan Wilayah, Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa (the Council of Regional Leaders, the National Awakening Party). The interview was conducted in Suarabaya on Wednesday, September 6, 2017.

15 4. Jember Regency The role of kiai in the political stage of local elections in Jember is very essential, given their role as public figures that can easily attract and influence the masses, especially those who are being fanatic. Their power to mobilize them is often misused by the prospective regional leaders to yield in as many votes as possible. Kiai Yusuf, for example, is one of the Kyai who has great influence in the southern part of Jember. His figure is widely used as a reference by the community to vote for a candidate. To this end, a month before the 2015 s election took place; he would declare himself as a supporter to his desirable candidate, candidate no. 2. Additionally, Ustadz Tohari, a student of Kyai Muzaki Shah as the leader of Pesantren Al-Qodiri Jember, also confirmed that he fully supported candidate no. 2 as the leader of Jember Regency. On the other hand, Kiai Haromain, one of the most influential kiai in NU, supported candidate no 1. It was in line with PKB and NU which had declared as the first parties to promote candidate No. 1. In addition to the supporters, a young Kyai, Muchlisin, in Curah Lele village fully supported candidate no. 1 (Sugiarto and dr. Dwi) according to his closest colleagues. Kiai s participation in political stage has created disunity amongst the societies especially when they come with different choices. The role of Kiai has been mentioned by the national figure, Gus Dur, in his book Wisdom Of Gusdur. He stated a Kiai is not supposed to participate in the election process as it can cause disunity amongst the societies. Practically, the role of Kiai on political stage has also lowered the public trust in their personality, because some of them consider those who participated in the political stage as materialistic Kiai. Even though their opinion is baseless, without concrete evidence, and is merely perception which emerges in the community, the rivalry between two figures, NU Gugiarto and KH Muqit, however, was clearly seen during the 2015 s election. See the following table for the acquisition of voters:

16 Table 4. The Regional Head Election in Jember Regency, December 9, 2015 No. Candidates Supporting Acquisition of Percentage Identity Parties Voters 1 Ir. Sugiarto & dr Dwi Gerindra, % 1. The Karyanto, Sp. Bs PKB, PKS, Secretary of Golkar, PPP, Demokrat Regency 2. The Director of regional public hospital, Jember 2 Dr. Hj. Faidah, MMR & KH. Abdul Muqid Arief PDIP, Nasdem, Hanura, PAN % 1. The Director of Bina Sehat Hospital 2. The leader of Pesantren Al Fatah- Silo Jember Source: http/kpu.go.id/jember/2015. Processed data The regional head election in Jember on December 9, 2015, becomes a historical moment of a blooded Arab woman; Dr. Faidah, who could penetrate the strength of patriarchal culture as a very strong culture in the Tapal Kuda regions. According to the results, this election has shown a significant rationality transformation among society from traditional to rationalistic basis. With the nomination of KH Abdul Muqid Arief, as the vice regent, who comes from a religious elite or Kiai and also serves as a member of The Branch Board of Nahdatul Ulama (Pimpinan Cabang Nahdatul Ulama/PCNU) Jember, we cannot deny that his status or position played significant role on winning the election. This was a very fierce battle between Nahdlatul Ulama cadres, Sugiarto also known as pak Giek and KH. Muqid Abd Arief. See the following scheme:

17 Scheme 1. NU s Acquisition of Voters NU s voters 83,75% Sugiarto = 38,75 % KH. Muqit = 45,5 % Identity Politics Misuse During the direct regional head election, religious identity politics is dominantly misused by candidates by conducting religious activities to attract the masses such as mass gathering in pesantren, mosques, and mushollah. In addition, they also take advantages of Islamic commemoration days, safari pengajian (in terms of Salawat Nariyah recitation), and Friday prayers on which they take turn. As a consequence, the religious ritual traditions change their meaning. In order to perpetuate and sustain power, a regional head takes shelter under the hegemony of religious elites and issues a Regent circular letter throughout government institutions and all educational institutions at all levels to read salawat nariyah before entering school or office and in all government events. The implementation of performing dhuhur prayer in congregation at Jami Mosque, Situbondo, becomes an obligation for the State Civil Apparatuses (Aparatur Sipil Negara/ASN) who are required to fill the list of attendance which is directly supervised by the Regional Personnel Agency (Badan Kepegawaian Daerah/BKD) in this regency. In practice, from to 14.00, any services in the entire offices in Situbondo are closed considering all employees are obliged to pray in congregation. Funnily, according to the researcher who saw the case firsthand, a civil servant only came to the mosque to sign the list, but did not join performing the prayer. He even sat in the food corner to eat rujak (salad-like). Here is the interview with him;... performing the five-time payers is a human right.. why should it (performing dhuhur prayer in congregation) be mandatory. The important thing is I sign the list every day, so I wouldn t be transferred to another office by the Regent. (Interview with Ach. Yani, Secretary to the Department of Public Works and Highways, on Wednesday, September 13, 2017)

18 Before a prospective candidate is elected to the Regent, a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) between the candidate and the supporting Kiai is made, to provide allowances for teachers who have devoted their time teaching in musalla which are arranged by the regional budgets revenues (Anggaran dan Pendapatan Daerah/APBD). In addition, the MOU consists of agreement which allows kyai to take a part in determining and inaugurating the one-to-four echelon officials. This means the Regent and Vice Regent will await the instructions from the Kyai who have supported them. Further, the Jum at Manisan (a term used in the Javanese calendar) tradition which is also carried out by the religious elite shifts its essence to demonstrating the strength of the mass base of santri, alumni and sympathizers of pesantren. This means using religious hegemony to form identity politics and to manipulate, in order to mobilize political power, economic power and politics control. The Regent office, which is usually used for official meeting venues, welcoming state guests, and inaugurating local government officials, began to change into occupying religious meeting venues such as Qur an recitation, salawat recitation, Qosidah (singing Arabic songs) contest, Arabic learning, and various religious ceremonies in commemorating Islamic holidays. Closing In conclusion, the hegemony of religious elites on the dynamics of local politics, particularly in the direct regional head election, takes a significant part in forming identity politics. In turn, it is used as a means to manipulate by misusing their charisma and social qualities as they are able to muster political power to gain economic power and seek for politics control. The misuse of identity politics in gaining victory in the election is inseparable from the Elites support, especially in terms of patron-client relationship between Kiai (as the leader) and santri (as the follower). Suffice to say, network strength, funding, and mutually beneficial cooperation is one of the reasons the elites are willing to support the incumbent. More surprisingly, some of the incumbent and candidates even come from the Kiai and Santri circles. As the result, they have access to penetrate the political power structure to the grass root (mass base) level. That is the reason the power of the incumbent and other candidates

19 supported by the Kiai and Santri turn to be more dominant during the election in Tapal Kuda regions, East Java. According to Max Weber s theory, religious hegemony provides the legitimacy of power for the ruling groups and the people it controls. In practice, religion gives spiritual dimension to existing institutions and delivers meaning to the changing demands. The spirit of religion which can give control to power makes it often used as a tool to perpetuate the power. Power that takes a shape as politics has now coloured various corners of societies, especially in Indonesia. Bibliography Abdilah, Ubed Politik Identitas Etnis, Magelang, Indonesia Tera. Alcoff, LM and Mendieta Identities; Race, Class, Gender and Nationality. Blackwell Publishing Ltd. Eugene J. Meehan Contemporary Political Thought, A Critical Study, Homewood, Illinois, The Dorsey Press. Inc. Haris, Syamsudin (ed.,) Teori Empirik Demokrasi dan Alternatif Pemikiran Tentang pelaksanaan Demokrasi Pancasila. Dama Akhmad Zaini Abar (peny) Beberapa Aspek Pembangunan Solo. Ramadani. Horikshi, Hiroko Kyai dan Perubahan Sosial, terj. Umar Baslim dan Andy Muarly Sunrawa. Jakarta: P3M. Kartodirdjo, Sartono (ed). Pesta Dekorasi Pedesaan. Yogyakarta. Aditya Media. Kenny, M The Politics of Identity, Cambrige: Polity. Meehan, Eugene J Contemporary Political Thought, A Critical Study, Homewood, Illinois, The Dorsey Press. Inc. Muhtar Haboddin, MA. Menguatnya Politik Identitas di Ranah Lokal dalam Politik Identitas dalam Renai :Dinamika Politik di berbagai Daerah di Indonesia. No. 2/ IX/2009.

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