COURSE MANUAL. frica Since y of Ibadan Distance Learning Centre tance Learning Course Series Develop

Transcription

1 COURSE MANUAL Af frica Since 1914 HDS 202 University y of Ibadan Distance Learning Centre e Open and Dist tance Learning Course Series Develop pment

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3 Copyright 1988, Revised in 2015 by Distance Learning Centre, University of Ibadan, Ibadan. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. ISBN: General Editor: Prof. Bayo Okunade University of Ibadan Distance Learning Centre University of Ibadan, Nigeria Telex: 31128NG Tel: +234 ( ) ssu@dlc.ui.edu.ng Website:

4 Contents ii Vice-Chancellor s Message The Distance Learning Centre is building on a solid tradition of over two decades of service in the provision of External Studies Programme and now Distance Learning Education in Nigeria and beyond. The Distance Learning mode to which we are committed is providing access to many deserving Nigerians in having access to higher education especially those who by the nature of their engagement do not have the luxury of full time education. Recently, it is contributing in no small measure to providing places for teeming Nigerian youths who for one reason or the other could not get admission into the conventional universities. These course materials have been written by writers specially trained in ODL course delivery. The writers have made great efforts to provide up to date information, knowledge and skills in the different disciplines and ensure that the materials are user-friendly. In addition to provision of course materials in print and e-format, a lot of Information Technology input has also gone into the deployment of course materials. Most of them can be downloaded from the DLC website and are available in audio format which you can also download into your mobile phones, IPod, MP3 among other devices to allow you listen to the audio study sessions. Some of the study session materials have been scripted and are being broadcast on the university s Diamond Radio FM 101.1, while others have been delivered and captured in audio-visual format in a classroom environment for use by our students. Detailed information on availability and access is available on the website. We will continue in our efforts to provide and review course materials for our courses. However, for you to take advantage of these formats, you will need to improve on your I.T. skills and develop requisite distance learning Culture. It is well known that, for efficient and effective provision of Distance learning education, availability of appropriate and relevant course materials is a sine qua non. So also, is the availability of multiple plat form for the convenience of our students. It is in fulfilment of this, that series of course materials are being written to enable our students study at their own pace and convenience. It is our hope that you will put these course materials to the best use. Prof. Abel Idowu Olayinka Vice-Chancellor

5 Foreword As part of its vision of providing education for Liberty and Development for Nigerians and the International Community, the University of Ibadan, Distance Learning Centre has recently embarked on a vigorous repositioning agenda which aimed at embracing a holistic and all encompassing approach to the delivery of its Open Distance Learning (ODL) programmes. Thus we are committed to global best practices in distance learning provision. Apart from providing an efficient administrative and academic support for our students, we are committed to providing educational resource materials for the use of our students. We are convinced that, without an up-to-date, learner-friendly and distance learning compliant course materials, there cannot be any basis to lay claim to being a provider of distance learning education. Indeed, availability of appropriate course materials in multiple formats is the hub of any distance learning provision worldwide. In view of the above, we are vigorously pursuing as a matter of priority, the provision of credible, learner-friendly and interactive course materials for all our courses. We commissioned the authoring of, and review of course materials to teams of experts and their outputs were subjected to rigorous peer review to ensure standard. The approach not only emphasizes cognitive knowledge, but also skills and humane values which are at the core of education, even in an ICT age. The development of the materials which is on-going also had input from experienced editors and illustrators who have ensured that they are accurate, current and learner-friendly. They are specially written with distance learners in mind. This is very important because, distance learning involves non-residential students who can often feel isolated from the community of learners. It is important to note that, for a distance learner to excel there is the need to source and read relevant materials apart from this course material. Therefore, adequate supplementary reading materials as well as other information sources are suggested in the course materials. Apart from the responsibility for you to read this course material with others, you are also advised to seek assistance from your course facilitators especially academic advisors during your study even before the interactive session which is by design for revision. Your academic advisors will assist you using convenient technology including Google Hang Out, You Tube, Talk Fusion, etc. but you have to take advantage of these. It is also going to be of immense advantage if you complete assignments as at when due so as to have necessary feedbacks as a guide. The implication of the above is that, a distance learner has a responsibility to develop requisite distance learning culture which includes diligent and disciplined self-study, seeking available administrative and academic support and acquisition of basic information technology skills. This is why you are encouraged to develop your computer skills by availing yourself the opportunity of training that the Centre s provide and put these into use.

6 Contents iv In conclusion, it is envisaged that the course materials would also be useful for the regular students of tertiary institutions in Nigeria who are faced with a dearth of high quality textbooks. We are therefore, delighted to present these titles to both our distance learning students and the university s regular students. We are confident that the materials will be an invaluable resource to all. We would like to thank all our authors, reviewers and production staff for the high quality of work. Best wishes. Professor Bayo Okunade Director

7 Course Development Team Content Authoring Content Editor Production Editor Learning Design & Technologist Managing Editor General Editor C.B.N. Ogbogbo Prof. Remi Raji-Oyelade Ogundele Olumuyiwa Caleb Folajimi Olambo Fakoya Ogunmefun Oladele Abiodun Prof. Bayo Okunade

8 Contents vi Contents About this course manual 1 How this course manual is structured... 1 Course Overview 3 Welcome to Africa Since 1914 HDS Course outcomes... 3 Getting around this course manual 4 Margin icons... 4 Study Session 1 5 Colonial Enterprise in Africa... 5 Introduction... 5 Terminology Slavery to Colonization... 5 Background to Colonisation Rationale for Colonialism... 8 Scramble for Africa Resistances to Colonialism Character of Colonial Imposition Study Session Summary Assessment Bibliography Study Session 2 14 Theories of Colonial Administration Introduction Terminology Problem of Colonial Authority French Assimilation Policy Implications of the Theory of Assimilation Theory of Indirect Rule Rationale for Indirect Rule Indirect Rule in West Africa: The Nigerian example Structure of Administration in British Africa The Central Administration The Native Administration... 22

9 Study Session Summary Assessment Bibliography Study Session 3 24 Assimilation in French West Africa Introduction Terminology Assimilation in Senegal Assimilation in the Rest of West Africa Study Session Summary Assessment Bibliography Study Session 4 29 Assimilation in North Africa Introduction French Assimilation in the Midst of Settlers (Algeria ) Portuguese Assimilation - Angola Study Session Summary Assessment Bibliography Study Session 5 35 Paternalism in Africa Introduction Terminology Belgian Paternalism Policy German Paternalism in Tanganyika Study Session Summary Assessment Bibliography Study Session 6 38 Colonial Economic Policy: The West African Experience Introduction Terminology Perspectives on the Role of Colonialism in Africa s Economic Development Impact of Colonial Economic Policies on Key Sectors Impact of Colonial Regime on Transportation and Communication Impact of Colonial Regime on Agriculture Overview of Colonial Economic Policy and Commerce in Africa Colonial Regime and Industries in West Africa... 41

10 Contents viii Study Session Summary Assessment Bibliography Study Session 7 43 Social Development in Africa Introduction Terminology Formal Education Policy and Its Lacklustre Implementation The Improperly Planned Urbanization Impact of Urbanization Health Services Study Session Summary Assessment Bibliography Study Session 8 48 Land in Colonial Africa Introduction Rationale for Colonial Land Policy Land in British West Africa Impact of Land Policy Study Session Summary Assessment Bibliography Study Session 9 54 Zimbabwe under British Rule (up to 1945) Introduction Historical Background to British Rule in Zimbabwe Rhodes Ambitions British Policy and Developments Study Session Summary Assessment Bibliography Study Session Nationalism in Francophone Africa Introduction Bases and Context of Anti-colonialism Nature of Nationalism Outcome of Nationalists in French Colonies... 64

11 Study Session Summary Assessment Bibliography Study Session Nationalism in British Africa Introduction Roots or Causes of Anti-Colonialism Struggles Nature and Outcome of Nationalism in British Africa Study Session Summary Assessment Bibliography Study Session The Second World-War and Anti-Colonialism in Africa Introduction Historical Background to Second World War General Character of the Effects of Second World War on Colonisation Study Session Summary Assessment Bibliography Study Session Decolonization in British Africa: The Nigerian Case, Introduction Landmarks of Decolonization in Nigeria Constitutional Developments in Pre-Colonial Era Study Session Summary Assessment Bibliography Study Session Decolonization in French Africa, Introduction Impact of Second World War on French Colonies The Brazzaville Conference of Post-Brazzaville Developments and Decolonization Rassemblement Democratique Africain (RDA) Franco-African Community and the Emergence of Independent Republics Study Session Summary Assessment Bibliography Study Session Neo-colonialism in Africa Introduction Terminology... 92

12 Contents x 15.1 Dimensions of Neo-colonialism Political Dimension Economic Dimension Social and Intellectual Dimensions Effects of Neo-Colonialism Study Session Summary Assessment Bibliography Study Session The African Union Introduction Background to the African Union Structure of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) Overview of the African Union Successes of the AU Problems and Challenges of the AU Study Session Summary Assessment Bibliography References 107

13 About this course manual About this course manual Africa Since 1914HDS 202 has been produced by University of Ibadan Distance Learning Centre. All course manuals produced by University of Ibadan Distance Learning Centreare structured in the same way, as outlined below. How this course manual is structured The course overview The course overview gives you a general introduction to the course. Information contained in the course overview will help you determine: If the course is suitable for you. What you will already need to know. What you can expect from the course. How much time you will need to invest to complete the course. The overview also provides guidance on: Study skills. Where to get help. Course assignments and assessments. Margin icons. We strongly recommend that you read the overview carefully before starting your study. The course content The course is broken down into Study Sessions. Each Study Session comprises: An introduction to the Study Session content. Study Session outcomes. Core content of the Study Session with a variety of learning activities. A Study Session summary. Assignments and/or assessments, as applicable. Bibliography 1

14 HDS 202 Africa Since 1914 Your comments After completing Africa Since 1914 we would appreciate it if you would take a few moments to give us your feedback on any aspect of this course. Your feedback might include comments on: Course content and structure. Course reading materials and resources. Course assignments. Course assessments. Course duration. Course support (assigned tutors, technical help, etc.) Your constructive feedback will help us to improve and enhance this course. 2

15 Course Overview Course Overview Welcome to Afr rica Since 1914 HDS This course is a general survey of Africa under colonial rule. It examines the nature, methods and impact of European colonialism on African societies, the colonial economy and colonial attitudes to social development. It also examines the causes, methods and strategies of decolonisation and discusses the major problems with which newly independent African states have had to grapple. Course outcome es Upon completion of Africa Since 1914 HDS 202, you will be able to: Outcomes Understand the motives for the colonisation of Africa by the Europeans. Understand the different strategies and methods adopted by Europeans in the course of colonial rule Explain the origins of the dependency nature of post- post-colonial colonial African economy. Understand the nature and character of the African crisis 3

16 HDS 202 Africa Since 1914 Getting ar round this course manual Margin icons While working through this course manual you will notice the frequent use of margin icons. These icons serve to signpost a particular piece of text, a new task or change in activity; they have been included to help you to find your way around this course manual. A complete icon set is shown below. We suggest that you familiarize yourself with the icons and their meaning before starting your study. Activity Assessment Assignment Case study Discussion Group Activity Help Outcomes Note Reflection Reading Study skills Summary Terminology Time Tip 4

17 Study Session 1Colonial Enterprise in Africa Study Session 1 Colonia al Enterprise in Afric ca Introduction Learning Outcomes Outcomes Terminology Under this Study Session, you will learn threee issues which will provide adequate background to your understanding of the developments during the period of European colonial enterprise in Africa. They are: 1. the objective and nature of colonialism, 2. the character of colonial imposition, and 3. the status of the colonial regime beginning of When you have studied this session, you should be able to: 1.1 discuss pre-colonial era in Africa. 1.2 highlight the rationale for colonisation.. in Africa at the Colonialism Slavery Nationalism Sequestration The use of a weaker country s resources to strengthen and enrich a stronger one. The state of being under bondage to another person.. A sense of national consciousnesss exalting one nation above all others and placing primary emphasis on promotion of its culture and interests as opposed to those of other nations or supranational groups. Action of taking forcible possession of something. 1.1 Slavery to Colonization Slavery had existed in Africa since ancient times, as it had in many parts of the world. In Africa, many slaves were captives 5

18 HDS 202 Africa Since taken in war. Few others were people who sold themselves into slavery for food and shelter during drought or famine. Sometimes, a society took slaves in order to increase its population. Slaves were often gradually absorbed into their new societies. The transatlantic slave trade was very different from African slavery. Africans were forced to leave their traditional societies and were transported thousands of miles across the Atlantic. They were first captives and then became commodities before their eventually transformation in status as slaves. In the Americas, they encountered a completely unfamiliar culture. White slave owners looked on black Africans as inferior beings whose only value was their labour. The transatlantic slave trade involved large numbers of people. Experts now estimate that between 1451 and 1870 about 23 million slaves were sent to the Americas. Thousands died during the brutal Middle Passage. Europeans relied on African rulers and merchants to bring slaves to trading posts on the coast. The Africans exchanged slaves for guns, ammunition, and manufactured goods. They used the guns to raid villages and capture more slaves. This exchange between Africans and Europeans has often been called the slave-gun cycle. In the century before 1870, two developments changed conditions in West Africa. First, European nations abolished the slave trade. Second, there was a revival of Islam in several West African states. During the Enlightenment, some Europeans called for an end to the slave trade and slavery. By the early 1800s, this humanitarian concern was having an effect. Britain outlawed the slave trade in Britain also convinced other nations at the Congress of Vienna to condemn the slave trade. But Portugal, Spain, and France did not end their slave trade until The point need be made that the most critical factor for European government s disposition towards abolishing the trade in slaves was due to the effects of the industrial revolution. As machines began to take over the labour hitherto provided by humans, less and less human labour was required. Soon after Britain abolished the slave trade, it established the West African Patrol, a naval squadron with orders to prevent slave ships from leaving West African ports. When the patrol captured ships with slaves on board, it carried the Africans to Freetown in the British colony of Sierra Leone. The British had established Freetown in the late 1700s for slaves they freed during the American Revolution. In the 1800s, Sierra Leone became a haven for other freed slaves. Christian missionaries worked among the African settlers there, encouraging them to adopt European Ways.

19 Study Session 1Colonial Enterprise in Africa Background to Colonisation Colonialism was the result of Europe's successful invasion of African states between the late nineteenth century and the first decade of the twentieth- Each conquered stale became subordinated the European power's political, economic and social control. In short, each state lost her independence and sovereignty to a foreign power. This forceful absorption of a country's sovereignty and independence by another is called colonialism. Why European states did so constitute the objectives of colonialism which influenced the nature or overall character of colonial rule. During the Age of Exploration, Europeans built a few trading posts on the coast of Africa, but for centuries they had little direct influence on the lives of most Africans. In the 1800s, a dramatic change occurred. The Industrial Revolution and the growth of nationalism strengthened European nations. By the 1870s, they were seeking new resources and markets. They found these resources and outlets in many parts of the world, including Africa. Between 1870 and 1914, there was a significant change in their relationship with Africa. With the exception of Liberia and Ethiopia, the entire African continent came under European rule. Belgium acquired the Congo, today called Zaire. Then, the French moved to the interior of West Africa, and the British extended their control across much of the continent. Germany, Spain, Portugal, and Italy also entered the race for territories in Africa. Pacification Policy BY 1914, the whole of Africa (apart from Liberia and Ethiopia) was and colonized. The military aspect of colonial imposition was on and all risings against colonial administrations were ruthlessly suppressed. To a large extent, we can conclude that by 1914 the pacification policy of the colonial authorities had given their administrations a strong-hold on the continent. What was this pacification policy? It was a policy by which the colonial authorities used military and police forces to suppress oppositions to European rule in the early years of that rule However, the authorities argued that the opposition movements (expressed in risings and revolts) indicated that there was no law and order (or indeed peace) in Africa and so it was their duly to pacify the communities Of course, this was an attempt by the authorities to find a pretext for their use of force against African communities. For us, the crucial point to note is that the policy enabled the colonial regimes to be firmly established in Africa. It also enabled them to install essential 7

20 HDS 202 Africa Since 1914 means of communication and exploit the economic resources of the continent. From 1914 onwards, the concern of the colonial authorities was the consolidation of the gains made through structural and institutional arrangements, backed by necessary force. 1.2 Rationale for Colonialism Nationalism played a role in sending Europeans overseas. A nation increased its prestige and power by winning overseas territories. Political rivalries and military strategy in Europe also contributed to this new imperialism. One nation might seize a territory to prevent a rival from expanding into that region. The desire to expand economically was also a strong motive. Industrialists and merchants urged their governments to acquire new markets for their products. In addition, they wanted to control the supply of raw material. By 1880 Europeans were engaged in unceremonial scuffle against one another over territories in Africa. This has come to be christened the scramble for Africa. Prominent amongst the reasons for the partition and sequestration of African lands are humanitarian and religious concerns which motivated individuals and their governments. Some Europeans wanted to end the slave trade in Africa. Christian missionaries were convinced that the peoples of Africa and Asia would become civilized only if they converted to Christianity and adopted European ways. Many Europeans believed in superiority of the white race. They spoke of the white man s burden of carrying the benefits of western civilization to other parts of the world. The most compelling argument for European colonial enterprise in Africa was the economic motive. The search for markets for raw material as well as for the finished products was real. European statesmen and administrators were under considerable pressure from the merchant and business class to acquire territories in Africa. 8

21 Study Session 1Colonial Colonial Enterprise in Africa Scramble for Africa The scramble for Africa brought European powers to the brink of war. To settle their disagreements, they held a conference in Berlin. At the Berlin Conference of , these European nations drew boundary lines on a map of Africa, dividing up the continent and approving each other s claims to different African lands. It was after this exercise that they then proceeded to establish control over these regions. Colonisation map of Africa There are four key factors propounded as reasons for colonialism: Tip 1. National prestige 2. Humanitarian 3. Religion 4. Economic boost There are conflicting views on the objectives of colonialism. There is, for example, a point of view which stresses that colonialism was the extension of Europe's internal rivalries to 9

22 HDS 202 Africa Since Africa. That is, it was a consequence of European efforts of achieve Balance of Power in Europe. Other views emphasize the economic, humanitarian and prestige or search for glory dimensions. The prestige or search for glory theory asserts that colonialism was undertaken by respective European states as a mark of prestige and in order to win glory for such countries. The humanitarian view stresses that colonialism was carried out in order to spread European civilization to Africa. The duty of spreading this civilization was considered the "Whitman's Burden" because of his alleged racial superiority. The economic view emphasizes that colonialism was the inevitable consequence of capitalist Europe's efforts to exercise control over the rest of the world in order to protect her economic hold of the world. For us, each of these motives has some importance. Yet, as you read the prescribed texts (particularly those of V. I. Lenin, J. A. Hobson and Walter Rodney) in details, it will become obvious that economic considerations were central to Europe's decision to colonize other lands. The other motives were thus secondary to, or indeed manifestation of, the economic motive. The explanation for this is easy to follow. Because of the Industrial revolution, capitalist Europe had manufactured more goods than it could sell in Europe, She also made more profit and so had more surplus for investment. There was also the need for raw materials for European industries. Her contact with Africa since the fifteenth century had shown that the continent had opportunities for solving these economic problems which were already occasioning social tension in Europe, notably in Britain France and Germany. Traders from these countries had established trading firms in Africa and were engaging in some rivalry. Each nation's traders called on her home Government to impose its rule over their area of commercial influence. As the nineteenth century drew on, the scramble became so sharp that all countries took quick actions, either by treaty-making or military conquest or both to impose European rule on the African states, European leaders of the time confirmed the centrality of the economic motive on some occasions. Bismark, the German Chancellor ( } put the case thus: "Colonies would mean the winning of new markets for German industry, the expansion of trade, and a new field for German activity, civilization and capital". Also, the French Premier, Jules Ferry, strewed that "colonial policy is the off-spring of industrial policy. European consumption is saturated: it is necessary to raise new masses of consumers in other parts of the globe else we shall put modern

23 Study Session 1Colonial Enterprise in Africa society into a bankruptcy and prepare for the dawn of the twentieth century a cataclysmic social liquidation of which we cannot calculate the consequences". Another French man wrote in 1874 that "colonization is for France a question of life and death: either France will become a great African power, or in a century or two she will be no more than a secondary European power British leader including Benjamin Disraeli who was Prime Minister from 1974 to 1880 spoke in similar vein to justify colonialism. From this, it is obvious that we are correct in the view that economic consideration or motives were at the core of Europe's colonization of Africa. European states could have prestige only if they had economic power. The argument of Balance of Power or extension of European rivalries points to the same emphasis. The humanitarian argument only indicates the type of propaganda that accompanied colonization. The same is also true of the view which stresses the Whiteman s responsibility to civilize others. In brief, we conclude that the main motive for colonialism in Africa was economic, political, and so-called civilizing or humanitarian intentions were secondary adjuncts to the economic motive. This helps to explain the nature of colonial rule. It was intolerant to any pressures that made the attainment of the central objective seem impossible. Overall therefore, colonial rule was, essentially a form of military rule characterized by dictatorship authoritarian, repression, lack of consensus and consultation and generally opposed lo representative or democratic government. The consequence was that throughout the colonial period, the colonial authorities relied on the use of force-either covert or overt to force their way through despite African resistance. In other wards, colonialism was an unjust system of rule and was based on unequal relations between the conquered and the conqueror. The concern to sustain this type of relationship was the principal challenge which faced respective colonial administrators in Africa in varying degree throughout the colonial period. 1.3 Resistances to Colonialism Despite the expeditions into the African interior, disease and resistance by Africans prevented much European expansion beyond the coastal areas before As European interest in Africa grew, doctors searched for the causes and treatment of diseases such as malaria and yellow fever, which claimed many European lives in Africa. By the 1850s, they had learned that mosquitoes carried malaria & yellow fever. They found that 11

24 HDS 202 Africa Since 1914 quinine, made from the bark of a certain tree, provided a good cure for malaria. Such medical discoveries made it easier for Europeans to move into the interior of Africa. The development of new weapons such as the machine gun gave Europeans a military advantage over Africans. These weapons included rifles and the Maxim gun, the earliest machine gun. Africans armed with weapons such as muskets had little success against Europeans using the new weapons. 1.4 Character of Colonial Imposition The imposition of colonial rule in Africa was a matter of life and death for the European powers. Having established, their commercial empire in most parts of Africa before the nineteenth century, the repressive powers expected that this would give them relatively easy access to political power in the territories. African opposition to the steps taken to realize this hope was therefore not tolerated by Europe. In all parts of the continent, therefore, the imposition of colonial rule was done by military conquest between the 1880 s and 1900 though a few places were occupied before and after this period including Algeria in 1830, Lagos in , Morocco in 1912 and most of Igbo land, South-eastern Nigeria, between 1900 and Thus, the way colonial rule was imposed confirms that the relations between Africa and Europe were like those between the weak and the strong in which the former lost to the latter. The economic motive for this has been stressed but we should also note that measures taken by the colonial authorities in the subsequent years were aimed at retaining this state of relationship in which Europeans would dictate the pace and scope. ITQ Question What was the prevailing factor for colonial rule Feedback If you say economic gain, then you are right. 12

25 Study Session 1Colonial Enterprise in Africa Study Session Summary Summary In this study session, you examined the pre-colonial era in Africa and the arguments for colonisation. You also learnt about the nature of colonialism and the resistances to colonialism. Assessment Can you state the reasons for European conquest and colonization of Africa in their order of importance? Discussion Bibliography Reading Ajayi, J. F. A, and CROWDER, M. (ed.), History of West Africa, volume 2 Longman, London, 1974 Chapters 11 and 12. Ayandele, E. A et. Al., The Growth of African Civilization the Making of Modern Africa volume 2, Longman, London, 1971 Introduction, Chapters 1, 4, 5, and 7. Anene, J.C and Brown, G. (1972), Africa in the 19 th and 20 th Centuries, Ibadan: Ibadan University Press. CROWDER, M., West Africa Under Colonial Rule, Hutchinson, London, 1962, Chapter I and II. Fage, J. D. and Oliver, Roland, Short History of Africa, Penguin, 1962, Chapter 16 and 17 Hobson A., Imperialism: A Study, Lenin, V.I., Imperialism: The Highest Stage of Capitalism, London, Walter Rodney, How Europe Underdeveloped Africa, London, 1972 (Chapters 1-4). 13

26 HDS 202 Africa Since 1914 Study Session 2 Theories of Colonial Administr ration Introduction Learning Outcomes In this study session, you will learn theories of colonial administration and identify the initial problem which colonial authorities faced in Africa and which challenged them and their governments to come up with the respective theories. Also, you willl examine the objects of the theories and the structural arrangement made for their realization. Outcomes When you have studied this session, you should be able to: 2.1 Point out major problem of colonial authority. 2.2 Highlight the cardinal Principles of Assimilation 2.3 explain the theory of Indirect rule 2.4List two levels of administration in Africa under the British rule Terminology Centralization The process by which the activities of the colony, particularly those regarding planning and decision-making, become concentrated with the colonial lords. Decentralization The process of redistributing or dispersing functions, powers, people or things away from the colonial authority. Assimilation Indirect rule The ideological basis of French colonial policy, wherein the French taught their subjects that, by adopting French language and culture, they could eventually become French. A system of government used to control parts of colonial empires, particularly in Africa and Asia, through pre- existing local power structures. 14

27 Study Session 2Theories of Colonial Administration 2.1 Problem of f Colonial Authority A major problem of colonial authority had to do with threats to the security and safety of colonial officials due to the continuing revolts and uprisings against them in various parts of Africa. With very few exceptions as in the four Communes of Senegal, Africans did not accept conquest with resignation. They used every opportunity available to them to attack the colonial officials. As your reading of the text would confirm, in the different regions of Africa, there were problems that had to do with shortage of funds, insufficient manpower, inadequate communication including language barrier and the general atmosphere of mistrust or mutual suspicion between the colonial authorities on the one hand and the African leaders and their people on the other. These were the main problems. Details of them are in the prescribed texts and it is important to note them. For example, you ll learn that manpower shortage was due to two principal reasons, namely, the unwillingness of many Europeans to join the African colonial service because of the health risk, involved and the poor finances of colonial administrations which limited recruitment, Also, you will note thatt shortage of funds was due principally to the failure of colonial Governments to support the colonies with funds drawn from the Imperial Treasuries. That is in general, the Colonial Powers wanted the colonies to be self-sustaining or to rely on their own resources to fund their administration. Tip A major problem of colonial authority was the threats to the security and safety of colonial officials due to the continuing revolts and uprisings against them in various parts of Africa. 2.2 French Ass similation Policy France had reasoned out a policy of assimilation. This policy which was partly borne out of French history was also France s answer to practical problems of administration in their African colonies. The cardinal principles of assimilation should be noted. It involved ideas of "personal assimilation" which "insisted that all men were equal irrespective of their racial origin or cultural background''. It also involved ideas of administrative, political and economic identity between France 15

28 HDS 202 Africa Since 1914 and their colonies. In general, the object of the policy was to Frenchify" the Africans by substituting their culture with that of France. This was to be achieved by imposing on the Africans (or teaching them) the French language, culture, law, civilization and religion. These principles or object of the policy of assimilation indicate some other points thatt deserve mention. Since the 1789 Revolution in that country, it had become part of French belief that all men are equal. Assimilation was a logical consequence of this belief. The French believed that they had the best culture and civilization in the world. France was therefore duty bound to extend this rich heritage to the colonial peoples. Finally, in keeping with all free principles, the African colonies of France were regarded as overseas provinces of France whose inhabitants were to becomee "French citizens enjoying the necessary rights associated with French citizenship. The cardinal principles of assimilation involved ideas of: "personal assimilation" which "insisted that all men were equal irrespective of their racial origin or cultural background''; Tip administrative, political and economic identity between France and their colonies Implications of the Theory of Assim milation What then were the implications of the theory of assimilation for the structure of authority in the French territories in Africa? Since the territories in general were conceived of as French Overseas, centralization rather than 'decentralization was emphasized in the administrative structure. The principal source of legislation was the French Chamber of Deputies or indeed tin minister of colonies in Paris. As far as it was practicable, French territories were administered centrally according to zones like French West Africa and French Equatorial Africa under the charge of an official called the Governor-General. The Governor-General controlled all vital service and custom revenue within the Federation and nominated nearly all the administrative service. Each constituent colony had a Lieutenant-Governor who had little scope for independent action and was mostly concerned with daily administration as allowed by policy griddling from the Governor-General. Each Colony was made up of divisions (or provinces) controlled by officers called Commandant de Cercle and each province had subdivisions or districts controlled by

29 Study Session 2Theories of Colonial Administration the Chef de subdivision. Below them were three categories of African chiefs who were appointed by the French, quite often without due consideration for their position or status in indigenous society. We can thus see that centralization and uniformity were cardinal element of the structure of authority designed by the French for the realization of the policy of assimilation. 2.3 Theory of Indirect Rule Britain s response to the problems of administration was expressed in a theory of indirect rule which simply meant ruling the colonial territories through their indigenous rulers and institutions. That is, indirect rule in theory was this opposite of assimilation. The fact was that though the British believed that their culture and social institutions were the best in the world, yet they did not consider it reasonable or prudent and desirable to impose them on colonial peoples. Any forceful imposition of British ideas and institutions of government on Africans, according to the British authority, would occasion disaster to the administration. It was believed that the African was not yet sufficiently developed to adapt to such institutions. These racial viewpoints were pressed forward as the main reasons for the policy of indirect rule. As subsequent discussion would stress (to be further developed by your reading of prescribed chapters in Ajayi and Crowder; Obaro Ikime; Crowder and Tarikh) the main reasons were the practical problems which the colonial authorities faced. Meanwhile, let us continue with the identification of the chief principles of the policy. The policy thrust was that the indigenous rulers would be the real leaders of their people while the British political officers would serve as Advisers'. Yet the political officers had to appoint the leaders as Native Authorities on terms defined without consultation with the people or their rulers by the British colonial administration. It was also believed that the political officer would not deal directly with the people, For instance, they could issue instructions to the people only through the Native Authorities. Another belief was that under the system the people s institutions and ideas of government would be retained though they were to be divested of whatever the colonial authorities considered 'contrary to justice'. Furthermore, it was enunciated that Native Authorities would exercise considerable influence in the judicial, legislative and development work of their areas of jurisdiction. In other words, a cardinal principle of indirect rule was that Native Authorities were to be invested with much power. Yet, they had no hand in defining this power and they were expected to be loyal to the 17

30 HDS 202 Africa Since 1914 administration. If their loyalty worked against their people s rights and traditional practices or systems, the policy still demanded loyalty from them. Similarly, the rulers appointed to serve under this policy had no power to refuse or amend the so-called 'advice given by the political officers. It is obvious therefore that the political officers who gave 'advise' were indeed masters of the Native Authorities, or the said rulers, reality that was strengthened by the fact that the rulers in question owed their appointment to the same political officers. These comments have been made to help us subject the policy to some critical analysis. At the same time, we have to bear the principles underlying indirect rule in mind because they will help us to appreciate the points raised in the subsequent paragraphs in this session. The principal source of legislation of French colonies was the French Chamber of Deputies or indeed tin minister of colonies in Paris. Tip Rationale for Indirect Rule There is an in interesting debate on this and students should read A. E. Aftgbo s contribution in History of West Africa, Volume 2 for a detailed insight, The contribution and information in the other prescribed texts will led us to realize thatt there are two sides to the debate. They are Eurocentric and the Afrocentric sides. In brief, the European side asserts that indirect rule was adopted in order to preserve culture and institutions; prepare the people for self-rule; and allow the people rule themselves. The African side queries these assertions and denounces them as mere camouflage for the real issues. It must be stated clearly that the African side is now more widely accepted because it is considered objective. Consequently, indirect rule is seen as a child of necessity. It was adopted by the British because of manpower need, political, administrative and communication, problems which she faced in Africa, In short; it was a system for facilitating the economic, political and social aims of British rule in Africa, This point becomes manifest in the kind of power or authority structure which supported the policy. 18

31 Study Session 2Theories of Colonial Administration Indirect Rule in West Africa: The Nigerian example Nigeria is prominent in the historiography of indirect rule in Africa primarily because Lord F.D, Lugard who is regarded as the chief proponent and designer of the system had his career and implemented his own version of the system in Nigeria. Also, the Country provides extreme examples of the success (as in Northern Nigeria) and failure (as in Eastern Nigeria) of indirect rule in colonial Africa. ITQ Question What are the French and British colonial policies Feedback The French colonial policy was assimilation while that of the British was indirect rule. Practice of Indirect Rule in Northern Nigeria The reasons for the adoption of indirect rule were similar to those in the rest of Africa shortage of funds and manpower, poor communication and so on. Additional reason had to do with Lugard's decision to do so and the social and political organization of Northern Nigeria which strengthened Lugard'sbelief that indirect rule could work in the Northern part of the country. There are points well developed in the prescribed reading. You should note the details. This also applies to the rest of the lecture. The structural and organizational bases of indirect rule were specified by Lugard (as High Commissioner for Northern Nigeria) in three proclamations: Native Courts Proclamation in 1900, the Native Revenue Proclamation in 1906 and the Native Authority' (Enforcement) Proclamation of Divisions or equivalents of emirates served as the unit of local administration. Emirs in the caliphate areas and village elders or chiefs in the non-muslim or non-caliphate areas were appointed Native Authorities who were responsible to the District Officers and presided over the affairs of native courts; tax collection and the development work in their areas of jurisdiction. Though the powers of the native authorities were circumscribed (since they owed their appointment and authority to, and could be subject to dismissal by, the District Officers), yet they were the most powerful persons in their areas during the colonial period. Note the detailed explanations and illustration from Kano, Zaria and other places in the works 19

32 HDS 202 Africa Since 1914 already referred to, For example, Native Authorities had their own yon doka or police for enforcing law and order and were the Presidents of Native Courts. Native courts and Native Treasuries weree the institutions established for implementing indirect rule in Northern Nigeria, Native Courts were of four grades: A, B, C and D and administered Islamic law, purged of repugnant aspects, Native Treasuries served as financial houses, for Native Authority areas. Part of the tax collected was deposited in the colonial treasury while the rest was paid into the N.A. Treasuries for salaries and the provision of Social and economic amenities. An accounting system developed under the guidance of British, political officers and other clerks trained for the purpose. Generally, these arrangements worked in Northern Nigeria though there were significant departures from the spirit of the law which established them by the operators. Here we refer to one or two examples which like others are fully explained in the prescribed reading. Native authorities who attempted to assert their autonomy of action vis-a-vis the political officers (District Officers) were usually stripped of their appointment. Also, native law was not allowed to guide Native Court decisions if its spirit conflicted with British law. Thus, ernirs operated two sets of laws: one in the native courts and the other outside. Overall, we can see that theree was considerable gap between theory and practice in the organization of indirect rule in Northern Nigeria, Western and Eastern Nigeria. Tip The structural and organizational bases of indirect rule were specified by Lugard (as High Commissioner for Northern Nigeria) in three proclamations: i. Native Courts Proclamation in 1900, ii. the Native Revenue Proclamation in 1906, and iii. the Native Authority' (Enforcement) Proclamation of Practice of Indirect Rule in Eastern and Western Nigeria 20 In Eastern and Western Nigeria indirect rule existed before 1914 when Lugard's version of the system was extended to them. You should note Atanda and Afigbo's exhaustive discussion of this matter. Through Ordinances, the same institutions (Native Courts, Native Authorities and Native Treasuries) which sustained indirect rule in the North were extended to the South between 1914 and The provisions were similar also and the structure of administration was as

33 Study Session 2Theories of Colonial Administration worked out in the North. In both places, however, the system faced different sociological contexts which the Colonial authorities under the influence of Lugard had no adequate answers to. Consequently, in both the Eastern and the Western Provinces of Nigeria, indirect rule did not have the same degree of successful implementation as it had in Northern Nigeria. In Yorubaland, the first problem the authorities confronted was that they erroneously expected the Oba and chiefs to enjoy the same type of instant loyally which emirs had from their 'subjects in the North. Native authorities like the Alafin of Oyo were also given the power to exercise control over areas that did not belong to them in the indigenous setting. To assert and exercise these 'alien' powers, native authorities became authoritarian neglecting in the process all the checks and balances that promoted order in the society. Also, the way direct taxation was introduced and the exclusion of the educated elite from the institutions of indirect rule caused protests against the system in most of Yorubaland and the rest of Western Nigeria. All these problems were also applicable to Eastern Nigeria and indeed to a higher degree since the social and political organization of the people was subjected to reforms that worked much hardship and sacrifice on them. Lacking such leaders or monarchs as would be found in the North and West, the attempt to create such chiefs in the Eastern communities provoked political and social crises that made the indirect rule system both unpopular and unacceptable to the people. Administrative short-sightedness and human frailty (as in the corruption and repression practiced by clerks, warrant chiefs and others who operated the system) worsened matters. Consequently, up to the late 1920s, there was wide gap between the theory and practice of indirect rule in Eastern Nigeria. It was in this setting that the introduction of taxation provided the pretext for the Women's Rising of 1929 which terminated the Warrant Chief System in Eastern Nigeria. Clearly, the system failed in that part of the Country. Impact of indirect rule system Nigeria The indirect rule system had both negative and positive impact on Nigeria's development. Though significant reforms were introduced in the 1930s and 1940s in the system, yet the impact persisted throughout the colonial period and even after. Again, the prescribed reading is more detailed on this. The main arguments- should be noted and analysed. Some of them are that indirect rule helped the British to run cheap administration; to preserve aspects of indigenous culture; win 21

34 HDS 202 Africa Since the cooperation of the traditional elite in administration to prepare the native authorities for later roles in local government and also contribute to the socio-economic and political development of the country under colonial rule. Note the controversy on each of these in your reading. The negative impact, stresses that indirect rule stiffened local differences among Nigeria's multi- ethnic groupings thereby nurturing diffrences; educated persons were alienated in the system thereby leaving a legacy of unhealthy rivalry between them and the traditional elite, it facilitated social and economic exploitation of Nigeria; adulterated Nigeria's concept and practice of politics and government and enlarged the gap in educational advancement between the Northern and the Southern Nigeria with short and long term adverse impact on national integration. 2.4 Structure of Administration in British Africa While this emphasis in the French structure was centralization, that of the British was de-centralization. But this difference should not be over-stressed because as in the French system, the structure of administration showed that power radiated from the colonial authorities. But in keeping with the indirect rule idea, there were two levels of administration in Africa under the British rule: the Central Administration and the local or the native administration The Central Administration At the peak was the Secretary of State for the Colonies (based in London) who took Charge of colonial affairs and was responsible to the British Parliament. Though attempts were made to have regional federations but these were short-lived. Consequently, each colony had its own Governor, usually advised by an Executive Council (made up of officials) and a Legislative Council with, powers that grew with time. Each colony had groups of provinces under the charge of a Lieutenant Governor while the Province were in the charge of Residents. Each province was broken into Districts or Divisions; with District Officers in charge. There were, of course, Departmental heads or Directors who in conjunction with all these officers formed the Central Administration The Native Administration The principles of indirect rule were to apply at the District level. This was reflected in the structure as the District Officers

35 Study Session 2Theories of Colonial Administration appointed Native Authorities and created their areas of jurisdiction. He approved membership of Native Authorities. Native Courts and Native Treasuries weree established. The Native Authorities were given some powers, notably, to preside in Native Courts, carry out development work and collect taxes. It is true that the Native Authorities were subordinate to the District Officers yet they were invested with more power and authority under the colonial era than any other fellow African. It can thus be seen that the structural arrangement made in the administration of British Africa allowed for a three-tier structure which provided for indigenous participation in the administration of the colonies. Tip In keeping with the indirect rule idea, there were two levels of administration in Africa under the British rule: a. the Central Administration and b. the local or the native administration. Study Session Summary In this Study Session, you learnt 1. that a major problem of colonial authority had to do with threats to the security and safety of Summary colonial officials. 2. the cardinal Principles of Assimilation 3. the theory of Indirect Rule and indirect rule system in Nigeria. 4. analysis of the two levels of administration in Africa under the British rule Assessment Assignment Discuss the philosophical and practical basis of British and French colonial rule. Explain Centralization and de-centralization. Highlight the effects of British indirect rule system on Nigeria's development. Bibliography Reading Ajayi, J. F. A, and CROWDER, M. (ed.), History of West Africa, volume 2 Longman, London, 1974 Chapters 11 and 12. Ayandele, E. A et. Al., The Growth of African Civilization the Making of Modern Africa volume 2, Longman, London, 1971 Introduction, Chapters 1, 4, 5, and 7. CROWDER, M., West Africa Under Colonial Rule, Hutchinson, London, 1962, Chapter I and II. George Padmore: Africa British s Empire, London, Denis Dobson, 23

36 HDS 202 Africa Since Chapter V and VI Indirect Rule in British Africa Tarikh Volume 3, No. 3, 1970 France in Africa. Tarikh Volume 2, No. 4,

37 Study Session 3Assimilation in French West Africa Study Session 3 Assimilati ion in French West Africa Introduction Learning Outcomes In this study session, you will get acquainted with the factors which influenced the nature and character of the implementation of policy focusing on Senegal and the rest of Africa. Outcomes Terminology When you have studied this session, you should be able to: 3.1 elucidate why assimilation was more successful in Senegal than in the rest of French West Africa. 3.2 highlight the conditions to be met to qualify as French citizen Assimilation association The ideological basis of French colonial policy, wherein the French taught their subjects that, by adopting French language and culture, they could eventually become French. French arrangement initiated with emphasis on mutual relations with African countries 3.1 Assimilatio on in Senegal Senegal was France s model of ideal assimilation within the two categories to which the theory fell, namely, personal assimilation of administered peoples and assimilation of administrative, political and economic systems with, those of France, A major reason, for this was the fact that France and Senegal, particularly the four communes or townships of St. Louis, Rufisque. Dakar and Goree, had along period of contact, both commercial and even marital. The indigenous population became cosmopolitan and had early access to French culture, 25

38 HDS 202 Africa Since 1914 education and civilization. Also, France acquired most of Senegal at a time when her commitment to assimilation in the colonies was undiluted. Yet, this level of assimilation was attempted only in the Four Communes, The rest of Senegal like the rest of French West Africa, notably, Sudan, Guinea, Mauritania, Dahomey, Ivory Coast, Niger and Upper Volta were subject to a different set of laws and conditions. Even so, the point remains that Senegal experienced assimilation from the nineteenth century. The Four Communes were thus treated as Overseas France and not as mere colonies. They were granted citizenship rights (civil and political) in 1848 including the franchise. They could elect a representative or Deputy to the French National Assembly (French Chamber of Deputies] in Paris. The first was Blaise Diagne who was sent in The French system was extended to the communes which had their own elected municipalities on the same model as those of France. There was also a Conseil du Senegal (an elected council] with representatives from the four communes of Senegal, It could levy taxes and oversee the use of public property. In general, Africans born in the four communes became automatic French citizens and were called the originaires meaning those who became French citizens by virtue of birth. They also remained under indigenous or Muslim law. A few points deserve special attention at this stage. First, we should not overestimate the degree of assimilation even in the Communes. Cultural assimilation was, not achieved or pursued. So we can talk of selective or gradualist assimilation. Most of the Senegalese "French citizens" were not literate in French; only few were Christians and a lot were polygamous Muslims. In short, Africans were assimilated politically without Cultural assimilation. Soon, many questioned the wisdom of this type of assimilation. Many could not see how people who were culturally so different from the French could be French citizens. Opposition to assimilation grew on these and other grounds. Scholars pronounced, it an unwise policy. French administrators opposed the criticisms from elected councils like that of the Council-General of Senegal. The policy was also expensive and France was unwilling to finance the social and economic programmes that would make assimilation meaningful and possible. The opposition ultimately resulted in change of policy. Thus, except in the Four Communes of Senegal, assimilation was abandoned as the basis of administering Africans. 26

39 Study Session 3Assimilation in French West Africa 3.2 Assimilatio on in the Rest of West Africa The reasons for abandoning assimilation are already stated. An additional reason was the fact that the territories in the interior had very late contact with France, mainly in the 1880s through the 1890s to the early years of the twentieth century when they were invaded by French Imperial forces. So there was much hostility between the communities and the French administrators. A new arrangement called association was initiated with emphasis on mutual relations between France and Africans, each retaining their separate identities. However, the policy of assimilation persisted in theory even though impossible conditions were put for its attainment such that by 1946 when the distinction between citizens and subjects was abolished, less than 100,001) Africans had qualified for as French citizen. The condition included the following: an age limit of not less than eighteen years; abandonment of traditional rights; compulsory monogamy; education in French language; employment for ten years; compulsory military service and the possession of good occupation and character. The French were to determine when Africans satisfactorily met these hard conditions. The upshoot of these conditions was that assimilation was not implemented in the rest of West Africa. Even so, the institutions of administration in the constituent colonies were informed very much by French ideas. That is, colonial mentality traceable to France was planted in the up-coming educated elite in French West Africa from Senegal to the rest of the sub-region. It must, of course, be stressed that assimilation, if logically implemented would have defeated the political and economic motives of French colonialism in West Africa. Its failure, in this sense, was therefore an admission that meaningful assimilation was never desired by the French. Africans had qualified for as French citizen. The condition included the following: an age limit of not less than eighteen years; abandonment of traditional rights; compulsory monogamy; education in French language; employment for ten years; compulsory military service and the possession of Tip good occupation and character. ITQ Question What is the new arrangement initiated with emphasis on mutual relations between France and Africans? Feedback Association 27

40 HDS 202 Africa Since 1914 Study Session Summary In this Study Session, you have learnt about the success of assimilation in Senegal and the limited implementation of it in the rest of West Africa. Summary Assessment Assignment SAQ 3.1 (tests Learning Outcome 3.1) 1. Explain why assimilation was more successful in Senegal than in the rest of French West Africa. 2. List out the conditions to be met to qualify as French citizen Bibliography Reading Ajayi, J. F. A, and CROWDER, M. (eds.), History of West Africa, volume 2 Chapter 12. Afiagbo, A. E.: The Warrant Chiefs: Indirect Rule in Southeastern Nigeria, , Longman, 1972 (the whole text) The Warrant Chief System: Direct and Indirect in Rule? Journal of the Historical, society of Nigerian (JHSN), Vol. 3, No. 4, The Native Treasury Question under the Warrant Chief System in Eastern Nigeria ODU, Volume 4, No Atanda, J. A., The New Oyo Empire, Longman, 1972 (The whole Book). Ikime, Obaro (ed.), Groundwork o Nigerian History, pp Reconsidering indirect Rule: The Nigerian Example, JHSN, Volume 4, No. 4 Dec., 1968, pp Igbafe, P. A., Benin under British Administration, Longman, London. 1979, Heussler, R., The British in Northern Nigeria, O.U.P, Tarikh,s Volume 3, No Indirect Rule in British Africa, Longman London, 1970, pp

41 Study Session 4Assimilation in North Africa Study Session 4 Assimi ilation in North Africa Introduction Learning Outcomes Outcomes In this study session, you will explore the colonization of North Africa, using two countries as case studies. Specifically, you will learn different factors of circumstances which shaped France s rule in Algeria with a view to illustrating how a colonial power worked in a settler-colony. In doing so, we focus on three mean issues: 1. the attitudes of metropolitan France with regard to assimilation; 2. reactions of the settlers and 3. the social, economic and political experiences of the colony. You will also examine Portuguese policy of assimilation in Angola. When you have studied this session, you should be able to: 4.1 discuss the working of assimilation in settler-colony 4..2 explain the assimilation policy in Angola 4.1 French Assi similation in the Midst of Se ettlers (Algeria ) The first point to note here is that French lost no time in encouraging white settlers or colons to establish in Algeria. By 1839, there were 25,000 of such, settlers, rising to 800,000 in 1912 and TO over a million by the 1950s. The colons were; made up of fortune-seekers of various backgrounds: adventurers, speculators, poor Italians, Spanish and Maltese labourers and political exiles. These settlers naturally favoured absolute assimilation and began early to see Algeria as the extension of France or the so-called Franco overseas. They thus 29

42 HDS 202 Africa Since 1914 saw themselves as the first order (legitimate) citizens of this France Overseas (Algeria). They in fact despised, the indigenes their customs or institutions. In particular, they treated Islam with little regard. They also alienated Algerian land with the encouragement of the French Government. Algeria was thus a class society based on racial lines, comprising on the one hand the privileged class (namely, the colons or settlers) and the suppressed Muslims (Algerian indigenes) on the other. Within this social content, it is not surprising that the settlers were ardent fighters for the policy of assimilation" in Algeria, In fact, between 1871 and 1930, the Algerian settlers engaged in several efforts to ensure that assimilation was completely applied in Algeria. The meaning any way was that they wanted the policy to perpetuate the unjust, unfair and unequal social structure which their presence in Algeria had created. In other words, when assimilation threatened the privileged status of the colons, they opposed and argued, among others, that it was futile to educate and civilize the Algerian Africans, Therefore, depending on circumstances, the colons supported or opposed assimilation for the same ends; to protect their privilege as titles of the most fertile land controllers of banking, shipping and mining interests, holders of the best positions in the administration and the real beneficiaries of western education and medical facilities, The practical impact of assimilation in the midst of settlers of Algeria merits further elucidation. It took the colons about fifty years ( ) to attain the objectives of assimilating Algeria into France or of having French policy in Algeria geared to serve their interests. The Muslims were discriminated against and could do nothing about it. Algeria Jews were naturalized en bloc in 1870 and so enjoyed French rights. The settlers (colons) were exempted from direct taxation; half of the tax revenue went to Algerian Councils in which the Muslims were not represented. By 1881, due to ADMINISTRATIVE assimilation, all Algerian affairs were regulated by ministries in Paris. The settlers also dominated the land ownership. In 1930 Europeans owned 2,350,000 hectares of Algerian land. European population s increased so that they were just fewer than one million by the census of 1936 which put the whole: population at 7 million. In the political sphere, as in the economic and social, the unassimilated Algerians were excluded with the Colons enjoying self-government in special Assembly Called Delegations financieries which were charged with limited 30

43 Study Session 4Assimilation in North Africa control of Algeria s budget. Up to 1954, the colons and the Frenchified Arab-Berbers who favoured assimilation monopolized the administration of the country. By 1954, over 90 per cent of the Muslim populations were illiterates in French language. Clearly, French policy in Algeria favoured the colons and the indigenes had several grievances. Despite periods of hope for improvement, such as during the First World War, and as engendered by the assimilation of some of them, the Algerians remained at the mercy of the colons in the social, economic and political processes of their country throughout the colonial period. In this experience, they were like other Africans under the colonial rule. Yet the unique features in their case, due mainly to the presence of the colons should not be underrated. At the same time, Algerian response to French mis-rule had other constraints especially in the years before the Second World War. The assimilation policy and the long contact between France and the Algerians made them (the Algerians) happy that the promised blessings of assimilation would ultimately be applied to them. Consequently, the Algerians were divided. Some opposed assimilation while some (the evolues) supported it. The latter spent considerable time and energy seeking to make the colons and the French Government apply assimilation based on equality to all. However, the evolues were to rather fate that their position as assimilated persons would not enable them as main force in Algerian history. This was about 1939 when reliance on revivalism and the exploitation of socio-economic grievances made the Algerian nationalists intensify their anti-french activities which of course, included effort to dislodge colons. The French Government reacted to these anti-colonial movements in repressive form both before and 1939 as in the imprisonment of some of their leaders and the disbanding of their organization. A notable case before 1939 was Messali Ahmed Ben Hadj whose organization, Etoile Nord Africaine (ENA) founded in 1937 was dissolved in Messali was imprisoned several times between 1937and 1945 Also Ahmad Ben Bella, a redoubtable Algerian nationalist leader was imprisoned in 1950 and in 1956 till The Algerian muslim response to French rule (infidel rule) found formal expression in the popular organization, The Society of the Reformed Ulema, founded in 1931 by Skeikh Abd el-hamid ben Badis whose was Islam my religion; Arabic is my language; Algeria my Fatherland". 31

44 HDS 202 Africa Since The colons remained defiant to that despite the right given to the Algerian muslins in 1945 to elect members into the newly constituted Assembly; they (the colons) remained the unfair champions of politico, economics and social development throughout the colonial period. Given these internal grievances and the general upsurge of nationalist activity in the Arab world in the post-second world war period, it was only logical that the Algerian engaged in a bloody revolution between 1954 and 1962 to dislodge French rule and their country, leading to independence in 1962 on the basis of the Evian Agreement. 4.2 Portuguese Assimilation - Angola Before going into the Portuguese policy of assimilation in Angola, it is necessary to first briefly epitomize how Angola came into being. The Portuguese presence in Angola started as part of the initial contact between the government of Lisbon and the Mani-Congo. By the middle of the 16 th century however, Angola had come to be regarded as a separate Portuguese colony. The name Angola is a Portuguese corruption of the title of one of the local people in the Luanda region whose king was called Ngola. However, the Portuguese started the policy of assimilation in 1917 in Angola as a result of the promulgation of a decree in that year; but the assimilation could not have been effected in Angola if not because of the defeat of the Angolans who put up strong resistance against the Portuguese who wanted to take over their lands.; they were soundly defeated at the Battle of Bilundo in In 1951, the Portuguese formally proclaimed Angola as an extension of Portugal. Like the French, the Portuguese regarded their colonies in Africa as overseas provinces of the metropolitan country. As a result of this, large numbers of Portuguese were motivated to emigrate to their new found colony, Angola. Portuguese colonial system did not allow parliaments in the colonies. Laws for the colonies were made from Lisbon; therefore, Angola did not have a single parliament. The governor in Angola was directly under the authority of the Minister for the overseas provinces. Under the governor, were divisional officers; under these in turn were district officers. Direct rule prevailed and traditional chiefs were nothing but puppets of the Portuguese provincial rulers. In Angola, the minority of Portuguese settlers were accorded full Portuguese citizenship; the vast majority of the natives

45 Study Session 4Assimilation in North Africa Study Session Summary were denied this right. These people were designated as indigena. For any of the natives or an indigena to qualify for Portuguese citizenship, he had to fulfil the following preprimary school; he requisites: he must have attained official must be over 18 years of age and must not be polygamous; he must speak Portuguese fluently; he must be engaged in some occupation to support himself and his family; he must be of good conduct and should have attained some level of education and he must not have refused to perform military duties or have deserted. Having satisfied the above requirements, he would then be given an identity card to carry about. The assimilated African was referred to as Assimilado, to differentiate him from the indigena. The Africans who fulfilled these requirements were very few. The uncivilized group contained most of the Africans. They were not goverened by laws laid down by Portuguese citizens or those who had been assimilated, and therefore were not accorded the rights thatt went along with Portuguese citizenship. And they were not granted political rights. To be an indigena was therefore a curse since it carried with it economic disabilities. He could not engage in economic activities and since he did not have any educational opportunity, he could not enter into any profession. The only way to earn a living was in agriculture. However, he could not make a real living out of this because he was subjected to labour laws which compelled him to forced labour for public and private works. In this Study Session, you examined assimilation policy in North Africa. Summary Assessment Assignment 1. Identify and discus's the main features of social and economic development in colonial Algeria. 2. What peculiar problems did colonial powers fate in settlerresistant to French territories? 3. Account for the failure of Algerian invasion? 4. How did the interest of the colons affect French rule in Algeria between 1900 and 1954? 5. Examine the causes and effects of nationalist movement in Algeria from 1919 to Outline the main features of Portuguese policy of assimilation in Angola. 33

46 HDS 202 Africa Since 1914 Bibliography Reading JANIL M. ABUN-NASR, A History of the Maghrib, Cambridge University Press, 1971, Chapters 9 and 10. Ayandele, E. A. et al. the Growth of African Civilization, Volume 2, Chapter 3. QUANT, W. B.: Revelation and Political Leadership in Algeria, M.I.T Press, Cambridge, 1969 Tarikh France in Africa, pp Tarikh, White Society in Africa Volume 6, No. 2, pp Micheal Tidy and Leeming, D. (1981), A History of Africa , Vol. II 34

47 Study Session 5Paternalism in Africa Introduction Learning Outcomes Study Session 5 Pat ternalism in Africa Here, you will examine the concept of paternalism as it relates to colonization of Africa. In doing so, you will learn about paternalism as a policy of Belgium and Germany in their colonies. When you have studied this session, you should be able to: 5.1 discuss paternalism policy of colonisationn Outcomes Terminology Paternalism Policy Superiority practice of treating or governing people in a fatherly manner. 5.1 Belgian Pa aternalism Policy The Belgian system of administration was direct. However, in this case, it was absolute i.e more autocratic despotic administration. It passed through several stages. The first stage was during King Leopold II. The territory occupied in Africa by King Leopold was the Congo Free State. Individualism prevailed so there was no development. Under this system, there was forced labour. People had to work without pay. Because of the inferior status, flogging, mutilation, and at times, murder were frequently used by the agents of King Leoppold. Gradually, humiliation of the Africans aroused the international sympathy and the rule of the individual was terminated and control was handed over to the Belgian government. Later, it was discovered that the territory did not have any development and in about 1808, Congo came under the Belgian government. The Belgian government then introduced the policy of paternalism. 35

48 HDS 202 Africa Since By the policy of paternalism, the Africans were regarded as children who required the fatherly care of the Belgians i.e the father had absolute authority over the child. This was a form of direct administration by the Belgian government. The laws for the colony of Congo were made from Belgium. Apart from that, the economy of the territory was controlled by five holding companies. It was said that these five companies controlled more than 70% of the economy. This was done as a result of the alliance between the state and the church. Education was monopolized by the church in alliance with the state and this was the Catholic church. Most of the position of officers were reserved for the Catholics. One thing which appeared to be the credit of the Belgians was that they did not encourage settlement of the whites. They realized that the indigenes needed the land and they tried to discourage white settlement. The policy of the Belgians could be seen as exploitation with a difference i.e to exploit in a very subtle manner by building contentment for Africans and thereby avoiding rise of political activists. 5.2 German Paternalism in Tanganyika The Germans were late-comers to the colonial scene. With their entry, they quickly declared a protectorate over Cameroun, Togoland, South West Africa (Namibia) and Tanganyika (Tanzania), Germany s colonial administration in Africa only lasted twenty-five years, ending with their defeat in World War I in The colonial system the Germans adopted was a direct system of administration better known as Paternalism. By this policy, the Africans were regarded as children who required the fatherly care of the Germans. It was also their belief that they superior race and they had the intention of civilizing the people of Africa. The Germans established a highly centralized system of administration. In Tanganyika, the colony was divided into districts, headed by District officers called in German, Bezirksamtman. Policemen were also attached to each of the local districts to maintain law and order but where there was lack of personnel to man these areas, African chiefs who had the title of Akida in Tanganyika were asked to administer the districts. Nonetheless, the district officers were authorized to appoint and send away any African chief found wanting. It was incumbent on the Akida to enforce the collection of hut tax as well as labour conscription. The

49 Study Session 5Paternalism in Africa Study Session Summary Akidas were also charged with the responsibility of supervising the local people who were conscripted to work in the plantations of European settlers and to provide the labour needs of the government for its public works. However, the policy of land alienation created problems both for the Germans and the colonized people. The Tangayika people were deprived of their lands which would have given pasture for the cattle and farming. The paternalism system caused discontent and led to series of revolts in German- the Maji-Maji controlled areas. Some of these revolts were rising which began in late July 1905 in the Madaba-Lukulira area, Tanzania; the Bulu Wars ( ) fought by farmers in Cameroun and lastly, the Mahdist revolts in Cameroun (1907). These revolts were however, crushed by the Germans. It is estimated that about 75,000 Africans diedd either during the violence or as a result of the hunger which followed the wars. In this Study Session, you learnt that the Belgians and Germans adopted a form of direct rule known as Paternalism in their colonies. The nexus here is the fact that these policies sought Summary to make the natives of the colonized countries the subjects of the colonialists. Assessment Describe the Belgian paternalism policy in Congo Assignment Bibliography Reading JANIL M. ABUN-NASR, A History of the Maghrib, Cambridge University Press, 1971, Chapters 9 and 10. Ayandele, E. A. et al. the Growth of African Civilization, Volume 2, Chapter 3. QUANT, W. B.: Revelation and Political Leadership in Algeria, M.I.T Press, Cambridge, 1969 Tarikh France in Africa, pp Tarikh, White Society in Africa Volume 6, No. 2, pp Micheal Tidy and Leeming, D. (1981), A History of Africa , Vol. II 37

50 HDS 202 Africa Since 1914 Introduction Learning Outcomes Study Session 6 Colonial Ec conomic Policy: The West Af frican Experience In this Study Session, you will examine the economic policies of colonial administrations in West Africa. Outcomes Terminology When you have studied this session, you should be able to: 6.1 analyse the economic programmes of colonial administrations in West Africa. 6.2 discuss organization and impact of economic development during the colonial period. Economy Imperialism The state of a country or region in terms of the production and consumption of goods and services and the supply of money. The policy of extending the rule or authority of a nation over foreign countries, or of acquiring and holding colonies and dependencies. 6.1 Perspective es on the Role of Colonialism in Africa s Ec conomic Development Opinions differ sharply on the role of colonialism in Africa's economic development. Your leading of prescribed lexis will enable you see the differences of opinion in full. All the same, there are two major views on the matter: 1. that colonialism was for economic exploration and a factor of underdevelopment; and 38

51 Study Session 6Colonial Economic Policy: The West African Experience 2. that it was for the mutual benefit of both the colonizer and the colonized By examining the nature of colonial economic policy as it applied to communications, agriculture, commerce and so on in West Africa, we will be in a position to make up our mind either way. 6.2 Impact of Colonial onial Economic Policies on Key Sectors Impact of Colonial Regime on Transportation and Communication These cover roads, railways, post and telegraphs, seaports and airports. However, we will concentrate on roads, railways and seaports. The colonial administrators gave prompt attention to the development of roads in West Africa and the rest of Africa for political and economic reasons. The roads facilitated the movements of security and military forces in the early years of colonial rule. Economically, they like the railways which were built about the same time the Colonial regimes were established and were used for the exploitation of the mineral and agricultural resources of West Africa and for the distribution of European manufactured products in the respective colonies. Through the railways, the products were moved from centre of production to the ports for shipment to their respective destinations in the Metropolis. Your texts will give more examples of these railways for various countries of Weil Africa. They included for Nigeria the Lagos lint which reached Kano, from where groundnuts were carried to the Lagos port. The line which was constructed between 1907 and 1911 was extended from Zaria to Jos to make possible the evacuation of tin-ore from the city. Similar railways, with supporting roads, were; built by Cuggisberg as Ghana s Governor in the 1920s to promote the evacuation on of that country s cocoa and mineral resources. In Ghana, the Colonial Administration raised the so-called development loans at high interest from the Imperial Treasury and invested the greater percentage of the money in the building of this infrastructure. Also in French West Africa, similar developments took place such that, inter aha, the Senegal-Niger line darted in 1881 and became the basis of the Dakar-Niger line which was completed in 1925, Loans were also given from Metropolitan France ostensibly for Development but actually for building these communication infrastructures in the 1920s, 1930s and 1940s. 39

52 HDS 202 Africa Since Since these were designed to serve colonial purposes, the railways usually ran in directions that made the achievement of the said purpose possible Generally therefore, though these road, railways and other means of communications had some positive influence on West Africans (as in promoting intergroup commerce), they were essentially arteries of exploitation. This was the case throughout the colonial period in all of West Africa Impact of Colonial Regime on Agriculture Agriculture provided the so-called sylvan products which initially brought European powers to Africa. Despite the early recognition of the importance of agriculture for the provision of raw materials to European industries, no colonial power m West Africa had any sustained programme for improving both the quality and production process of agriculture. As it worked, agricultural policy made all countries more suppliers of socalled export or cash crops to respective colonial powers. Thus, Senegal and Gambia as well as Northern Nigeria were known for supplying groundnuts to their colonial powers. Just as the technology of agriculture was not promoted so did the colonies lose to the colonial powers in the prices of agricultural products. In all colonies, prices were fixed by the colonial authorities and/or their merchants, usually to the disadvantage of West Africans. Therefore, though West Africans got some money from the product they sold, the agricultural policy was one that promoted colonial exploitation of their products without comparable fiscal and other gains. Again, despite the so called reforms in agricultural policy as years passed by this verdict is valid for the entire colonial period. We expect that student will find more evidence from their reading to elucidate this point Overview of Colonial Economic Policy and Commerce in Africa To facilitate Commercial activity, in addition to the provision of roads and other infrastructure, the colonial administration in West Africa introduced new portable currency between and 1926 in French and British. Colonies. Similar development took place in Portuguese and German territories. Colonial commercial policy gave protection to European commercial firms as they engaged in trade monopoly, excluding other Europeans at one level and ensuring that indigenous commercial elite did not successfully challenge the monopoly at the other. Yet colonial Governments preferred direct control

53 Study Session 6Colonial Economic Policy: The West African Experience over mineral exploitation. European firms backed by the colonial authorities decided (unilaterally) the trade terms between them and the respective colonies. Also, commercial policy did not promote Internal trade so that only places by the railway station, mining centres and other places with European establishments could become market centres of worth under the colonial setting in west Africa, The adverse consequences including the fact that the commercial relation-.ship between Europe and West Africa was one which made African traders mere agents of European industries. They could not and were not designed to contribute to meaningful economic development of their countries. Instead, it left a legacy of dependency which means that during and since after colonial rule, West African commerce has been adversely attached to the Markets of the colonial powers. Also, Lebanese and Syrians were enabled to gain an in-road into West Africa's commercial life with adverse consequences for the economics of the countries of West Africa Colonial Regime and Industries in West Africa Extractive is the term for describing the industrial policy in colonial West Africa. Every colonial power in West Africa gave attention only to industries that made exploitation possible. Hence there were mining industries (involving products needed in European manufacturing industries or markets). West Africans were not helped to learn the technology involved in these mining industries so that by the end of colonial rule, the absence of necessary technical manpower became a key obstacle to meaningful industrial activity even in the erstwhile extractive industries. Manufacturing industries were given no attention. Thus at the end of colonial rule in every West African country, the underdevelopment of the manufacturing industry has been a bane on development efforts or programmes. Tip Colonial economic policy in West Africa was essentially exploitative and left a legacy of underdevelopment. Economic gain of the period was unavoidable or accidental. Thus, those gains were the accidental sacrifice the Colonial powers had to make as they engaged in the primary work of economic exploitation in the respective countries. Study Session Summary In this Study Session, you examined the theories of the colonial economic policies in West Africa. You also learnt about the true impact of the policies. 41

54 HDS 202 Africa Since 1914 Summary Assessment Assignment 1. What were the economic reasons for European occupation of Africa? 2. Do you think that the Europeans brought development to Africa? 3. "Contemporary economic crisis in West Africa is the ultimate result of colonial policies. Discuss. 4. Would you agree that colonial economic policy in West Africa resulted only in the pillage of the region s resources by the colonial powers. 5. Analyst agricultural and commercial development in any West African country during colonial rule. Bibliography Reading AJAYI, J.F.A and CROWDER,, M.: History of West Africa, Volume 2. Chapter 14. AYANDELE, E. A. et al.: The Growth of African Civilization, Volume 2, pp. l CROWDER, M.: West Africa under Colonial Rule, Part V, The Colonial Economy, pp

55 Study Session 7Social Development in Africa Study Session 7 Social Development in Afric ca Introduction Learning Outcomes In the previous Study Session, you examined the nature and impact of colonial economic policy in Africa by focusing on West Africa. Another aspect of colonial impact on Africa had to do with social development. While economic issues do have social impact, their primary purpose is not social development. In the colonial situation, several agent of social development emerged but we will concentrate only on three of them, namely, western education, health development and urbanization. Outcomes Terminology When you have studied this session, you should be able to: 7.1 describe the main features of colonial social policy in Africa. 7.2 identify the short and the long-term impact of colonial social measures on Africa. Social development transformations which societies undergo as a result of the activities of certain agents 7.1 Formal Edu ucation Policy and Its Lacklu ustre Implemen ntation Formal or western education was introducedd at various times and place by the respective colonial powers in Africa. Certain common features are noticeable in the attitudes of colonial administration to the development of Western education. Firstly, colonial Governments of administrations did not give earnest support to educational development, both in terms of planning and financing as well as in terms of content. Consequently, in many colonies, educational institutions were both insufficient and inadequate for the needs of the people. 43

56 HDS 202 Africa Since Particularly in the first three or four decades of colonial rule but also throughout the period, in varying degrees, Government s, failure to give adequate attention to the development of western education left most of the development to the Christian is, who in collaboration with African communities built schools and colleges primarily produce a literate class that would facilitate the spread of Christianity. While this emphasis was justifiable, given the aim of the missions themselves, the educational system which it sustained was divorced of the type of training that would have adequately prepared Africans for the social and technological advancement of their countries. Part explanation for this was the near absence of vocational education in the system, thereby making the e largely non-functional. This, during and after colonial rule, the product of the educational system have been predominantly clerical and sedentary workers, usually seeking for paid employment in Government and private owned establishments. Furthermore, the intellectual tradition resulting from colonial educational policy in every African country has been one in which leaders and people have tended to rely on ill-understood alien ideas about development, without due cognisance of the concrete and real situations in Africa itself. In this way, the educational system under colonial rule prepared the continent for dependence on European powers in fashioning the African status in the world. In the Congo (Zaire), in the realm of politics, the division between those who were loyal to this legacy (Moise Tshombe, for example) and those opposed to it (Patrice Lumumba, for example) was one of the key causes of civil crisis in the country barely two weeks after independence from the Belgians in I960. Students should study situations in Nigeria and the rest. of West Africa. Zaire, Egypt, Zimbabwe and Kenya in order to see how the how the various features mentioned in this lecture are manifest. 7.2 The Improperly Planned Urbanization Though urbanization existed in pre-colonial Africa, the rise of urban centre was more widespread under the impact of colonialism due to the challenges posed to African populations by colonial administrative (as in the establishment of divisional, provincial and national capitals) and economiccommercial (as in the case of railway, mining, and fading centres} measures. These measures either led to the emergence of completely new towns or to the expansion of pre-existing

57 Study Session 7Social Development in Africa ones, Kaduna and Accra in Nigeria and Ghana respectively are examples of the former while the latter include Kano and Ibadan in Nigeria and Fez in Morocco. Some towns started largely as railway towns and/or seaports but also became, with time, renowned commercial and administrative centre. Enugu and Port Harcourt in Nigeria; Cairo and Alexandria in Egypt: Bathurst in Gambia; Freetown in Sierra Leone and Cape Town in South Africa in different degree; had this experience, Zeal for Urban Migration Africans exhibited great zeal for urban migration during the colonial period. That was mainly because the colonial administrations neglected the rural areas in terms of the provision of social, economic and even political or administrative opportunities. As it was, the commercial firms, banking institutions, civil service and headquarters, and other public and private departments were located in the towns. To get employment involved considerable migration of qualified manpower to those towns. It also soon becomes obvious that Government favoured the urban centres; in the provision of social amenities like good roads, water electricity and health institutions. Life m the urban centres therefore proved not only more economically rewarding but also more comfortable. Hence the attraction to them. Though colonial Governments had classes of townships so that the degree of opportunities and comfort varied among the towns, yet in general, the township proved more inviting many an African both during and after colonist rule. As stated earlier in this lecture, the educational system was increasingly producing manpower that was incapable of relying on its own skills to develop in the rural areas where paid employment was drastically limited. Generally therefore by the 1930s in Africa urban populations were already in their thousands, made up of peoples with various skills, aspirations and orientations, that were to constitute both a constraint and an asset to development Impact of Urbanization The impact was both positive and negative though ultimately, urbanization in colonial Africa became a constraint on Africans development. On the positive side we note that urbanization brought together Africans of different backgrounds and cultures, widened their cosmopolitan outlook and, despite certain elements of disruption, promoted mutual relations among the people. Urban centres provided the best meeting points for Africans to collaborate in the anti-colonial and independence movements in all of Africa. But on the negative side some of the key effects were the disruptive disagreements 45

58 HDS 202 Africa Since Health Services between the original owners and the migrants, the legacy of rural poverty as rural areas, were neglected, in development schedules, the overwhelming urban populations which could not be adequately catered for, leading to various vices and total disenchantment as shown in the high crime rate and unemployment figures in the urban centres. Urbanisation also contributed to the consolidation of foreign culture in Africa with adverse consequences for development. Generally, urbanization in colonial Africa created a culture of uneven development which has left most of the populations very much disinherited in the social, economic and political processes of their countries. The development of European health services (in terms of medical manpower, health institutions, and so on) ante-dated colonial rule because the first European visitor to Africa needed the services for their health care. This concern for the health European officials and non-officials remained the major rationale for the establishment of health institutions and the promotion of other health care facilities in colonial Africa. Therefore, hospitals, dispensaries and clinics were usually concentrated in the places they could be of use to the Europeans. Also, the colonial bias for better development in the urban centres meant that health programmes were applied more to the urban areas than to the rural areas. The result was uneven development of health services in Africa. Another feature was that tin training of medical manpower was not pursued, with vigour because of the policy of Branding little on colonial territories. This was also the reason why the institutions did not have enough drugs. Furthermore, the industrial policy of colonial Governments meant that African countries were not exposed to the full and necessary technical know-how that would make them complete managers of the health care system brought about by colonial rule. It thus means that though the people were able Io find answers to some of their health problems (like the cure of small pox, leprosy and other 'incurable diseases] yet colonial health policy made African depend on Europe for their health programmes both during and since after colonial rule. This has been a major bane of health programmes in Africa. 46

59 Study Session 7Social Development in Africa Study Session Summary Summary In this Study Session, you observed that social development in colonial Africa as seen in the areas of western education, urbanization and health services show that the welfare of the people was not the primary concern of the colonial powers. Assessment Assignment 1. In what way has European rule affected social life in your town? 2. How important do you consider your education for your country's development? 3. Examine the organization and impact of western education in say two African countries during the colonial period. 4. Urbanization colonial Africa left the Legacy of underdevelopment s Discuss. 5. Identify and discuss the main features of social development in colonial Africa. 6. Assess the contribution of the colonial authorities to the development of health services in Nigeria. Bibliography Reading AJAYI, J.F.A and CROWDER, M.: History of West Africa, Volume 2. Chapter 14. ANYANWU, E. A. et al.: The Growth of African Civilization, Volume 2, pp. l CROWDER, M.: West Africa under Colonial Rule, Pp ; ; and Davidson, Basil.: Which Way Africa? Penguin, 1971, Third Edition IKIME, OBARO (ed.): Groundwork of Nigeria History, Chapter, Chapter

60 HDS 202 Africa Since 1914 Introduction Learning Outcomes Outcomes Study Session 8 Land in Colonial Africa Land was the cornerstone of African development in the pre- purposes like colonial period. In addition to serving material agriculture, mining and so on, it also served material purposes. Under colonial rule, matters relating to land became very sensitive, particularly because the promotion of conditions that would facilitate maximum exploitation of land was a primary duty of colonial authorities. This session examines the various ways the colonial authorities utilize laud and the short and long term effects of overall colonial land polity even though we will mainly on the situation up to the 1930s and 1940s. When you have studied this session, you should be able to: 8.1 explain the following aspects of Land in colonial Africa. (i) reasons for land-use (ii) reasons for variations in land policy (iii) and the significance of the land policy for Africa's development. 8.1 Rationale for Colonial Land Policy It is obvious to say that the primary reason behind colonial land policy was the exploitation of the resources of Africa, whether agricultural mineral. This indeed was the key reason but the manifestation of this policy varied according to local circumstances. These circumstances constitute the other set of reasons that affected colonial policy in Africa, These circumstances can be spoken of in terms of geographical areas corresponding somewhat with areas of colonial influence by some or all of the major colonial powers in Africa. Thus we recognize the British and the French West Africa, the Belgian Congo and the French Equatorial Africa; the South and the East 48

61 Study Session 8Land in Colonial Africa Africa. These represent three zones of exploitation and we will now draw attention to the rationale of thinking inflected colonial attitude or policy to land in each of them. In British and French West Africa, where Europeans did not find sufficient cause to settle in large numbers on a permanent basis, the amount of land expropriated by the imperialists was small. Large capitalist plantations were also few. The attitude to land, especially as it affected ownership and utilization was not such that transferred most of the land available directly to the whites. The policy here laid emphasis of measures that would make the people small commodity producers. Indeed, their economic activity was totally subject to the interests of finance capital as evidenced in fiscal and tariff policy, nonequivalent exchange, control of production and sale of locally grown produce by the trading companies, who also monopolized such sales. In the second group, namely, the Belgian Congo and French Equatorial Africa, the land policy was more open and coercive in annexing the land. In most of the colonies in this group "the imperialists expropriated all the peasants' land immediately after annexation, destroyed peasant farming and established large plantation farming". The indigenous populations were virtually reduced to a condition of semi-slavery and nearly all of them were exploited by open and non-economic forms of coercion on the plantations and mines. In the South and East Africa, the policy was a mixture of elements in the two groups already discussed. Part of the working population were sent to what were called native reserves* where they engaged in small peasant farming. Thus they were denied of right to own and utilize some lands which were also forcefully seized because of their agricultural and/or mineral potentials. Shortage of land thus became a problem imposed on them by colonial land policy. Thus unlike their counterparts in British and French West Africa, they partially engaged on their own farming and were forced to seek work elsewhere, usually European farms and plantations where they experienced some kind of serfdom. These were the three basic forms of land policy adopted by the colonial regimes in Africa. It is common to explain the difference in approaches to policy in terms of geography or climatic conditions. Thus, Europeans were said to have settled in some places and thus annexed or expropriated land because such places had 'healthy* climate. While this fact of geography might be part of the reason, its role should not be overrated. For instance, the climate of West Africa is only "marginally worse than that of Southern Africa" and we know that Europeans both during and since after colonial rule lived in both places. Or, is it not a fact the climate 49

62 HDS 202 Africa Since of the West Coast is a good deal better than that of the Belgian Congo or French Equatorial Africa? It must be stressed that other factors more significant than geography were at work. And we can summarize them as follows. There was the fact of the state of production in respective zones, such as in West Africa where in general even by the nineteenth century the local economy was considerably a commodity economy. All that was therefore necessary was notthe expropriation of the laud but a number of measures to compel Africans in the region to produce large enough quantities of agricultural raw material for European needs. This clearly affected colonial laws on land use and land tenure in the zone. In East Africa where the level of the economy could not yield a similar result, direct intervention in the ownership and exploitation of land became an obvious option for the colonial authorities or the imperialists in general. There was also a political dimension to the explanation. For instance in colonies where significant political organisation with emphasis on effective monarchies like the Asante of Ghana, the colonial efforts to expropriate land were met with instant resistance, so much that it was only prudent to take to an alternative line especially as the aim of exploitation of resources would not be imperilled. On the other hand in the Belgian Congo where a similar situation did not exist (instead there were uncoordinated independent groups), the expropriatory activities of the colonists were not resisted with similar effectiveness. And since the resources of the country were precious to the colonists, they intervened more directly. The same situation existed in French Equatorial Africa. However, far above all these was the pattern of entry and the resources discovered. Where the raw materials were agricultural and the other options appeared realistic, there was no compelling need for direct intervention. Instead, the colonial authorities relied on the power of their capital and related fiscal and other measures. This is where the case of South Africa is relevant. The case has been well summarized by Nzula and others as follows: Gold and diamonds are what determined the policy of British imperialism in South Africa. But to mine gold and diamonds it was first necessary to drive the peasants from the land and expropriate it. The mines needed labour. But, given sufficient land, the African population would support themselves by their own farming, and would not go to work in the mines. They would need to be

63 Study Session 8Land in Colonial Africa dispossessed of their land. The British imperialists could not, therefore, leave the land in the hands of the peasants, and would have to confiscate it. Similarly in the Belgian Congo, the policy of the imperialists was initially determined by rubber. To make the Africans gather rubber, it was necessary to confiscate their land and drive them into the jungle by force. These factors rather than geography constituted the more significant reasons for the variations in land policy or manifestations of it in Africa during the colonial period. Despite the so-called variations, we must stress that the impact of colonial land policy throughout the continent was the maximum exploitation of the peoples as well as their ultimate marginalization in the direction of social and economic activity in their countries not only during the colonial period but also after it. The specific illustrations of the various general points raised so far are, however, best appreciated by the examination of particular situations in the continent. Here we expect the student to study closely what is said in the prescribed reading, particularly in the chapters cited in Basil Davidson's Africa in Modern History and Nzula et al: Forced Labour in Colonial Africa. 8.2 Land in British West Africa While it is true that Britain did not expropriate the land yet her policies affected land ownership and use. The British on arrival needed land for mining and agriculture. This was got either through direct agreements between British firms and the chiefs (like the renting of 1,000 hectares by the Ashanti Goldfields Corporation), or provided by the Government. Land was declared crown property which meant that the colonial authorities could alienate land whenever and for whatever reasons they wanted. As your reading would indicate, this was done in Northern Nigeria (Kano, for example), Southern Nigeria, Sierra Leone and Ghana. Land was taken for public purposes railways stations, roads, model plantations and so on. Populations on such land usually moved away with or without compensation which in any case was solely determined by the colonial authorities. Students are required to study the examples in Chapters 2 and 3 of Nzula, et al and Chapter 11 of Basil Davidson. An understanding of the matter in them as well as the issues raised and discussed in this lecture will help the students to appreciate better the following comment on the overall impact of colonial land policy in Africa. 51

64 HDS 202 Africa Since Impact of Land Policy Both in settler and non-settler colonies, colonial land policy was for the interest of the metropole. It enabled the imperialists to exploit African resources by relying on cheap labour and cheap food. In varying degrees, land was expropriated from the people. Land became too monetized so thatt indigenous ideas about land use and tenure were drastically revised. In some parts of Africa, Northern Nigeria for example, colonial land policy helped to createe or stabilise a land owning class that exploited the people during and after colonial rule. Land policy also made some Africans perpetual secondclass persons or even serfs in some parts of Africa as in South Africa, Zimbabwe and parts of Eastern Zambia. Colonial land policy ensured that African countries became mono-crop producers, satisfying the industrial demands of the Imperialist powers. It also provided the background for Europe's exportation of surplus revenue to their countries and thus played a cardinal part in Africa's under-development. In short, land policy was the core of colonial economic, social and political policy, resulting in the case of the settler colonies in a significant union of race, economy and politics in administration. Thus, when we continue to talk of Africa's dependency situation, a major aspect of colonial rule which made this possible was the land policy. Tip Colonial land policy in Africa was to achieve one basic aim: the exploitation of each colony's resources. Despite variations in the policy, this aim was achieved. Explanations for the variations which stress only the factor of geography are inadequate because there were more significant factors such as those relating to the state of indigenous production, state of social and political organisation, and the nature of the raw materials. Overall, the land policy of the colonial period was the bed rock of the economic policy of each colonial power in Africa and so the basis of Africa's continuing dependency situation. Study Session Summary In this Study Session, you observed the rationale behind colonial land policy, which was exploitative. You also saw the consequence of this policy. 52

65 Study Session 8Land in Colonial Africa Summary Assessment Assignment 1. Enumerate four ways in which land is utilized in the town in which you live. 2. Mention three factors which have influenced land use in your country since State reasons why you either approve or disapprove the land tenure system in your country. 4. "People who are essential to other peoples' survival quite often become victims". How far does colonial land policy in Africa exemplify this? 5. "A grand design for African exploitation". Consider this characterization of the land policy of colonial administrations in Africa. 6. With reference to any African, country, examine the political implications of colonial land policy. Bibliography Basil Davidson, Africa in Modern History, Chapter 11. Nqula A.T. et al,., Forced Labour in Colonial Africa, Redwood Burn Ltd., 1979, Chapter 1,2,3, 4 and 5. Reading 53

66 HDS 202 Africa Since 1914 Study Session 9 Zimbabwe und der British Rule (up to 1945) Introduction Learning Outcomes Zimbabwe (or Southern Rhodesia) occupies a special place in the history of British rule in Africa. Like the rest of Southern Africa, it shows the typical characteristics of British rule in a colony with significant population of permanent white settlers. We have already indicated that Britain in such colonies did not pursue the so-called policy of indirect rule with any zeal. We willl see how far this was true of Zimbabwe prior to 1945, We willl also see the link between race, economy and politics as encouraged by the British colonial authorities in Zimbabwe. At the end of the session, you should be able to see the difference (at least in degree) between British rule in a settler colony like Zimbabwe and a non-settler colony like Nigeria. Outcomes When you have studied this session, you should be able to: 9.1 analyse how British rule in a settler-colony ensured that the settlers enjoyed social, economic and political advantages over the Africans. 9.1 Historical Background to British Rule in Zimbabwe For long, since the sixteenth century, various Europeans Dutch, German, French, British in the main had been attracted to Southern Africa because of the stories they heard about the existence of precious minerals (diamonds, for example) in the region. Intrusions were made into the area over time by various firms or mining corporations but in the case of Northern Rhodesia (which became Zambia] and Southern Rhodesia (which became Zimbabwe) by the 1890s they had come under firm influence of 54

67 Study Session 9Zimbabwe under British Rule (up to 1945) the British represented in the British South Africa Company of Cecil Rhodes. Cecil Rhodes had emerged as the most powerful man in Southern Africa. He also exercised considerable influence over the British Government. He had himself come to South Africa for health reasons but eventually decided not to leave for Britain any longer. He did not stop there. He also embarked on a long term programme of amalgamating the diamond centres (diggings) as well as of encouraging more Europeans to settle in Southern Africa. After considerable opposition to his designs, his vision became the accepted one in British official policy. By the 1890s, for all the territories in Southern Africa to which Zimbabwe belongs, the major challenge turned out to be the existence of a dominant minority of white settlers. For Britain, the existence of the white settlers and the economic interests they represented or protected meant that colonial policy in the area must respect first and foremost the settlers and their interests. In the process the foundations weree laid for a colonial policy which secured white interests at the expense of the Africans. The settler factor had become so crucial that during the wars of resistance against various policies and administrative measures from the late 1880s unto the early years of the twentieth century, it was the settlers who took part in much of the fighting in defense of the South African Company and in effect of the British. Therefore, part of the issue in the rise of British rule in Zimbabwe and the rest of Southern Africa was that it was closely linked with the fortunes of the white settlers. This fact was manifest -in the socio-economic and political policies in Zimbabwe. This was the major legacy of settler involvement in the establishment of British rule in Zimbabwe, a major dimension of the historical background of British rule in the place. Tip By 1945, the permanent structures which would perpetuate white dominance of the political, social and economic life of Zimbabwe had been firmly planted and nurtured by Britain. The other implication was that colonial economic interests alone did not determine British policy. Indeed, in Zimbabwe as in the rest of Southern Africa, race became a major aspect of colonial policy. Race became the cushion on which class interest rested. The British South African Company set up a Legislative Council with four elected representatives of the white settlers in The regulations stated that the vote was 55

68 HDS 202 Africa Since 1914 available to adult male British subjects regardless of race, provided they had an income of at least 50 per year and buildings worth 75. This meant that only a few Africans could gain the right to vote. Then in 1908, the white settlers were allowed to elect the majority in the Legislative Council. Thus, the legal and institutional framework had been set to guarantee settler domination of Zimbabwe as early as Rhodes Ambitions At this point, there is need to recall Rhodes' dreams for Africa and the world which were initially opposed but which ultimately found support and expression in policy. Rhodes was not interested in making money for its own sake. Money, for him, meant power i.e. power to fulfil his own ambitions or visions. A devout believer in the destiny of the British and other related races (like the Dutch and Germans} to-dominate the world in the interest of mankind, he envisaged the extension of the British Empire throughout Africa, running from the Cape to Cairo. This would form part of an imperial federation economically united by a customs union. Rhodes, however, had no confidence in the ability or willingness of the British Government to fulfil his dream. It is true the Cape-Cairo empire was not achieved absolutely, at least as desired by Rhodes. The other insinuations of his ambition which became facts of policy deserve mention. He wanted a Southern Africa which would rely on British capital, settler power and little dependence on the British Government. He wanted a Southern Africa in which the blacks would be subservient to the white settlers. Though he at times mentioned racial equality, he basically saw Africans as destined to be under white rule, supplying the labour while Europeans supply the brains and capital. Despite official pronouncements to the contrary, developments in Zimbabwe came to confirm that Rhode's visions outlined here constituted the manifesto of British policy in the country in the period up to 1945 and even beyond. The subsequent section of this Unit elucidates this view British ish Policy and Developments The right to have the majority in the Legislative Council given to the settlers in 1908 showed that in terms of law making the will of the minority (the settlers) was considered more important than that of the majority. Their interests were to decide what Zimbabwe would look like in the years ahead. Thus when in 1923 Company rule was ended in Southern Rhodesia or Zimbabwe, the settlers were in virtual control. Also, because they were in control they voted against forming a

69 Study Session 9Zimbabwe under British Rule (up to 1945) Union with South Africa, fearing that their privileged position in Zimbabwe might be dislodged by the whites in South Africa. Here was evidence of clash of class interest between whites. But the white settlers of Zimbabwe did not want to engage in any competition with their fellow whites in the sub-region. Therefore by 1923, the settlers in Zimbabwe were fully in control with British support, both open and subtle. The settlers embarked on a racial policy of separate development (that is of apartheid except in name). It was called the two pyramids policy. The upper part of the pyramid in the white areas was occupied by the whites and the African labourers formed the base. In the African reserves, Africans occupied most of the base (bottom) while the small number of whites holding political power was at the top. Generally therefore, you can see that the two pyramids policy was an expression of the determination of the settlers to perpetuate and consolidate British influence in Zimbabwe. British policy was influenced by racism and opportunism or materialism. The policy was one which stressed separate development so that Africans served as mere supporting hands in a society that wanted substantial benefits to go to the whites not only for the present but also in the future. Here we see that the British claim that it was part of their colonial policy to prepare the people for self-government was abandoned. It made blunt the fallacy of the claim that colonies are trusts of civilization. The point was that in Zimbabwe and other settler colonies the British could no longer hide the racial content of their colonialism. It is not that this racism was absent elsewhere. Instead, it is that in non-settler territories she created institutions that served as a cover-up for racism. In the settler colonies, even this pretence was not possible. Part explanation for this was the fact that the "whites were their kith and km. But also it was because the settlers served as the economic and political leverage of the British. The main legal pillars of the two pyramids policy were the Land Apportionment Act of 1930 and the Industrial Conciliation Act of The former introduced rigid territorial segregation. Land was divided into areas for whites and areas for blacks. More than half of the land, also the richer and most productive went to the minority white. This division of land was declared final. Furthermore, since all the towns were in white areas, Africans could not acquire rights of permanent residence there. They could only live in segregated areas on the outskirts or in the servants quarters attached to their masters' houses. Even in these places they needed official permission and had to be 57

70 HDS 202 Africa Since 1914 Study Session Summary employed. At the same time, laws on employment did not make it open to them. The Industrial Conciliation Act was designedd to protect white workers from African competition. The Act was framed in such a way as to make no mention of race but its intention was to deny Africans the right to join Trade Unions and to ensure that whites only had the higher paid work. Generally, therefore, the two pyramids policy was designed to protect the interests of the white settlers. Africans were not given opportunities for education. They were made to remain on the land as farmers. Even as fanners they were not allowed to engage in competition with European farmers. For instance, by the Maize Control. Act of 1935, measures were introduced to ensure that whites received better prices for their maize. The labour conditions further worsened the position of Africans. How did this happen? The labour attitudes of the settlers were such that made Africans the source of cheap labour and of cheap food. They were given low wages and for over thirty years from 1923 there were no wage increments. Taxation was imposed on African in order to ensure that they looked for employment in white farms or in) the mines. Additionally the migration of African labour to South Africa was allowed in order to ensure that wages were not raised. These were the key features of the political, social and economic development in Zimbabwe under the British prior to These became worse in the post-1945 era, leading eventually to the so-called Unilateral Declaration of Independence by the spokesman of the white settlers, namely, Ian Smith, in In retrospect, it most be clear that what happened in 1965 was the logical consequence of British protection of the settler ambitions in the country since the late nineteenth century. Also it was the logical consequence of faithful adherence to the visions and ambitions of Cecil Rhodes in the country. It thus means that even before the 1940s when apartheid was formally declared a policy in Zimbabwe, a policy with the same principles and aspirations had been in operation in Zimbabwe with British approval. British rule in Zimbabwe was very much dictated by the aspirations of the settlers which, of course, did not hinder British interest in the area. Consequently, British rule in 58

71 Study Session 9Zimbabwe under British Rule (up to 1945) Summary Zimbabwe was a classic case of how a colonial power adjusts its colonial theory to accommodate settler ambitions to the utter disadvantage of the Africans. Assessment ssment Assignment 1. Why did it take so-long for Zimbabwe to win her independence? 2. Why did Europeans settle permanently in Southern Africa? 3. Examine the social and political aspects of British rule in Zimbabwe between 1900 and What part did the settlers play in the affairs of Zimbabwe during the inter-war years? 5. Evaluate the influence of 'race' in Zimbabwe's development from 1914 to I960. Bibliography Reading AYANDELE, E. A. et al., The Making of Modern Africa, Volume 2 Chapters 6 and 7. BASIL DAVIDSON, Africa in Modern History, Penguin, 1978 Chapter 24. Williams B., Cecil Rhodes, Constable,

72 HDS 202 Africa Since 1914 St tudy Session 10 Nationalism in Francophone Afric ca Introduction Learning Outcomes Nationalism in this course refers to efforts made by African to fight colonialism. It thus means anti-colonialism. In this Study Session, we will identify the causes, course and outcome of nationalist or anti-colonial movements or effort in the French African colonies before the Second World War. Outcomes When you have studied this session, you should be able to: 10.1 Why Africans under French rule opposed that rule 10.2 how the opposition developed, and 10.3 the results of their anti-colonial efforts Bases and Context of Anti-colonialism The bases or causes of anti-colonialism in French Africa are traceable to the failure of the French coloniall administrators to make the attainment of assimilation possible for most Africans. Therefore, the cornerstone of anti-colonialism in Francophone Africa in the years up to 1939 was the assimilation policy of the French. The way the policy was implemented also provided the context within which the Africans under French rule carried out the anti-colonial struggle at that period. This point should be borne in mind because of two main reasons. First, it helped to stress the very important fact that colonial systems influence or indeed quite often determine the nature of anti-colonialism. Secondly, because of this fact it is too simplistic to say ' that Africans under French rule were not keen about nationalism or thatt they learnt it from their Anglophone neighbours. The fact is that nationalism or anti-colonialism is indigenous to Francophone Africa as borne out by their first abortive 60

73 Study Session 10Nationalism in Francophone Africa resistance to colonial invasion and occupation in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The tenacity of Africans who resisted French rule was so much that in parts of Ivory Coast the resistance lasted up to the 1920s. However, when colonial rule became a reality, the anti-colonial struggle understandably concentrated on attempts to become equal citizens with the French, Because of the promises of the French assimilation policy, Africans hoped that assimilation would provide adequate avenues for the realization of selfdetermination. For them, self-determination (the reason for anticolonialsm) appeared achievable within the structures and institutions set up by the French. Consequently, whether it was in the Maghrib (Tunisia, Morocco and Algeria) or French West Africa, the initial attempts to fight the adverse effects of colonial rule were for ensuring that Africans became assimilated. As is well known, if assimilation as articulated by French Government was faithfully implemented, Africans would have ultimately become the dominant or majority groups in all aspects of French life, both at the Metro-pole and in the colonies which were presumed to be France Overseas, at least in theory. It is in this sense that we argue that the causes of anticolonialism or indeed disaffection with French rule in the years before the Second World War were the obstacle to assimilation. As it is well known, contrary to the principles enunciated in the theory of assimilation, French colonial authorities did not create opportunities or conditions that would make assimilation possible. The obstacles which were present even in the Four Communes of Senegal were, of course, more prominent and impeccable in Algeria and the rest of the Maghrib as well as French Equatorial Africa and West Africa including the rest of Senegal. Africans under French rule throughout the 1920s and 1930s battled against officially sponsored or approved obstacles to the realization of their selfdetermination as promised by the policy of assimilation. The obstacles which were wide ranging can be briefly stated. There were impossible conditions like good character, employment for ten years, proficiency in the French language, service in the French army, the age limit of not less than eighteen years and the discarding of indigenous culture including religion and polygamy. In French West Africa where these conditions were imposed, assimilation became unattainable for most Africans. In settler colonies like Algeria, the French government was more interested in preserving the 61

74 HDS 202 Africa Since 1914 privileges of the colons than in creating opportunities for assimilation to be applied to Africans. There and elsewhere in Francophone Africa, assimilation turned out to be the mirage which held the 'promise' of reality for many Africans. To worsen matters, the wider policies of French rule in Africa made it very difficult for nationalist agitation to go beyond seeking after the hopes raised by assimilation. These included the policy on western education. Government did not encourage the missionaries to develop western education in the colonies, fearing that intellectual might lead a revolution like the French Revolution of Furthermore, the few Africans who received education were assimilated thereby giving the false impression that assimilation was ultimately possible for the people. Also, they were given jobs in the civil service not in Africa but also in France. Even the career of Blaise Diagne in West Africa gave the people the hope that Africans would ultimately occupy their rightful place in the political and administrative hierarchy of the French. Also, the fact that Francophone Africa was administered as Federations made it difficult for anticolonialism to be nationally based. Then, there is the fact that by law, political agitation was banned in Francophone Africa until Nature of Nationalism Since this period the Africans did not doubt the sincerity of the French over assimilation, they believed that the obstacle they faced was due to the activities of recalcitrant colonial authorities who acted as a wedge between them and assimilation. In French West Africa therefore for example, nationalism took the following form. In Senegal, the Africans elected Blaise Diagne to represent them in the French National Assembly. As Assembly member, Blaise Diagne fought for African interests most of the time though in later years he was accused of being too pro-french. Even so, his election into the Assembly served to activate political action in Senegal, by his taking step which in the words of an expert" widened the base and scope of political participation in French West Africa, making it possible for politicians in the 'twenties and thirties' to seek fuller integration into the French system and thereby secure more development for their peoples". In a way we can call Diagne's approach as the co-operative type, aimed at achieving the multi-national and multi-racial states promised by the assimilation policy. 62

75 Study Session 10Nationalism in Francophone Africa But there were other approaches to the same objective as Senegalese and other French West Africans sought to assert their self-determination or anti-colonialism. There was the cultural approach such as represented in the Aurora and the Young Senegalese. The Aurora, comprised of young Senegalese clerks and teachers, was set up to agitate against government's discriminatory practices against African's in favour of the native French and metis elements. There was also the religious approach in which protest was based on religions ideologies and or movements. This was the case with the Wolofs who joined that Mourides (a Muslim religious group) whose leader was exiled or detained several tiroes because the French were worried about their economic and political influence. There were two kinds of outright political protests: one led by the assimilated Africans (the so-called citizens) and the other led by Africans who existed under the policy of 'association' or in the rest of French West Africa outside the Four Communes of Senegal. Countries like Ivory Coast, Dahomey and Niger belonged to the latter group. Following Diagne, the assimilated citizens in Senegal in particular but also in Dahomey by the 1920s and 1930s engaged in intense campaigns and protests to better the social, economic and political plight of French West Africa principally by blocking the administration's efforts to reduce their representation in institutions of Government like the Colonial Council. Their pressures had some positive result since their membership was strengthened with increases, notably in 1925 and In Dahomey, the protest movements which began before 1914 were first directed against the repressive measures of Governor Charles Noufflard. The leaders of the protest were Tovalou Quenum, a Porto Novo businessman and Louis Hunkarin, a school teacher. The protest, was carried through petitions in both Paris and Dakar including linking up with the Paris-based League for the Rights of Man. Government's response was so violent chat Hunkarin had TO flee Dahomey in December 1914 to Nigeria, from where he continued the protests. Other leaders including Emile Zinsou Bode and Paul Hazoune continued the anticolonial struggle through protests, petitions and the establishment of Newspapers and Journals. Strikes and other incidents resulted from these efforts in February-March 1932 for which the French authorities condemned the more radical leaders to ten years interment in Mauritania. But activism continue into the 1930s as Dahomeyeans continued to express their anticolonialism in agitations aimed at achieving true assimilation for their people. 63

76 HDS 202 Africa Since 1914 What happened in French West Africa was like the situation in the rest of Francophone Africa. Both citizens and the subjects in various ways agitated -for proper assimilation in the Maghrib as did their West African counterparts Outcome of Nationalists in French Co olonies The French Africans did not in the period up to 1939 ask for the end of French rule. They asked for honest application of the assimilation policy. They trusted in the promises of that policy. Little did they know that the French were in no position to implement the policy freely and equally. Because of the obstacles put on their way, only a handful of Africans were assimilated. For the French Africans therefore, anti-colonialism tended to be synonymous with the struggle to become French citizens rather than to retain their national identities. It would, however, be distorting to use this to suggest that they were not nationalists. Far from it, they were nationalists who by the circumstances of French rule used their nationalism or anti- of equality in colonialism to achieve a French commonwealth politics, economic and social life as the theorists of that rule had made them hope for.. Study Session Summary Summary Nationalism in Francophone Africa up to 1939 was markedly influenced by the French policy of assimilation. Nationalism or anti-colonialism which was expressed in cultural, religious, violent and non-violent, and political forms, consequently concentrated on the objective of making meaningful assimilation the right of the Africans. Yet in this effort, the Africans under French rule were being nationalistic but as conditioned by the circumstances of the French rule. Assessment What did the French promise Africans whom the administered under their assimilation policy? Was the promise fulfilled? 2. Unlike their Anglophone counterparts, Africans under French rule were not nationalistic before the Second

77 Study Session 10Nationalism in Francophone Africa Assignment World War". Discuss. 3. Examine the issues which affected the course and outcome of ant colonialism in French West Africa between 1914 and Can you discuss how the nature of colonialism influences anti-colonialism" with reference to French West Africa Bibliography Reading HAROREAVES, J. D., West Africa: The Former French Stales, Prentice Hall, Inc. New Jersey CROWDER, M., West Africa Under Colonial Rule, pp "Independence as Goal in West African Politics: , Lewis W.H (ed) French Speaking Africa, Walker and Co.. New York, 1965 ISICHEI, ELIZABETH, History of West Africa, Macmillan, 1977 pp Tarikh Volume 2, No. 4, 1969 France in Africa, pp Tarikh Independence Movements in Africa J, pp

78 HDS 202 Africa Since 1914 Study Session 11 Nationalism in British Africa Introduction Learning Outcomes Colonial rule was unsatisfactory to Africans under British control in many ways-having failed in their nineteenth and early twentieth century efforts to prevent the imposition of British authority in their land, Africans then adopted an attitude of giving colonialism a chance particularly as the British, like the French, enunciated theories and principles which gave the people hope that foreign rule was not without some political, economic and social benefits for African populations. This unit shows that the main cause of nationalism or anti-colonialism in British or Anglophone Africa in the period up to 1945 was the failure of the British administrations in the African colonies to facilitate the attainment of the enunciated benefits by Africans. Instead, they put obstacles to African ambitions in those regards. The second part of the unit focuses on the patterns which anti-colonialism took in the period and stresses that in the main its main target was to achieve meaningful participation in the political, economic and social processes of their countries under British rule. Outcomes When you have studied this session, you should be able to: 11.1 highlight African grievances against British rule 11.2 describe nature of anti-colonial struggle up to 1945 and the results of the struggle Roots or Causes of Anti-Colonialism Struggles Two categories of causes, the external and the internal, are usually associated with anti-colonialism in the British African colonies. Externally, it has been stressed that Africans were affected by certain developments in the world, notably, the first world war, the inspiration fuelled by the revolution which resulted in the emergence of the Soviet State (Russia), the

79 Study Session 11Nationalism in British Africa American based Pan-African Congress movements led by W. E. B. DuBouis and others with emphasis on self-determination, the race-conscious movement led by Marcus Garvey, the founder of the Universal Negro Improvement Association that stressed that there could be "no other salvation for the Negro but through a free and independent Africa"; and the application of self-determination to India by Britain. Details about each of these external factors are available in Coleman's book which is one of the recommended texts for this course. However, while we admit that these external factors were relevant to the growth of anti-colonialism in Africa, they were not as important as the internal ones which had to do with the various grievances which British rule caused among African populations. We now identify them and advise students to read the texts for more details which we cannot relate in this unit. Colonialism as a repressive system provoked Africans under British rule. Its contradictions provoked a revolutionary situation in Africa. For example, it used force or coercion to install alien institutions and arrangements (as in the land tenure and judicial spheres) which conflicted with indigenous ideas and practices, thereby making the people resort to protests. Africans also had economic and social grievances against the British authorities, For example, British trading firms were given trade monopolies so that Africans did not have access to full or meaningful participation in the trade within their countries. Also, the attitude of the British to education and the educated elite was distasteful and provided added reasons for anti-colonialism. Education was not encouraged and the few who managed to get educated were discriminated against in the social, economic and political affairs of their countries. In British West Africa and Egypt, for example, many lawyers were banned from practising in the courts just as other educated men were either barred from entering the Legislative Councils and other organs of government of getting appropriate employment in the civil services of their respective countries. Those of them who managed to get self-employed in the Newspaper Press were haunted by the colonial authorities on the ground that their papers were 'seditions' which in truth meant that they were plainly condemning the injustice which characterized British rule or that they were appealing to the colonial authorities to create better conditions for the peoples social and overall welfare. But education was a cause of anti-colonialism in another sense, in a way it demonstrates what has been accurately described as the "self-destructive nature of colonialism". This means that 67

80 HDS 202 Africa Since colonial rule engaged in certain developments (like education) for its own purposes but that usually such developments produced unanticipated and unavoidable consequences that run counter to the interests of colonialism. In the case of Britain, within a limited scope, she encouraged the development of western education in her African colonies principally by relying on the Christian missionaries and for producing manpower to support certain aspects of her rule. The educated elite who emerged from the schools and colleges became not only 'helping hands' but also questioning minds. Christian education stressed the virtues of democracy, justice and equity or indeed self-determination. Colonial rule stood against these virtues. In the British language and on arguments derived from British traditions, the educated queried the colonial authorities and stressed that they were doing in Africa things which were opposed to civilized belief. They, for example, stressed that the importance of education had long been recognised in the modern world and that the lack of enthusiasm on the part of colonial administrations to expand it in Africa was evidence of their determination to keep Africans under permanent subjugation. Finally, educated elite in British Africa were very disenchanted with the working of the indirect rule system. First, it barred them from playing their necessary role in the administration of African communities and also because it did not encourage economic and social development. In Nigeria, for example, the educated class saw the indirect rule system as an imperial device to rule perpetually, particularly when they realized the hold the traditional ruling elite had on the mass of the people. They complained that the system had made "dictators' out of the traditional rulers and were irritated by the fact that while in Britain modern elites had displaced traditional elites, in Nigeria, the British colonial authorities were glorifying and strengthening their hold on the country. This was such a major grievance that it is reasonable to assert that a major stimulus or cause of anti-colonialism in Nigeria and the rest of British Africa was the indirect system which enthroned what the educated elite considered an anachronic system on their people. As you read the prescribed texts, you will identify other specific illustrations of these grievances in countries like Egypt, Kenya and Ghana and use them to expand the points raised here. Meanwhile, you should note that our initial statement that the causes of anti-colonialism in British Africa were both external and internal is borne out of the evidence we have adduced so far.

81 Study Session 11Nationalism in British Africa Nature and Outcome of Nationalism in British Africa In Study Session Ten, we stressed that colonial systems influence anti-colonialism. This was also true of British Africa. British indirect policy gave Africans the hope that they would be adequately involved in running the affairs of their countries. This" lecture and the previous ones indicate clearly that this hope was not encouraged. Consequently the first response of Africans to British lapses was to make the indirect rule system work. That is, the concern was to participate in the Legislative Assemblies established in Uganda, Kenya, Zimbabwe, Nigeria, Ghana and other colonies. They fought for openings for Africans in Commerce; for ending discrimination in the civil services, in hospitals and other areas of national endeavour. Thus, as in French Africa, in the years before the second world war, African nationalist activity was expressed in forms of protests which in general did not aim at dislodging permanently the colonial regimes. They were directed against particular injustices practised by the colonial authorities in the hope that if they were overcome, African upward mobility within the colonial setting would be facilitated. It took quite some time before many nationalists began to conclude that as long as colonial rule lasted, they and their people would continue to be victims of these injustices. This point should be remembered so that we do not fall into the error of concluding, as some have tended to do, that Africans in British Africa were not motivated by selfdetermination in their anti-colonial struggles in the pre-1945 era. This view is in fact illogical and unhistorical: the former because the agitations in these period were obviously aimed at making the colonial regimes create healthy atmosphere for African aspirations, and the latter before, during and after the period , Africans engaged in violent movements whenever it was necessary to do so to demand what they considered their rights from colonial administrations. Also, the imposition of colonialism was stubbornly resisted in the nineteenth century. The tradition of resistance to foreign imposition remained an enduring feature of African attitudes towards the British thereafter. Against this background we then draw attention to some of the manifestations or expressions of anti-colonialism or nationalism in British West Africa prior to There were violent risings against specific grievances as in Igboland during and after the First World War, at Iseyin (Yorubaland) in 1914, Abeokuta in Also there were risings at Bussa in Borgu in 1915, a revolt at Douga in the Benue area in 1916 and anti-tax 69

82 HDS 202 Africa Since 1914 riots in Warri in 1927 and the famous Aba Women's Rising in Southeastern Nigeria in 1929 which began as a protest against taxation and eventually demanded "that all white men should return to their country so that the land in this area might remain as it was many years ago before the advent of the white man". Some risings like the Haidara Rebellion of 1931 in Sierra Leone and the three cocoa hold-ups in Ghana in 1921, , and Winifred Tete-Ansa of Ghana in the late 'twenties and early thirties tried to break Europe's monopoly of the economy by forming farmers co-operatives to market members' produce and setting up a bank to support African businessmen who operated under an Afro-American Company. There were revolts that had religious base such as those led by Prophet Harris and Prophet Braide respectively in Nigeria. Also, there were protests which focused on education of which the most notable was that led by Eyo Ita who devoted himself in the 1930s to educational work in Ogbomosho and Calabar hinterland. Yet there were several political agitations such as those of the Aborigines Rights Protection Society in Ghana in 1897, which protested Government's policy of land alienation and the National Congress of British West Africa in 1920 whose members asked for far-reaching legislative and other reforms in West Africa. Other efforts were made to win increased membership for Africans in the Legislative Councils established^ in the colonies in the 1920s; through press agitation; through agitations by Africans abroad such as Solanke's West African Students' Union (1924) in London, through identification with and collaboration with Pan-African movements based in Europe and America such as Carveysm and through Youth Movements in respective colonies like the Gold Coast Youth Movement Conference of 1930; the Nigerian Youth Movement of 1934 and beyond and the West African Youth League of Sierra Leone in Jn varying degrees, these organs and/or agencies raised the scope of the demands made on the colonial authorities. Yet, we must stress that despite the fact that some of them made utterances which implied that colonial rule should end, in practice the import of their activities was that they fought to modify aspects of colonialism and not to topple the structure. Students should pay attention to the detailed accounts given on each of these movements in the texts. From them and the points raised in this unit, you will probably find it reasonable to accept that though the nationalists of the pre-1945 period did not ask for 70

83 Study Session 11Nationalism in British Africa Study Session Summary Summary independence they were motivated by genuine concern for self- were often determination and that though their movements restricted they were still nationalists. Their actions made the British either to fight back or to revise some of their decisions. In these ways, they laid foundations for decolonization in subsequent years. Assignment In this Study Session, you learnt that nationalism in British Africa took off essentially in the form of protests against specific grievances relating to the social, economic and political policies of the colonial authorities. Increasingly it acquired the character of 'mass-movements'. Throughout the period, however, the nationalists did not formally call for the end of colonial rule. They still believed that self-determination could be achieved within the colonial setting. Towards the late 1930s and by 1945, Africans had begun to doubt this belief and so were ready to try new measures. Therefore, nationalism up to 1945 was important for efforts made in subsequent years. Assessment Assignment Bibliography Reading 1. Why did the British practice indirect rule in Africa? 2. How successful was the policy of indirect rule in the British Africa? 3. Comment on the view that there were no nationalists in British West Africa before Analyse the anti-colonial efforts in British Africa in the inter-war years. 5. Consider the place of the National Congress of British West Africa in the nationalist struggle. 6. What do you think is the major impact of the First World War on political activity in West Africa? AYANDB-E, E. A. et al., The Orowth of African Civilization Volume 2, Chapters 5 and 6. COLEMAN, J. S.: NIGERIA Background to Nationalism, Broburg and Wistrom, Benin City, 1986 Chapters 7, 8, 9 and 10. TARIKH, Independence Movements in Africa I, pp ELIZABETH ISTCHEI: History of West Africa, Chapter 9. 71

84 HDS 202 Africa Since 1914 St tudy Session 12 Introduction Learning Outcomes The Seco ond World-War War and Anti- Col lonialism in Africa Up to 1939, anti-colonialism in Africa was essentially aimed at enabling Africans play their own part in the social, economic and political development of their countries. Thus the ultimate aim of self-determination was not the termination of colonialism. The dominant aim of the nationalists was to achieve the promised blessings of colonialism within the colonial setting. By the late 1930s, there were signs that Africans were beginning to doubt if African interests could ever be served under colonial rule. Events associated with the Second World War introduced and/or intensified elements that quickened Africa's demand for the end of the colonial situation. This session indicates the various ways in which the Second World War thus became a catalyst for decolonization in Africa. In doing so, it is important to see three points of emphasis: the war as a particular event with its unique effects; the war in time perspective in which we stress the continuity of other factors that shaped developments before, during and after it; and thirdly, the differences in the impact of the war due to particular circumstances in the colonies or regions. Outcomes When you have studied this session, you should be able to: 12.1 outline the character of decolonizationn in Africa explain how local situations influenced the impact of the Second World War Historical l Background to Second Wo orld War World War II was clearly a landmark or watershed in colonial history because the changed position of the colonial powers 72

85 Study Session 12The Second World-War and Anti-Colonialism in Africa (within the World power relations) and of situation in the colonies affected subsequent developments. Since the war was international both in its coverage and outcome it affected the international system within which it took place. Before the war, Britain and France were the dominant powers in Europe and thus largely determined the content of the international system. The war situation changed this so that the United States of America and Russia became not only super-powers but also the dominant ones, thereby reducing France and Britain to a secondary power status. This was further promoted by Russia's threat to Western Europe which made both France and Britain come under the increasing influence of the US. In the face of Russia's threat and US pressures as well as Africa's increased importance to the West, it became impossible not to give concessions to African colonies General Character of the Effects of Second World War on Colonisation As you will see, the effects were economic, social and political, though considerable inter-link existed. Thus, we will first examine the effects at the general level. Also, you will see that the effects had two sides: the European or international side and the African side. Colonial governments used or exploited African states during the war and made promises and declarations which they had to fulfil after the war. Thus, the war created circumstances which made the colonial powers give answers to pre-existing issues in their relations with their African colonies. Where before the war, the colonial powers relied solely on the use of coercion to suppress African voices of dissent, during the war they were compelled to show the 'willingness' to talk about and give concessions. This was an important immediate gain for the course of anti-colonialism in Africa. Closely related to this was the propaganda which accompanied the war, namely, the Western Powers (the Colonial Powers) announced that the war was against German dictatorship, represented in Hitler, which was about to be imposed on the entire world. The colonial powers made considerable success in this propaganda so that many-pan-african nationalist ardently campaigned against the alleged German dictatorship with the understanding that the end of that dictatorship would give the colonial powers the opportunity to promote self-determination in the colonies. In this way again, the war made the Colonial Powers espouse jointly with the nationalists doctrines of 73

86 HDS 202 Africa Since 1914 international relations that were logically opposed to colonialism. This was clearly a significant weapon for the anticolonial forces in Africa. Furthermore, issues of ideology became sharpened during and after the war. This was largely because the two super-powers (the US and Russia) from different stand points preached anticolonialism. Thus, while the US advocated 'democracy', Russia pursued socialism. In her utterances, Russia appeared like the leader of the anti-colonial movements in Africa and elsewhere. The meaning was that African colonies had a potential ally in Russia. The US because of this and her own desire to keep African colonies under her influence began to put pressure on the colonial Powers to hasten the process of transfer of political power to the subjects in their African and other colonies. The Colonial Powers were affected by the US pressures. This is one way in which the Second World War influenced international power relations to the advantage of the anti-colonial movements in Africa. It is clear from what had been mentioned so far that the Second World War provided another opportunity (as the nineteenth century scramble had done) for Europe to demonstrate that the resources of Africa were crucial to their corporate and individual survival. Consequently, in terms of economy where there was over-production before the war during the war there was under-production due to over-consumption since each Colonial Power needed more of the resources (mineral and agricultural) of their colonies in Africa. Since the war was about the control of the world economy, each Power imposed severe and strict protectionist rules in the areas under her control. Also, as the alternative sources of some commodities became war theatres, the need to get adequate quantity from Africa became more urgent. This was how over-consumption created a situation of under-production in the African colonies. Expectedly, war time demands in these circumstances led to the intensification of the exploitation of Africa's resources. Interestingly, because of the increased role of the US in the West, she also engaged in this intensified exploitation of the colonies by expanding her investments in them. Consequently, the US investment in Africa increased three-fold after Paradoxically therefore, the war provided new situations or the intensification of the hold of the US and the Western Colonial Powers on Africa. This shows that colonialism was seen by the colonial powers as a long lasting phenomenon. It is in this light that we can understand the concerted efforts made by the 74

87 Study Session 12The Second World-War and Anti-Colonialism in Africa various colonial powers to fully absorb African states into the economic order or system championed by them. Part of the way they did this was by embarking on comparatively well- colonies. These articulated development plans in the African plans involved the granting of so-called loans to different colonies for their development. Significantly, such loans and the investments associated with them were directed mostly to mineral centres as in South Africa. Tip Colonial Governments used or exploited African statess during the war and made promises and declarations which they had to fulfil after the war. Thus, the war created circumstances which made the coloniall powers give answers to pre-existing issues in their relations with their African colonies. The intensification of the Colonial hold on Africa colonies had a number of implications that in various -ways fuelled anti- it enabled the colonialism in the African colonies. At one level, Colonial Powers to create the bases for more lasting relationships with the emerging commercial, industrial and even political elite in Africa. These elite weree programmed into becoming clients of the Colonial Powers in the form of political, economic and social allies. The presence of these well placed clients made the Colonial Powers agree to liberalise their hold on the colonies and give constitutional concessions that over time led to considerable gains by the anti-colonial however, be noted that not all the emerging elite forces. It must, responded or indeed yielded to the alliance strategy of the Colonial Powers. Furthermore, the Alliance did not remove the pains which the intensification of colonial hold had on African populations in terms of high cost of living, leading to demands for higher pay or industrial unrest; unemployment; increased labour activism; growing dissatisfaction with remaining obstacles of self-government all of which formed the background for the formation of 'radical* political parties that became increasingly intolerant to the existence of colonial rule. Pressures generated from these sources also contributed to the "willingness" of the Colonial Powers to concede to the demands of the anti-colonial forces in the post-world war II era. It can thus be argued that from two contradictory positions, the intensification of colonial hold on Africa during and after the Second World War became an asset for anti-colonialism. Difference in Effects of the War on the Colonies But this conclusion is valid only for those parts of Africa where local situations were such that the Colonial Powers were disposed to concede the yearning for self-government. These 75

88 HDS 202 Africa Since 1914 were colonies without European settlers. In settler colonies like Zimbabwe, Portuguese Guinea, Kenya, Angola and South Africa, the colonial hold became more tenacious despite the second world war. The main reason for this was the concernn of the Colonial Powers to protect the privileged status of white settlers in these colonies since that status was crucial to the survival of the everlasting interests of the colonial Powers in these countries. As it happened, self-government in these settler- and intense colonies could only be attained through severe violent struggle by the anti-colonial forces. In the light of this, we should therefore be careful not to over rate the impact of the second world war on the anticolonial movement in Africa. On the other hand, we should not underrate it. Study Session Summary Summary In this Study Session, The Second World War ( ) from rather contradictory positions significantly fuelled the anticolonial struggle in Africa. But its impact was equally influenced by the particular circumstance of the different African colonies. Thus, in non-settler colonies, the impact of the Second World War tended to be more promotive of the struggle for self- In settler government, the central object of anti-colonialism. colonies, the reverse was the case and the colonial powers rather fought more tenaciously to suppress the forces of anti- colonialism and make the mission of self-government unattainable except where violent revolution against them made it inevitable. This means that we should be realistic in assessing the place of the Second World War in the struggle for self-government in colonial Africa. Assessment Assignment 1. Why did Africans take part in the Second World War? 2. Describe the propaganda whichh won African participation in the Second World War. 3. "The place of the second world war in the history of anti-colonialism in Africa had been exaggerated". Would you agree? 76

89 Study Session 12The Second World-War and Anti-Colonialism in Africa 4. Analyse the socio-economic and political effects of the second world war on Africa. 5. "The Second World War intensified colonialism: it also accelerated nationalism". Explain. Bibliography Reading ANENE, J. C. AND BROWN C. N.: Africa in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, Ibadan University Press, 1966, Chapters 9,12,19, and 28. CROWDER, M., West Africa Under Colonial Rule, pp with special attention to pp HOGKIN, T.I Nationalism in Colonial Africa, Muller, 1960, (The whole Book). TARIKH: Independence Movements in Africa 1. Volume 3, No. 4, Read the Chapter by F. Agbodeka on nationalism in the Gold Coast ". 77

90 HDS 202 Africa Since 1914 St tudy Session 13 Decoloniza ation in British Africa a: The Nigeria an Case, Introduction Learning Outcomes Study Session Twelve stressed the nature of changes brought about by the Second World War in the anti-colonial struggle in Africa. One was the realization by the nationalists that colonialism should be brought to an end. This realization was the target after the war. The target was so earnestly pursued thatt by 1960 only few countries (notably the settler- Mozambique, territories of Portuguese Guinea, Angola, Zimbabwe and South Africa) were not independent. This Session identifies the patterns or features of decolonization in British Africa "and discusses the case of Nigeria as an example of a particular pattern. 78 Outcomes When you have studied this session, you should be able to: 13.1 highlight the main features of decolonization in British Africa 13.2 outline the reasons for the constitutional approach in non-settler territories 13.3 analyse the process of decolonization in Nigeria Landmark ks of Decolonization in Nige eria Nigeria, in British West Africa, provides an ideal of decolonization by constitutional means with the characteristics defined above as subsequent discussion would make clearer. Though there were periods and instances of violence in the decolonization efforts in Nigeria, these were few and far between and so violence was not the key factor in Nigeria's decolonization. The instances under reference include the activities of the Zikist Movement ( ), the General Strike of 1944 and the Enugu Colliery incident of 1949.

91 Study Session 13Decolonization in British Africa: The Nigerian Case, Coleman in Nigeria: Background to Nationalism gives a systematic and detailed account of these violent or militant manifestations of nationalism. Please study them and see why the movements started and how they collapsed. Particular attention should be given to the Zikist Movement in this connection. As you will see, one of the chief reasons for the collapse of the Zikist Movement (and thus of Militant Nationalism in Nigeria) was the division among Nigerian leaders, quite often due to narrow self or group interests. The impact of such interests borne out of internal Nigerian circumstances was a major feature of Nigeria's decolonization even by constitutional means. British after the Second World War appeared ready to engage in some amount of decolonization, in her African territories provided there were no significant settler-populations of Europeans in fliem. Constitutionalism (instead of violence) thus tended to be the principal means of decolonization in British Africa except in the settler colonies like Kenya and Zimbabwe where violence predominated because of Britain's failure to introduce measures that would ultimately lead to independence. Thus, the constitutional approach to the struggle for independence was principally a reflection of Britain's "readiness" to grant independence in the forseeable future to the countries concerned. This posture of 'readiness' to grant independence to colonies by Britain created a situation in which in many countries, the last years of colonial rule were ones in which nationalists tended to focus more on the internal issues that would bother the emerging independent states than on the.colonial authorities. It also created a situation in which independence became largely a compromise between internal pressures on the one hand and British pressures on the other. The immediate background to the character of decolonization in Nigeria from 1945 onwards was the impact of the second world war on Britain's attitude to nationalist pressures in the country. In general, it was an attitude which showed that Britain was ready to give some concessions to Nigerian nationalists, based on constitutional agreements. This was how in general the leaders of the decolonization movement manifested or carried out their self-assigned role largely by seeking for constitutional reforms that would give their country independence as soon as possible. Expectedly, there were differences of opinion on the constitutions among the nationalists but they all desired self-government, albeit, at different times. 79

92 HDS 202 Africa Since 1914 Constitutional Developments elopments in Pre-Colonial Era The first post-war constitution, in colonial Nigeria was issued in 1946 when Sir Arthur Richards was the Governor of the country. This is why it is also called the Richards constitution. The constitution tried to respond to the political demands of Nigerian nationalists. This was not surprising because before the end of the war Britain recognised that it would be foolish to remain indifferent to the demands of the nationalists and their supporters. In fact, in 1942, as evidence of this realisation the colonial administration in Nigeria had admitted one or two unofficial members of the legislative council into the executive council, an organ of Government so far regarded as the exclusive preserve of the British officials. This act was clearly inadequate but it was a forerunner of the provisions of the Richards Constitution of The constitution attempted to respond more to the political demands of the nationalists. First, it provided for a Legislative Council which included representative from both the North and the South, thereby ending the earlier Nigerian Council which was attended only by representatives from the Southern Provinces. It conceded Nigerians a majority in the Council, provided for three Regions (Eastern, Western and Northern) and stipulated that membership was largely "indirect" through recognised native authorities. The National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC) which had been formed in 1944 in the midst of the General strike of that year (due to the hardship worked on workers by the economic situation during the war) and most Nigerian nationalists were, however, dissatisfied with the Richards Constitution. In the first place they were unhappy because they were not consulted and of its obnoxious provisions. They launched (under the NCNC) direction serious campaign against it in Nigeria and sent a protest delegation to the Secretary of State for the Colonies. In general, the constitution was unpopular and provided opportunity for mass mobilization for the NCNC. The constitution was in fact followed by the radical or militant nationalism of the Zikists from

93 Study Session 13Decolonization in British Africa: The Nigerian Case, Tafawa Balewa Nnamdi Azikwe Obafemi Awolowo The Macpherson Constitution, borne out of extensive consultations followed in 1951 and granted semi-responsible government and this led to the emergence of political parties: the Action Group under Chief Obafemi Awolowo; the old NCNC under Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe and the Northern Peoples' Congress under Sir Ahmadu Bello and Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa. It also began the process of transfer of power to Nigerians. Thus as at 1951, it was clear to Nigerian nationalists that Britain was disposed to grant independence to the country. The major question now was when it would happen and what form independent Nigeria would take federal or unitary? Increasingly therefore, the 1950s focused more on factors relating to tbe form independent Nigeria would take than on strategies or measures for dislodging the British. 'Also, the Regional differences among Nigerians began to be more manifest in their struggle for independence. For instance, in 1953 while the Eastern and Western Regions' leaders called for self-government in 1956, their Northern counterparts stressed thatt they were not ready for any such "suicide", meaning that they were not ready to mortgage the destiny of Northern Nigeria to Southern leaders or politicians. The fact was that as at that date, the South had the advantage- of education over Northern Nigeria and it appeared that if independence came then, Northern Nigeria would be at a secondary position in the political and socio-economic affairs of the country. Also, there were other differences. On the issue of type of country, the Eastern Region tended to be more in favour of Unitary system while the Western and Northern Regions favoured federalism. Then on the status of Lagos, while the Northern and Eastern Regions wanted it to be a Federal Territory independent of the 81

94 HDS 202 Africa Since 1914 then Western Region, the Western Region wanted it to be part of the Western Region. There were also differences of opinion on revenue allocation and the agitations of the minorities for the division of the country into more regions or states to enable them realise their self-determination. These were the main issues which Nigerian nationalists focused on in the respective constitution conferences held both in Nigeria and London in the 1950s, with the British quite often playing some mediatory role. Answers were found to some of these issues in the constitutional revisions which took place. For instance, that of 1954 established a federal system of government for Nigeria. The constitution which is also referred to as the Lyttleton constitution (after the then Secretary of State for the Colonies, Sir Oliver Lyttelton) created a three-region Federation, each Region with executive powers, a legislative house with elected members, considerable autonomy and a chief minister called the Premier Lagos became a federal territory and revenue allocation was based on the principle of derivation. Elections took place thereafter at both Regional and Federal levels based on the existing political parties, notably, the NPC, the NCNC and the AG, leading to a coalition government of the first two mentioned parties with the AG. constituting the, Opposition. Final constitutional revisions came in 1958 in constitutional conferences held in London in Some of the highlights of the decisions were the emergence of a 320- member Federal Legislature, the breaking up of the country into 320 single-member constituencies, establishment of a Senate, inclusion of fundamental human rights in the constitution to respect the yearnings of the minorities and the granting of serf-government to the East and West in 1957, to be followed by that of the North in Independence was then fixed for 1 October, I960,' to be preceded by Federal elections which took place on 12 December, Thereafter, the first set of rulers of independent Nigeria took over the administration of Nigeria. Among them were Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa who became Prime Minister by reason of victory at elections and Dr Nnamidi Azikiwe who was appointed the Governor-General. It is important to note that just as Nigerian nationalists were able to keep the constitutional pattern in their dealings with the British so were they also able to overcome or subdue their differences in order to get independence for the country. While this attitude prevented them from providing the British any 82

95 Study Session 13Decolonization in British Africa: The Nigerian Case, pretext for denying the country's independence, it also meant thatt the nation entered into independent existence with several thorny issues unresolved. In this regard, Nigeria was not different from other former colonies of British in Africa. Study Session Summary Summary Decolonization in British Africa after the Second World War was either by constitutional means or by violent means. Nigeria, a non-settler colony experienced decolonization by constitutional means so that between the 1950s and 1960 when British rule ended, the central issues in the struggle for independence related to internal questions about the future of the independent country that was about to come. At the end, independence for Nigeria was a compromise between internal pressures on the one hand and external or British pressures on the other. Assessment Assignment 1. What did the nationalists in British Africa fight for between 1939 and 1945? 2. Why did Nigerian nationalist leaders use constitutional means in their efforts to overthrow British rule? 3. Account for the rise and collapse of militant nationalism in Nigeria. 4. "Nigeria won her independence on a platter of gold, no more, no less." Consider this judgments. 5. Assess the role of Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe in Nigeria's struggle for independence. 6. Examine the role of political parties in the struggle for Nigeria's independence. 83

96 HDS 202 Africa Since 1914 Bibliography Reading AJAYI, 3. F. A. AND CROWDER, M.: A History of West Africa Volume 2 pp COLEMAN, J. S.: Nigeria, Background to Nationalism, Chapters IKIME, OBARO: Groundwork of Nigerian History. 84

97 Study Session 14Decolonization in French Africa, St tudy Session 14 Decolonizati ion in French Africa, Introduction Learning Outcomes Outcomes France, like Britain, was affected by the impact of the Second World War in her colonial policy. For example, she saw need for reforms in the policy to accommodate some of the matters which agitated the minds of the colonial peoples. As a matter of fact, colonial policy had become a very important issue in France's domestic politics even before the end of - the war. That is, for both internal and external (referring to the colonial territories) reasons, French leaders and politician gave urgent attention to the situation in their African colonies during and after the world war. The policy which they pursued markedly influenced the type of nationalist activity which French Africans engaged in the post-war period. French policy was reflected in reforms which were introducedd mainly between 1944 and 1947, though a few significant ones came thereafter. The immediate background to the reforms was the.impact of the Second World War on France's colonial policy. When you have studied this session, you should be able to: 14.1 highlight the impact of the second world war on France's attitudes towards her colonies 14.2 discus African responses to French policy after the second world war 14.3 outline the results of African nationalist efforts between 1945 and I960 in French West Africa 14.1 Impact of f Second World War on Frenc ch Colonies As we pointed out in our examination of "Nationalism in Francophone Africa, " (in Session Ten), anti- colonialism in French Africa before the war did not produce any mass political movement largely because of the assimilation policy which among other things made French Africans express their self-determination in terms of the 85

98 HDS 202 Africa Since 1914 aspiration to be Frenchmen. Of course, there was the additional fact, that political activity was banned. The coming of the Second World War raised circumstances which made colonial policy a major issue in France's internal politics. By 1940, France was invaded and occupied by the Germans who, however, allowed a puppet administration (under their supervision) to operate from the provincial town of Vichy. French politicians were divided at the time. The Vichy regime was under Marshall Petain. But it was opposed by General De Gualle whose Free French Movement had the support of the Allied Powers. In this division, Africans were involved both in Africa and Europe. For example, De Gaulle's Free French Movement was based in Africa. Up to 1942, most of French Africa especially French West Africa was on the side of the Vichy regime. But with the invasion of North Africa in that year, Africans tilted to the Free French Movement. This was how they came to play a crucial role in revamping the prestige of France which was on decline in Europe as a result of the German occupation. Africa's role on the side of France put both parties in a position in which their relations received serious critical review after the war. Indeed, the earliest response to De Gaulle's call for resistance to the German came from Felix Eboue, a Guyanese black man who was first Governor of Chad but who later became the Governor-General of French Equatorial Africa with headquarters at Brazzaville the temporary base of France's provisional government under De Gaulle. It was also from there that France recruited and despatched troops for her North African campaigns. In fact, over half of the soldiers involved in the campaigns for the Free French Movement were Africans. Africa's role in France's war against Germany was so important that it has attracted the following apt comment by a historian: Perhaps nothing did so much to salvage French self-respect after 4940 as the readiness of many Africans to regard themselves as Frenchmen and fight for France's liberation. Their confidence in France helped to restore France's confidence in herself. So, it is not surprising that French leaders gave special attention to the African situation during and after the war. This was, of course, strengthened by the anti-colonial pressures from the United States of America and Russia as well as the social and economic tensions which accompanied the war. This was how the war provided the immediate background for the 86

99 Study Session 14Decolonization in French Africa, summoning of a conference in 1944 on France's colonial policy as regards Africa The Brazzaville Conference of 1944 The Conference which lasted from 30 January to 8 February, 1944 was summoned to review or reconsider French colonial policy. No Africans were members of the conference. It was a gathering of Frenchmen, namely, colonial governors and officials parliamentarians, a few trades unionists, and a bishop. For various reasons these were considered qualified or competent to make plans for Africa. The Conferences which was summoned by De Gaulle was asked "to determine on what bases it would be possible to fund stage by stage a French Community". De Gaulle's aim was to create a permanent link between France and the Empire which was divorced of colonial subjection, a point elaborated upon by his Commissioner for Colonies as follows; "In the Greater France there are neither people to be set free, nor racial discrimination to abolish. There are people who feel themselves to be French and to whom France wishes to give an increasingly larger part in the life and democratic institutions of the French community." The mandate shows that the conference was not to plan how French African states would become autonomous. It was to liberalize more than previously, France's hold on her colonies. The main recommendations of the conference confirmed this. One recommendation stated that ''the ends of France's civilising achievements in the colonies eliminate any idea of autonomy: all possibility of evolution outside the framework of the French Empire, (and) the eventual establishment, of even in the distant future, of governments in the colonies, is to be dismissed. It also recommended the abolition of the corvee and the indigenat; the humiliating status of sujet; the promotion of economic development and western education, and the granting of citizenship to all colonials without subjecting them to French civil law. Partial administrative decentralization and moderate political assimilation allowing for greater participation of Africans in political aifairs in the post-war French Constituent Assembly were also recommended. Two categories of citizens were thus proposed: those who had qualified as French citizens under the old system and those who would qualify as citizens of the French Union the Greater France. The latter were to participate in the institutions of Greater France. 87

100 HDS 202 Africa Since Post-Brazzaville Developments and Decolonization By focusing on developments in French West Africa, we will see how far the recommendations were approved and implemented and also how decolonization proceeded in the context of the reforms. Two Assemblies were called in 1945 and 1946 respectively to consider the recommendations; none of them adhered to the political recommendations. Even the membership of the Assemblies was indicative of the constraint African's were to face. Out of 586 deputies, there were only six Africans from French West Africa and three Africans and one metis from French Equatorial Africa in the 1945 Assembly. The Assembly approved the recommendation on citizenship and those on forced labour and other repressive features of French colonialism: Its move to grant self-government within the French Union to any colony that wanted it was struck off in the 1946 Assembly because of opposition from French traders and planters in the colonies. The 1946 constitution which was accepted was no doubt an improvement on the African situation before the war but it was restricted and thus unsatisfying to Africans in a number of ways. In French West Africa, the Franchise was very limited only one million out of a population of sixteen million enjoyed it. The electoral system favoured Frenchmen and Africans who were citizens before the war. Majority of Africans were Union citizens who had no influence in the centre of power represented by the National Assembly where French West Africa had only thirteen seats (later raised to 20) out of 622. The Assembly of the Union was weak and ineffective, particularly as the Union's High Council had the President of France as its President as well. It is obvious that Africans would not find these developments encouraging. In their attempts to resist these efforts to back, pedal on the Brazzaville recommendations. French West Africans engaged in organizations and mass mobilization that contributed to decolonization. The point was that despite the weaknesses of the post-war reforms, they provided the constitutional and institutional framework for African political action which had three dimensions: mobilization of the people to join the political parties which emerged and had links with those in France; competition in elections to the local and metropolitan assemblies; and the defence of African rights against colonial oppression. These

101 Study Session 14Decolonization in French Africa, actions were carried out by the parties and also by trade union associations and student organizations. The impact of the constitution on French West African politicans is well summarised by Professor Oloruntimehin. "In spite of the disappointment with the new constitution, African politicians from French West Africa did not demand separate independence. They accepted their membership of the French Union, and saw their task as that of struggling for a liberalisation of the constitution of the multi-racial state system called the French Union. Not surprisingly therefore, the Africans regarded the 1946 constitution as a base from which to take off on a course of full equality with the French". The constitution widened the base for political activities and to effect elections, political parties were formed. Rassemblement Democratique Africain (RDA) The RDA, otherwise called the African Democratic Rally, was the first major political party in French West Africa. It was founded at a meeting at Bamako in October 1946 under the leadership of Felix Houphouet-Boigny of Ivory Coast. Delegates came from all French territories. It included representatives from French West Africa and French Equatorial Africa. Though formed by politicians from French West Africa, its influence extended to the whole of French Tropical Africa such that between 1946 and 1956 the majority of parties in French Tropical Africa were either branches of the RDA or affiliated to it. The RDA was affiliated to the French Communist Party. The party in addition to seeking elective positions also sought to achieve African aspirations. It fought to liberalise the institutions of the Union to enable Africans participate in running its affairs at both the local level and in France. As it worked the RDA like other leaders of French West Africa achieved more at the local level such that by 1956, the French 'provided for devolution of powers and functions on the administrations of the component units of the Federation. This was embodied in the Outline Law (Lot Cadre) of 1956 which conferred internal autonomy on each territory in French West Africa, each with an executive council presided over by a Governor, Thus from 1957, attention shifted from the federation to the autonomous units. This arrangement was welcome to some leaders notably (Houphouet-Boigy of Ivory Coast) and opposed by others like Leopold Senghor, Sekou Toure and Modibo Keita. But De Gaulle approved the autonomy of the respective colonies in

102 HDS 202 Africa Since 1914 Study Session Summary Fra anco-african Community and the Emer rgence of Ind dependent Republics Part of the problem which also arose among African leaders was whether independence was desirable or not. Those who opposed the break-up of the federation wanted independence. Quite many could not make up their mind either way, fearing thatt independence would strip them of French support. De Gaulle visited each colony to explain the situation. Many leaders, excepting the Marxist oriented groups, remained undecided even after De Gaulle's tour. A referendum was therefore called to decide on the African position on independence versus continued stay within the French Community. That was in September Guinea under Sekou Toure voted in favour of independence, got it immediately with French reprisals. Subsequent effects were made to preserve the community and to retain some from of Federation but by , the example, of Guinea had been followed in all French West African colonies after dialogues with France. The fact was that with time, it was no longer possible for France and the French West African leaders to remain indifferent to the decolonisation which was taking place in British Africa. Summary In this Study Session, you learnt that decolonization in French Africa was constitutional, based on Brazzaville recommendations and consequent constitutions of 1945 and French African leaders did not ask for independence until 1958 when Guinea did so. Others got theirs by when the pressure of decolonization could no longer be resisted by the French. The failure of the French Africans, in West Africa for example, to demand independence, is a classic instance of how colonial policies could constrain African ambitions within a colonial setting. It is no evidence of lack of appreciation of the value of independence. 90

103 Study Session 14Decolonization in French Africa, Assessment Assignment 1. How did French colonial policy affect decolonization in West Africa? 2. How important was the Second World War as a factor in the decolonization of French Africa? 3. "The search for independence within a French state system resulted in the achievement of separate independence by the component units of the federation of French West Africa". Discuss. 4. Assess the role of political parties in the decolonization of French West Africa. 5. "French colonial policy markedly affected the nature and scope of decolonization in French West Africa". Consider this assertion. Bibliography Reading AJAYI, J. F. A. AND CROWDER, M.(ed.): History of West Africa, Volume 2, Chapters 19, CROWDER, M., "Independence as a Goal in French West African Politics: ", Frenchspeaking Africa: The Search for Identity (ed.) William H. Lewis, New York, CROWDER, M-, West Africa Under Colonial Rule, pp ADAMOKEKUN AND OSUNTOKUN: Government and Politics for West African Studies, Heinemann, Ibadan, Chapter 12. ISICHEI, E., History of West Africa, pp EDWARD MORTIMER.: France and the Africa A Political History, Faber and Faber, London 1969, (The Whole Book) TA.RIKH France in Africa, pp TARIKH Independence Movements in Africa 2. pp

104 HDS 202 Africa Since 1914 Introduction St tudy Session 15 Neo-c colonialism in Africa Learning Outcomes In this session, we will examine European influence on and/or control of Africa after independence. The situation which makes this possible is referred to as neo-colonialism which briefly means the continuing attempts by the erstwhile colonial powers to control the new states of Africa. We will identify the various ways in which this is done and see its significance for developments since independence. But to fully appreciate the ways or dimensions, Outcomes Terminology When you have studied this session, you should be able to: 15.1 explain the meaning and purposes of neo- of neo- colonialism outline the various dimensions or aspects colonialism discuss the impact of neo-colonialism on African development. Neo-colonialism The use of economic, political, cultural, or other pressures to control or influence other countries, especially former dependencies. 92

105 Study Session 15Neo-colonialism in Africa 15.1 Dimensions of Neo-colonialism Political Dimension On the surface, the granting of independence to their African colonies suggested that the new nations had absolute and unrestricted freedom to choose their leaders, their political institutions and ideas and to exercise their sovereignty as they deemed proper to their national interests at any point in time. In reality, the erstwhile colonial powers did not see political power in independent Africa in that way. Instead, their continuing economic interest in the continent made them enter into some form of alliance with groups in respective African countries and either formally or tacitly ensures that the leadership in each country was one which cherished the same political ideas and practices as the former colonial power. Such leadership had to be friendly to the same power and run patterns of administration that would protect the interests of the power in question. If the leadership of an independent state proved unwilling to co-operate in these regards, it was promptly confronted by the power and her associates in the west. Notable cases of this phenomenon include France versus Guinea under Sekou Toure and Britain versus Ghana under Kwameh Nkrumah. Political control also took the form constitutional control which was achieved by the independence constitutions. Clauses which protect the interests of the imperialist power are included and also clauses which strengthen divisions among the component parts of the new nation are included. A third type of political control is the projection of conservative leaders into government. Such leaders would not try 'new experiments' especially those that could change the status quo to the disadvantage of the Imperialist Powers. Fourthly, attempts are made to control the key personnel and policy makers through training links and so on, including the infiltration of the services and the Trade Unions. Finally, the erstwhile colonial powers achieve political control through regional groupings like the Commonwealth in the case of Britain and the French Community for France. 93

106 HDS 202 Africa Since 1914 Tip Political dimension to neo-colonialism Constitutional control which was achieved by clauses in the independence constitutions Tactical / official alliance with groups in respectivee African that ensures sharing of political ideas and practices as the former colonial power. Projection of conservative leaders into government Control of key personnel and policy makers throughh training links Regional groupings like the Commonwealth in the case of Britain and the French Community for France Economic Dimension The economic aspect of neo-colonialism has three main aims: to increase the economic power of the West globally in order to enhance their political power; to promote the profits their companies draw from Africa, and to -entrench the economic system that protects their economic interestss in the new states. The policies that result from these ensure that African countries remain the raw materials producers which they were" under colonial rule, providing markets for these and European manufacturers. In short, the dependency situation created between the new nations and the former colonial powers are strengthened such that investments continue to be directed to the extractive industries mining in the main. This helps the imperialist Powers to reap heavy profits from Africa which they usually return to their home countries, a conti- colonial period. nuation of a system that operated during the Furthermore, they give loans with strings to the countries. For example, the loans cannot be used for building heavy industries and they are at very high interest rates so much that quite often additional loans are taken by African countries for servicing the earlier ones. Indeed in 1962, the World Bank revealed that 71 countries of Africa, Asia and Latin America owed sums amounting to 27,000 million dollars and paid 500 million dollars as interest. In these operations, the Imperialist Powers insist on what they calll ''free enterprise" in the former colonies in Africa. Any threat to it is usually followed with warnings of investment boycott'. The meaning for the African countries is that independence does not give them real freedom of economic choice. Investment patterns thus depend on what European shareholders want, particularly as they usually 'own more than fifty per cent of the capital'. Since the shareholders would not tolerate a cut in their profits, their investments in African

107 Study Session 15Neo-colonialism in Africa economies ensure the continued exploitation of African resources and further widening of the gap in levels of development between the African countries and the former colonial powers. This again ensures that the Powers retain their economic advantages in all facets of economic relations with the African countries. Thus, trade relations are characterised by unfair trade terms such that while the prices of African products decline, those of manufactured products from the Imperialist Powers continue to rise. Also as African economics grow weaker they continue to ask for aids, both financial and technical and quite often these are routed to aspects of development beneficial to the donor-countries. These aids are thus factors of under-development and indeed of disillusionment in the African countries. For instance, the aids are used to pay specified technical experts from the donor countries who work in the recipient African countries and also to buy machinery quite often from the same donor countries. All in all, the loans or aids are so structured that they are directly and indirectly ploughed back to the donor-countries. Finally, even with these adverse aspects, European investments in the independent African countries have a political aspect, namely, that they are done in countries with regimes that at times do not desire progress for Africa. Thus, they were weapons for supporting unpopular regimes. In 1959, for example, the West German authorities made a substantial loan to the Belgian Congo government, then desperately trying to prolong its life", while West German armaments were exported to the Portuguese in Angola. In this connection, we must stress that at times economic hold takes a collective form in which a consortium of European firms jointly engaged in the exploitation of a country's resources as was the case with the iron ore company in Gabon in which French, German, Italian and Dutch capital were involved. It also could be expressed through the activities of international financial agencies like the International Monetary Fund (IMF); the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (that is, the World Bank) or through organizations like the European Economic Community (EEC) which entered into economic convention with eighteen African countries in 1963, permitting each Power Freedom to establish industries in the said countries. 95

108 HDS 202 Africa Since Social and Intellectual Dimens imensions ions Since the colonial powers stayed long in Africa, they established group and personal relations which they institutionalized to the point that even after independence, to cherish colonial ideas as the right ones for development. This is what is called colonial mentality. Since independence, this has been exploited and leaders and institutions are made to stabilize the mentality through study, cultural and other exchanges or programmes. The educational system of the African countries is also tailored along the line of that of the colonial powers in order to ensure that the products are those who value and defend the principles which help the Imperialist powers to continue to exercise control in the independent African States. Traditions of scholarship or intellectualism which run counter to the one left by the Powers are strongly denounced and their proponents discredited as destabilisers of African societies. These are the basic aspects of the intellectual and social dimensions of neo-colonialism in Africa Effects of Neo-Colonialism Politically, neo-colonialism had left some effects. At one level, it has created leaders who are loyal to its objectives and thus are inadequate champions of their countries' economic independence. In such countries political corruption in forms line dictatorship, election malpractices and other abuses has reached alarming proportions, thereby constituting a major threat to stability. On the other hand, leaders that have resisted, neo-colonialism have, under pressure from their opponents, tended to become so security conscious that their reigns have been totalitarian. Opposition parties are thus increasingly violent particularly because leaders on government are generally under the strong military backing of external powers. This brings us to the other aspect of the political effects of neocolonialism on Africa. Internal divisive factors (like ethnicity and religion) are intensified under pressure from external powers so that national problems easily become international problems that in some cases result in the polarisation of African countries into stiff ideological positions as between the East and West. In the situation, African domestic problems. become embroiled in international issues that ultimately make it almost impossible for the countries to find lasting solutions to their problems. Obviously, in this way neocolonialism is a 96

109 Study Session 15Neo-colonialism in Africa factor of political instability in many African states as the civil crisis in the Congo (Zaire) after independencee would confirm. Socially and economically, neocolonialism means underdevelopment for African countries. The economic crisis in Africa is largely due to the impact of neo-colomalism. Economic independence is not available and the indebtedness of the countries, make it impossible for their economies to take off. In addition, the cycle of poverty is so large that corruption has become a permanent feature of African societies. The industrial base remains low because of the neocolonial impact and the few attempts to break from neocolonial strings have been threatened by the Powers themselves. African populations are very disaffected, particularly because the promised blessings of independence are not available because of the dependency situation imposed on their countries by neocolonialism. Study Session Summary Summary Neocolonialism is the new form of colonialism in independent Africa. It has political, economic, social and intellectual dimensions, all of which explains the underdevelopment of Africa. It is at the centre of the respective problems which have made the promised blessings of independence unattainable in Africa. Instead, there is the development crisis. Assessment Assignment 1 2 How do former colonial powers retain their influence in independence African countries? Explain the adverse consequences of continuing European influence in independent Africa. 97

110 HDS 202 Africa Since 1914 Bibliography Reading BASIL DAVIDSON, Which Way Africa"? (The Whole Book) JACK WODDIS, Introduction to Neocolonialism, International Publishers, New York, 1967 (The Whole Book) JACK WODDIS- : Africa The Lion Awakes, London, 1961, pp AWAMEH NRUM.VH.: Africa Mast Unite, London, (The Whole Book) Neocolonialism The Last State of Imperialism, London, Afigbo, A et al (1986), The Making of Africa in the Twentieth Century, Vol.2 United Kingdom: Longman Group Akinloye, S.A (1976), Emergent African States: Topics in Twentieth Century African History, United Kingdom: Longman Group Limited 98

111 Study Session 16The African Union Introduction Learning Outcomes St tudy Session 16 Th he African Union In this study session, you will examine the origin and structure of African Union. You will also explore the achievements of the Union. Outcomes When you have studied this session, you should be able to: 16.1 discuss the origins of the African Unionn as a successor to the OAU 16.2 outline the structure of the African Union 16.3 provide a scorecard of the African Union in relation to its achievements and pitfalls over the years Backgrou und to the African Union African Union Map Flag The African Union (AU) succeeded the Organization of African Unity (OAU). The OAU was established on 25 May 1963 in Addis Ababa, the capital of Ethiopia, one of the just two African countries never to have been colonized. The OAU Charter was signed by representatives of 32 governments. But over the years, 22 other nations joined the union. Its formation was a milestone in the decolonization of the continent as it gave new political impetus to the African peoples struggles to rid the continent of all vestiges of colonial oppression and economic subjugation. In the same vein, the Organization was established to promote the unity and solidarity of African countries, to defend the sovereignty of members, to eradicate all forms of colonialism, to promote international cooperation with due regard for the UN Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and to coordinate and harmonize Member States economic, diplomatic, educational, health, welfare, scientific, and defense policies. The OAU had been a crucial platform in championing the aspirations and interests of African states and, since its 99

112 HDS 202 Africa Since inception, had developed into a political and economic forum for Africa. It was a uniquely African institution, created by African states as a vehicle to serve Pan-African interests it was a natural focal point for the foreign policies of its member states. In this context, the founding principles of the OAU laid a firm basis for the continued unity and solidarity of Africa to promote unity and solidarity among African states; protect their sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence; exterminate all forms of colonialism in Africa; coordinate and intensify their cooperation and efforts to improve the standard of living in Africa; and promote international cooperation in terms of the principles of the UN Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. It was an objective of the OAU to accelerate the achievement of the socioeconomic independence of African states that were still under some form of external rule. It was also an objective to establish a forum for African unity in order to maintain peace and order on the African continent. From , independent Africa was split into two ideological factions, which adopted their respective names from the African capitals where each group claimed to have consolidated itself into a formidable force. The Casablanca group advocated the immediate political union of African states, while the Brazzaville group denigrated impetuous union, preferring instead a loose form of association of independent African states based upon the principles of economic, social, scientific and technical cooperation among member states. Structure of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) At the head of the organizational structure of the OAU was the Assembly of Heads of State and Government. This institution met annually and, during these meetings, the policy of the OAU was defined and coordinated. The agenda for these meetings was set by the Council of Ministers, which met twice a year in order to supervise the general work of the OAU. The Council was also called into emergency session when crises demanded this. The Council was responsible for the implementation of the decisions of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government (OAU Charter 1963: articles VIII-XV). The Organisation had a permanent General Secretariat. At its head was a Secretary- General. The structure further consisted of five functional specialised commissions focused on issues such as economic affairs and defence matters. A Commission of Mediation, Conciliation and Arbitration had to hear differences brought to it by the parties involved, the Council, or the Assembly of Heads

113 Study Session 16The African Union of State and Government, and settled them in a peaceful manner Overview of the t African Union On 9th September 1999, the Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity issued the Sirte Declaration, calling for the establishment of an African Union, with a view, inter alia, toward accelerating the process of unity among countries of the continent, enabling it to better participate in the glob-al economy and to better address social, economic and political problems. On 26 May 2001, the Organization of African Unity (OAU) was legally transformed into the African Un-ion (AU). The concept of launching the AU was initiated by former Libyan leader, Muammar Ghaddaffi, which led to its official launch in Durban in The AU was modelled on the European Union. The African Union (AU) currently has 54 member states Algeria, Angola, Benin, Botswana, Burkina Faso, Burundi, Cameroon, Cape Verde, the Central African Republic, Chad, Comoros, Congo, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Cote d Ivoire, Djibouti, Egypt, Equatorial Guinea, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Gabon, Gambia, Ghana, Guinea Bissau, Guinea Conakry, Kenya, the Kingdom of Lesotho, Liberia, Libya, Madagascar, Malawi, Mali, Mauritania, Mauritius, Mozambique, Namibia, Niger, Nigeria, Rwanda, Saharawi Arab Democratic Republic, Sao Tome and Principe, Senegal, Seychelles, Sierra Leone, Somalia, South Africa, Sudan, South Sudan, Kingdom of Swaziland, Tanzania, Togo, Tunisia, Uganda, Zambia and Zimbabwe For a better understanding of its membership, at the dissolution of the OAU, the union had 53 states. The only African state that wasn t a member of the union was Morocco, since she left on the 12 th of November 1984, basically because the Moroccan government opposed the membership of the Western Sahara as the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic. But even at that, Morocco still has a special status with the AU, and enjoys benefits available to other AU states but has since not re-joined. In 2011, South Sudan became the 54 th member of AU. In structure, the OAU began as one entity, whereas the AU, integrating itself with the African Economic Community and building other structures, consists of: the Assembly (determines common policies); the Executive Council (coordinates and makes decisions on common policies); the Pan-African Parliament (implements policies); the Court of Justice (ensures compliance with the law); the Commission (the secretariat); the Permanent Representatives Committee 101

114 HDS 202 Africa Since (assists the Executive Council); the Specialized Technical Committees (assist the Executive Council in substantive matters); the Economic, Social and Cultural Council; the Peace and Security Council (makes decisions on prevention, management and resolution of conflicts); and the Financial Institutions (consisting of the African Central Bank, the African Monetary Fund, and the African Investment Bank) Successes of the AU Before we dwell on the weaknesses of the AU, let us start with the brighter side. Of all the achievements of the African Union, its involvement in the eradication of colonialism in Africa can t be ignored or underestimated. As at when OAU was established, several states were yet to gain independence, while countries like South Africa and Angola were under the ordeal of minority rule. The OAU ensured the eradication of colonialism by forming a liberation committee, which was established to defend and aid the interest of independence movements while it looked after that of states that were already free from colonial rule. In putting an end to colonialism and minority rule in Africa, the OAU got involved in training and giving weapons and military bases to colonized nations battling for independence. The OAU assisted groups like the ANC and PAC who involved in fighting apartheid and those struggling for the independence of Southern Rhodesia. Examples abound; Angola and Mozambique in 1975, Zimbabwe in 1980, Namibia by 1990 and South Africa by Since independence, the economies of most African states were dominated by a series of financial crises, and were largely characterised by sluggish performance. A combination of internal and external factors were responsible for this state of affairs. The former included the pursuit of ill-advised economic policies, lack of financial resources, deficiencies in institutional and physical infrastructures, insufficient managerial and administrative capacity, often leading to rampant corruption, inadequate human resource development, political instability, disparities in urban and rural development aggravated by ecologically unfriendly agricultural policies and exacerbated by a population boom. External factors included adverse terms of trade, a decline in financial flows, a decrease in commodity prices and high debt and debt-servicing obligations. Although the international community attempted to adopt coordinated programmes towards Africa aimed at ensuring economic growth, African states came to the conclusion that indigenous

115 Study Session 16The African Union solutions were also possible and even preferable. The founding of the Africa Economic Community (AEC) under the auspices of the OAU was the most significant development in this field. The bloc has achieved a lot in uniting the continent. While the OAU s major strength was its ability to decolonise the continent, the AU has a mandate to preserve that independence and advocate for peace. The continent has many areas where civil wars are raging, but the AU is doing a lot in trying to restore peace in those troubled spots. For example, the AU has peacekeepers in Somalia and Darfur to monitor situations in those areas. In 2003, soldiers from South Africa, Ethiopia and Mozambique were used to oversee the execution of agreements in Burundi. The AU has also played a vital role in conflict resolution. Although giving more power to regional blocs such as ECOWAS and SADC on issues of conflict resolution, and the organization should be applauded for taking the lead and constantly monitoring situations where these regional blocks are resolving conflicts. In the Zimbabwe crisis after the 2008 presidential run-off elections, the AU played a crucial role in a bid to restore sanity in the Southern African country. In the same vein, the AU has also helped in resolving post-election violence in Cote d Ivoire and Kenya. During elections in member countries, the AU observer missions are now sent as a matter of routine to monitor and cover elections in member states, something which is a giant step towards ensuring democracy and in accordance with the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance. The AU s efforts towards economic cooperation should also be commended. Her vision led to the establishment of African financial institutions such as the African Development Bank, the PTA Bank as well as the African Export-Import Bank. These banks are responsible for spearheading development in the continent by funding developmental projects as well as bailing out African financial institutions. The AU also adopted the New Partnership for Africa s Development (NEPAD) which has spelt out an African-designed programme for the development of Africa, to be implemented through an African partnership, especially represented in and through the Regional Economic Communities to improving trade relations and economic cooperation on the continent. The AU has also taken a hard stance against coup d etats. Put differently, the AU has succeeded in handing back power to civilian regimes. 103

116 HDS 202 Africa Since 1914 Unlike the OAU which followed a doctrine of non-inteference in the internal affairs of member states, the AU has the authority through decisions of its Peace and Security Council to interfere in member states to promote peace and protect democracy, including deploying military force in situations in which genocide and crimes against humanity are committed Problems and Challenges of the AU The AU has however been criticized for being a weak organization mostly due to lack of unity among member states, as well as the capacity to transform its ideas into reality. AU leaders are divided and have fallen into the same pit as the OAU by adopting the culture of non-interference in the internal affairs of member-states. If it ever takes action, the AU drags its feet in reaching a compromise and come up with a lasting solution to a crisis. Currently, the bloc is being reduced to a toothless bulldog as Sudan is continuously terrorizing the newly independent South. In Libya for example, the AU was not able to resolve the crisis until western nations invaded the oilrich nation, in a war that led to the brutal killing of Libyan leader, Colonel Muammar Ghadaffi and thousands of civilians. The African Union has been described as a weak body. This may explained in terms of why the OAU had no real role in the crises in Somalia, Liberia, Mozambique, Angola, the Sahara, Chad, Rwanda, and the like. Unlike the European Union which allows citizens from its 27- member countries to reside and work in each other s countries, the African Union does not as the free movement of goods and people across borders is seriously a barrier. Free trade, which was prevalent throughout Africa before the European powers imposed borders on Africa during colonization, is now restricted to regions that have signed specific protocols to allow free entry to each other s goods and services-groups such as the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the Southern African Customs Union (SACU). It must be emphasized that a myriad of non-tariff barriers to cross-border trade, characterized chiefly by long delays at border crossings and legal and illegal payments which increase transaction costs is a major obstacle to expansion of intra-african trade. The AU is also faced with financial challenges, inability of African states to refuse to dance to the tune of the Western states which has made it difficult for African commitment, 104

117 Study Session 16The African Union participation and dedication in the pursuit of pan-african objectives. Another challenge is China s ever growing presence in Africa. The headquarters of the AU is now housed in a magnificent $200 million complex in Addis Ababa. AU member states are apprehensive about the consequences on their personal wellpresence in their being and livelihoods of growing Chinese national economies. Study Session Summary Summary The OAU was not able to stop wars among its member states, although this was outlined in its own Charter as an aim, nor was it able to prevent genocidal violence such as that which occurred in Rwanda in Can the AU deal with the future challenges if the OAU could not do so over a period of 40 years? If so, how? the AU project that reflects the global trend towards regional economic integration. In addition, it is an indication of the readiness of African states to confront and solve their economic problems through indigenous solutions and turn themselves away from a reliance on aid and economic policies foisted upon them by external institutions and actors. However, there cannot be any doubt that this will be a long- in the lecture still term proposition as the obstacles discussedd need to be overcome. The future success of the AU will largely depend on the ability to learn from the failures of the OAU, one of which was the inability of the OAU to foster peace and cooperation among its member-states. Assessment Assignment Why was the OAU formed? What brought about its change to the African Union? Critically examine the strengths and weaknesses of the African Union Write a critical essay on the achievements and pitfalls of the African Union The African Union is a toothless bull dog. How apt is this assertion? How far has the African Union achieved its aims and objectives? 10

118 HDS 202 Africa Since 1914 Bibliography Reading Addona, A.F The Organisation of African Unity. New York: The World Publishing Company. Bujra, A From the OAU to the AU. Addis Ababa: OAU Press and Publications. Deng, F.M.& Zartman, I.W. (ed.) Conflict Resolution in Africa. Washington: The Brookings Institution. El-Ayouty, Y The OAU after 10 years: comparative perspectives. New York: Praeger. Harris, Gordon Organisation of African Unity. Oxford: Clio Press. 106