Kurukshetra Hindi January TIPS for UPSC Inerview by TINA DABI (AIR 1 UPSC IAS 2015)

Transcription

1 Kurukshetra Hindi January-2018 Download Join Our Hindi/English Medium Online test series For Prelims Source: xaam.in TIPS for UPSC Inerview by TINA DABI (AIR 1 UPSC IAS 2015) Post cedits Tina Dabi With UPSC Interview (Personality Test) right around the corner, I ve complied a few tips that helped me score well. Hoping these might come in handy while preparing for it.

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3 Source: xaam.in Are cadre allotments in IAS

4 completely random or do the candidates give their preference order? Cadre allotments are based on your preference. And there is no vacancy in the cadre of your choice then, it might seem to you that the cadre allotment is random. For those who are filling the DAF right now(in 2018), kindly note down that there have been changes in the cadre allotment policy. This is how the new cadre policy reads- The States/Joint Cadres shall be divided into the following five Zones: i. Zone-I (AGMUT, Jammu and Kashmir, Himachal Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Punjab, Rajasthan and Haryana) ii. Zone-II (Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Jharkhand and Odisha) iii. Zone-III (Gujarat, Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh) iv. Zone-IV (West Bengal, Sikkim, Assam-Meghalaya.. Manipur, Tripura and v. Zone-V (Telangana. Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, Tamil Nadu and Kerala) The candidates shall first give their choice in the descending order of preference from amongst the various Zones. Thereafter the candidates will indicate one preference of cadre from each preferred zone. The candidates will indicate their second cadre preference for every preferred zone thereafter. Similar process will continue till a preference for all the cadres is indicated by the candidate. It is to be noted that preference for the zones will remain in the same order and no change in the order of preference for the zones/ cadres will be permitted. A lot of students ask me to make the allotments for them.while, it is totally a personal choice, I can still recommend a model cadre allotment for those who need some assistance. Lets first take the Zone Preference. First preference -Zone I Second preference -Zone II

5 Third preference Zone V Fourth preference Zone III Fifth preference Zone IV Note- You should definitely mark the zone of your home state as first preference. Then you may refer the above ranking for further numbering. Lets now look at the Cadre preferences within each zone. Zone-I 1. Rajasthan, 2.AGMUT, 3.Punjab, 4. Himachal Pradesh, 5.Haryana, 6.Uttarakhand, 7.Jammu and Kashmir Zone-II 1.Bihar, 2.Uttar Pradesh, 3.Odisha and 4.Jharkhand) Zone-III 1.Maharashtra, 2.Madhya Pradesh, 3.Chhattisgarh, 4. Gujarat) Zone-IV 1.West Bengal, 2.Assam-Meghalaya, 3.Tripura, 4.Sikkim,5.Nagaland, 6.Manipur Zone-V 1.Andhra Pradesh, 2.Karnataka, 3.Telangana 4.Tamil Nadu and 5.Kerala) Note- You should definitely mark your home state as first preference. Then you may refer the above ranking for further numbering. Source Quora Source: xaam.in INDIA GAINED ENTRY INTO AUSTRALIAN GROUP

6 THE NEWS India has gained entry into the Australian Group (AG), and became 43rd member of AG, a move that will considerably raise New Delhi s stature in the field of nonproliferation and also help it acquire critical technologies. ABOUT AUSTRALIAN GROUP Australian Group is a cooperative and voluntary group of countries, which are working to counter the spread of materials, equipment and technologies that could contribute to the development of chemical and biological weapons by terrorist groups or states promoting terrorism. BENEFITS FOR INDIA The move will be mutually beneficial for both the countries, India and Australia and will contribute further to international security and non-proliferation objectives. With this, India s position has become more stronger and now, the only remaining group, Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) will be more close for India where China has made attempts to stonewall India s entry. The AG membership will considerably helpful for India in establishing India s credentials further. NSG & IT S IMPORTANCE The NSG is a group which aims to prevent nuclear weapons proliferation by stopping the sale of items, which can be used to make nuclear arms. The Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) recognizes five permanent members of the UNSC as nuclear weapons powers -the US, Russia, China, Britain and France This is the only group left out for India where China has been repeatedly blocking New Delhi s entry. CONCLUSION Since, India signed its civil nuclear deal with the US, It has been trying to get into export control regimes such as the NSG, the MTCR, the AG and the Wassenaar Agreement. India has impressively managed its entry into all three groups, the Missile Technology of the Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR), the Wassenaar Agreement (WA) as well as Australian Group (AG) despite not being a signatory to the Non-Proliferation Treaty. Source: xaam.in

7 Hepatitis C Free Treatment Scheme to be launched by Central Govt. Hepatitis C Free Treatment Scheme to be launched by Central Govt Central Govt. will bear the entire cost of treatment to cure Hepatitis C disease. This scheme will benefit around 1.2 crore people suffering from Hepatitis C. This scheme primarily focuses on giving appropriate treatment to the patients and to make it a nation-wide program. Hepatitis C Free Treatment Scheme Health Ministry of Central Govt. will screen various vulnerable groups. These groups include drug users and other persons who had undergone surgeries/blood transfusion before FY This is because the screening procedure was not accurate at that time. Moreover, Central Govt. is talking with several Indian companies which manufacture Sofosbuvir (Hepatitis C drug) to negotiate the price for a national level program. Hepatitis C Disease The total number of patients with Hepatitis C is 1.2 crore which is six times the number of patients with HIV / AIDS patients. This disease is caused by a blood-borne virus which affects the liver of a person. The primary reason for its occurrence includes:- Usage of Inject able Drugs Injection Practices which are unsafe. Un-screened Blood Transfusion However, this disease is not sexually transmitted like Hepatitis-B. Till date, there is no vaccination known to cure Hepatitis C. Moreover, a large number of people suffering/infected from this disease develop Liver Cirrhosis or Liver Cancer. Furthermore, as per WHO estimates, this disease causes deaths of approx. 4

8 lakh people across the world. As per the WHO guidelines, Sofosbuvir is recommended for the full treatment of Hepatitis C. Punjab state govt. has already started this free treatment scheme back in June The Annual Budget 2018 of Central Govt. will include the cost to develop state laboratories, purchase of various drugs & other equipment for diagnosis. Source: xaam.in स प दक य 360 for Hindi Medium Aspirants Download Source: xaam.in The flip side to a formalised economy (GS 3,UPSC IAS mains ) A forced shift from the informal to the formal sector can lead to job losses. But labour reforms can smoothen the transition Following the twin strikes of demonetisation and GST, commentaries on India s economic outlook have frequently highlighted the two emerging trends of financialisation of savings and formalisation of the economy as factors set to

9 hasten growth in the coming years. Financialisation of savings the shift towards formal channels of savings is indeed an unmixed blessing for the economy. Recent months have seen a surge of money flowing into the banking system and into mutual funds, insurance, etc. That has helped lower interest rates and brightened prospects of more lending by banks. The rush of money into the equity markets will make it easier for entrepreneurs to raise funds from the capital markets. Besides, the persistent attraction of gold as a form of savings will likely fade, which is good for India s balance of trade. However, when it comes to formalisation of the economy the shift of output and employment from the unorganised, informal to the organised, formal sector the picture is clouded. INFORMALITY AND DEVELOPMENT Formalisation comes with significant transition pains that can have serious political ramifications, if not managed well. While we dismiss the informal sector for not paying taxes, the fact is, it accounts for 40 per cent of the Indian economy and provides employment to 75 per cent of its labour force. Any attempt to squeeze the sector is fraught with unwelcome consequences because this is where the bulk of our low skilled workers find employment. A 2014 paper, Informality and Development, by Rafael La Porta and Andrei Shleifer (academicians affiliated respectively to the Tuck School of Business and Harvard University), is notable for the ground it covers in furthering our understanding how informality and development relate to each other. They examined the two contrasting assessments of the informal sector: one which holds informal firms as an untapped

10 reservoir of entrepreneurial energy held back by government regulations ; and the other which holds them to be parasites competing unfairly with law abiding formal firms and therefore to be held down. However, they conclude in favour of a third perspective which sees informality as a by-product of poverty with formal and informal firms being fundamentally different from each other. Productive formal entrepreneurs are usually educated, pay taxes and obey government regulations. Informal entrepreneurs are mostly uneducated and unproductive, producing low-quality stuff and adding negligible value. From this perspective, development comes about when formal firms expand as the economy grows, to eventually displace informal players. Among their key findings are that while the informal economy is huge accounting for per cent of economic activity in the poorest countries, informal firms typically add only a fraction of the value per employee of formal firms (about 15 per cent in the median sample country). This huge productivity gap is largely to do with the low level of human capital of the entrepreneurs who run them (education level of workers being less consequential). Other interesting findings are that it is not government regulations that keep informal firms down (low productivity does) and that informal firms rarely become formal, as they subsist in an economic space of their own. Further, the universal experience is that informality shrinks of its own as development occurs, suggesting that it is a characteristic of underdevelopment, not the cause. Indeed, in an underdeveloped economy with working age population increasing faster than the organised sector s capacity to absorb, the informal sector functions as a safety net offering a hand-to-mouth existence but enough to keep the wolf at bay. Particularly relevant to India today is the overall conclusion

11 they arrive at, that structural policies designed to promote formality should be implemented with caution, aimed at encouraging formalisation rather than explicitly discouraging informal activity. They are sceptical about policies that would tax, regulate or impose any additional costs on informal firms because that would drive them out of business and increase poverty and destitution. While La Porta and Schleifer s study recommends abundant caution, it is equally true that growing informalisation undermines sustainable businesses and diminishes opportunities for decent jobs and is therefore harmful to the interests of both employers and workers. In this context, there are three important objectives to be attained by promoting formalisation: to increase workers welfare and the opportunities for decent jobs; to reduce unfair competition between formal and informal enterprises arising from tax or regulatory arbitrage; and to expand tax revenues that can support social safety nets. LABOUR REFORMS But then, even as the outcome is desirable, the government of the day that follows through in this direction will step into a veritable political landmine. Since formalisation cannot be about handholding and upgrading the informal sector (given the inherent limitations discussed above) and instead involves laying the groundwork for the formal sector to ultimately displace the informal players, it becomes vulnerable to emotive accusations about favouring the rich at the cost of the poor. These concerns are amplified in a scenario where formalisation is pursued as an objective in itself leading to initial widespread job losses in the informal sector. For the formal sector to pick up the slack with increased hiring, the Government will then have to bite the bullet and get moving

12 with labour law reforms to reduce the regulatory cost of employment. In practice, this means turning its back on the ever-expanding ambit of labour welfare regulations and allowing flexibility in hire and fire. DATA DILEMMAS The other challenge is that as the economy formalises, statistics about GDP and its growth rate will show an uptick that may not represent the true state of affairs in the economy. It is easy to capture data from the formal sector, not so much from the informal, whose output figures are mostly guesswork. As formalisation increases, official statistics will effortlessly capture the full shift in activity to the formal sector but will, in all probability, underplay the destruction of output in the informal sector. This has the potential to lull the government into complacency and set it up for another India Shining moment, as in That s why, even as formalisation and all remains a worthy objective, let s not lose sight of the label it comes attached with. Quite simply, it says handle with care. Source: xaam.in A supreme spat (GS 2,Judiciary,UPSC IAS mains ) The focus should be on what the four judges said, rather than how they said it Perhaps it s not surprising that most of the comments about

13 the press conference held by four senior judges of the Supreme Court has been about the propriety of their action rather than what they revealed or, at least, alleged. The former lends itself to debate and controversy. The latter requires deeper reflection because it s disturbing. When the four judges complained that well established conventions are being ignored and important cases listed before relatively junior judges, what they were really questioning was the integrity of the Chief Justice of India (CJI) and many of their brother judges. It s this we need to reflect upon. Decoding what the judges said First, when the four judges said that the CJI assigns important cases selectively to the benches of their preference without any rational basis, they re claiming that he has undertaken allocation in a way that could predetermine the outcome to suit his preference. In other words, he s giving cases to certain benches because he believes that those judges will deliver the sort of verdict he wants. Although the four judges did not spell out who this would benefit, we assume that they have the government in mind. Therefore, they re also suggesting that the CJI is beholden to the government or, at least, acting to further its interests. He is not independent of, but acting in support of, the executive. Restoring order in the court Second, the four judges are also accusing many of their colleagues of being pliable. They re suggesting that these judges are willing to do the CJI s bidding and deliver verdicts to please him. Again, we could assume that these junior judges also have an inappropriate connection with the government or are willing to deliver verdicts in its favour. Once viewed in terms of what they have revealed or alleged, it s hard to see how the rupture that the press conference made public can be quickly healed or easily papered over. You

14 cannot attack the integrity of individuals, as has been done, and then smile and shake hands. No doubt this is why Tuesday s meeting between the CJI and the four judges did not lead to a prompt resolution. It could be a while before the matter is settled. On the other hand, if the charge against the CJI is true, does it not call for further action? When asked if he envisaged the CJI s impeachment, Justice J. Chelameswar intriguingly replied: Let the nation decide. That clearly suggests that he doesn t rule it out. This alone could make resolution of their differences difficult and prolonged. Much the same can be inferred from what was said by the four judges about their junior colleagues. Pliable judges are not desirable and they do no honour to the Supreme Court. Even if they re only acting to please their chief and not the government, they re still undermining the high offices they hold. Which, perhaps, explains reports that Justice Arun Mishra was very upset by what s been said of him and could recuse himself from the B.H. Loya case. The sweeping accusations levelled by the four judges point inexorably to two further conclusions. First, if cases are being wrongly allocated, justice is not being done. If judges are not impartial but prone to favour the government or any one party, the outcome cannot be deemed proper or fair. Second, now that it s undeniably split 4:1, the collegium has been rendered dysfunctional. Where does this leave our procedure for appointing and transferring judges? The question of propriety Let me return to the question of propriety. The controversy it has created might be best addressed by first understanding what the press conference revealed. If my elucidation is accurate and acceptable, then, surely, we need to know and any step that informs us is, ipso facto, justified. To have kept silent would be tantamount to keeping the people of India

15 ignorant. That is not acceptable in a democracy. Conversely, if going public means breaching protocol, does not the gravity of the revelations justify the unprecedented or extraordinary nature of how they ve been made public? Some things are too important to be kept hidden in the belief that in-house mechanisms are the best way of resolving deep disputes. Now, when you bear in mind that what the four judges have said is not simply the result of a single development but a problem that has a long antecedence and was festering for long, yet repeatedly rebuffed or not addressed by the CJI, it follows that in-house mechanisms have failed to resolve the issue. As Justice Chelameswar said, this is why they chose to speak out. Not to have done so could have imperilled the apex court, the concept of justice and our democracy. All this, of course, assumes that what the four judges have said is correct. Source: xaam.in The Malimath Committee s recommendations on reforms in the criminal justice system in 20 points (GS 2,UPSC IAS mains ) As the Union government is considering to revisit the Malimath Committee report on reforms in the criminal justice system,

16 here is a look at what the panel recommended in In 2000, the then NDA government formed a panel headed by the former Chief Justice of Kerala and Karnataka, Justice V.S. Malimath, to suggest an overhaul of the century-old criminal justice system. Two years later, the Justice Malimath Committee submitted a report with 158 recommendations to the Deputy Prime Minister, L.K. Advani, who was also the Home Minister. The Committee felt that the existing system weighed in favour of the accused and did not adequately focus on justice to the victims of crime. Here is a look at 20 key reforms suggested by the six-member panel. Borrowing from inquisitorial system The panel was in favour of borrowing features from the inquisitorial system of investigation practised in countries such as Germany and France, where a judicial magistrate supervises the investigation. The committee recommended that courts be bestowed with powers to summon any person whether or not listed as a witness for examination, if it felt necessary. Right to silence The panel recommended a modification to Article 20 (3) of the Constitution that protects the accused from being compelled to be a witness against himself/herself. The Committee suggested that the court be given freedom to question the accused to elicit information and draw an adverse inference against the accused in case the latter refuses to answer. The Committee also felt that the accused should be required to file a statement to the prosecution disclosing his/her stand. Rights of the accused The Committee suggested that a Schedule to the Code be brought out in all regional languages so that the accused knows

17 his/her rights, as well as how to enforce them and whom to approach when there is a denial of those rights. Presumption of innocence The courts follow proof beyond reasonable doubt as the basis to convict an accused in criminal cases. This, the committee felt, gives very unreasonable burden on the prosecution and hence suggested that a fact be considered as proven if the court is convinced that it is true after evaluating the matters before it. Justice to victims of crime The Committee made a series of recommendations to ensure justice to the victims. The victim should be allowed to participate in cases involving serious crimes and also be given adequate compensation. If the victim is dead, the legal representative shall have the right to implead himself or herself as a party, in case of serious offences. The State should provide an advocate of victim s choice to plead on his/her behalf and the cost has to be borne by the State if the victim can t afford it. Victim compensation is a State obligation in all serious crimes, whether the offender is apprehended or not, convicted or acquitted. This is to be organised in a separate legislation. A Victim Compensation Fund can be created under the victim compensation law and the assets confiscated in organised crimes can be made part of the fund. Police investigation The Committee suggested hiving off the investigation wing from

18 Law and Order. It also recommended setting up of a National Security Commission and State Security Commissions. To improve the quality of investigations, it suggested a slew of measures, including the appointment of an Addl. SP in each district to maintain crime data, organisation of specialised squads to deal with organised crime, and a team of officers to probe inter-state or transnational crimes, and setting up of a Police Establishment Board to deal with posting, transfers, and so on. Police custody is now limited to 15 days. The Committee suggested this be extended to 30 days and an additional time of 90 days be granted for the filing of charge sheet in case of serious crimes. Dying declaration The committee favoured dying declarations, confessions, and audio/video recorded statements of witnesses be authorised by law. It also sought amendments to the law to allow thumb impression only if the witness is illiterate. Public prosecution It suggested that a new post, Director of Prosecution, be created in every State to facilitate effective coordination between the investigating and prosecuting officers under the guidance of the Advocate General. The appointment of Assistant Public Prosecutors and Prosecutors, it was recommended, should be made through competitive examination. There was also a rider that they were not to be posted in their home district and the places where they were already practising. Courts and judges The report submitted in 2003 pointed out the judge-population ratio in India is 10.5 per million population as against 50 judges per million population in many parts of the world. The ratio is per million people as of 2017.

19 The National Judicial Commission must have clear guidelines on precise qualifications, experience, qualities and attributes that are needed in a good judge and also the prescription of objective criteria to apply to the overall background of the candidate. The higher courts, including the Supreme Court, should have a separate criminal division consisting of judges who have specialised in criminal law. The committee suggested every court keep a record of the timestamps such as date of conclusion of arguments, date of pronouncement of judgment, and so on, which may be prominently displayed. Trial procedures The Committee felt that all cases in which punishment is three years and below should be tried summarily and punishment that can be awarded in summary trials be increased to three years. Witness protection Noting that taking action against perjury is a cumbersome process and genuine witnesses are treated shabbily, the Committee batted for a strong witness protection mechanism it said the judge should be ready to step in if the witness is harassed during cross-examination. It also recommended the following: that witnesses get their allowances on the same day; they be provided with proper seating and resting facilities and be treated with dignity. It also suggested that a separate witness protection law be enacted akin to the one in the United States. Perjury If during the trial, the witness is found to have given a false evidence with an intention to affect the case, he/she must be summarily tried and be liable to fine up to 500 or up to three-month prison or both. Vacations for the courts

20 The committee recommended reducing the period of vacation by 21 days, keeping in mind the long pendency of cases. If implemented, the Supreme Court will work for 206 days and High Courts will function 231 days per year. Arrears Eradication Scheme The Committee proposed an Arrears Eradication Scheme to tackle cases that are pending for more than two years. Under the scheme, such cases will be settled through Lok Adalats on a priority basis. These cases will be heard on a day-to-day basis and no adjournment shall be permitted. Sentencing The Committee is in favour of a permanent Statutory Committee to prescribe sentencing guidelines. Pregnant women and women with child below seven years can be kept under house arrest instead of being lodged in prison, keeping in mind the future life of the child, it said. In cases where the interest of society is not involved, law should favour settlement without trial as recommended by the Law Commission. The fine amount may be increased by fifty times. In cases where the convict is unable to pay fine or has defaulted, community service may be prescribed. The Committee also favoured substituting death sentence with imprisonment for life without commutation or remission. The Indian Penal Code has to be reviewed to enhance, reduce or apply alternative modes of punishments keeping in mind new and emerging crimes. Reclassification of offences Offences are currently classified as cognisable and noncognisable. Instead, the Committee recommended classifying offences as social welfare code, correctional code, criminal code, and economic and other offences code.

21 Offences against women Here is a gist of the Committee s recommendations: Bigamy: Evidence regarding a man and woman living together for a reasonably long period should considered as marriage, even if he is already married and he is liable to provide maintenance to both women. Adultery: When a man can be punished for having sexual relations with another man s wife, the woman should also be liable for punishment. Domestic abuse: The Committee favoured making Section 498A as a bailable and compoundable offence. This Section is largely used in case of dowry harassment. Rape: Non-penal penetration and any forcible penetration should also be considered as rape and must be carry a heavier punishment. The trial of rape cases should be done with most expeditiously, within four months, and with a high degree of sensitivity. Organised crime and terrorism Though crime is a State subject, a central law must be enacted to deal with organised crime, federal crimes, and terrorism. A Department of Criminal Justice must be established to appraise procedural and criminal laws and to periodically amend them, the Committee said. One of its suggestions was that the possession of prohibited automatic or semi-automatic weapons and lethal explosives be made punishable with up to 10 years jail. Economic crimes The Committee suggested that sentences in economic offences not run concurrently, but consecutively. A law has to be enacted to protect informers, it said.

22 Periodic review The Committee has recommended providing for a Presidential Commission for a periodical review of the functioning of the Criminal Justice System. Source: xaam.in Three cheers for civil society (GS 2,Civil Society,UPSC IAS mains ) Is the Gujarat model of civil society mobilisation replicable in other parts of India? As thousands of agitating and agitated Europeans crowded the streets in eastern European cities in 1989, Stalinist states collapsed like the proverbial house of cards. A self-limiting social movement, which had carved out a free zone called civil society outside the sphere of the state and the household, was transformed into a political movement. Not surprisingly, the term civil society as a companion concept of democracy came readily onto the lips of policymakers, politicians, journalists, activists, and scholars. Democratic theory holds that citizens have the political competence to participate in political processes through public debates, campaigns, and non-violent direct action in civil society. To challenge this is to deny the basic right of citizens to share in the making of a public discourse and an accessible political discourse. The rider is that a democratic state is a necessary precondition for a vigilant civil society. Jignesh Mevani, face of Dalits in Gujarat However, in recent years, the space of civil society in India

23 has shrunk dramatically because the present government has neither patience for civil society activism nor respect for the political competence of citizens. Under the indomitable and relentless attack of the government, civil society might just wither. But a kindly fate intervened. At a time when the future of India s democracy appeared bleak, three young men heading social movements in Gujarat catapulted core issues of well-being, rights and solidarity onto the political platform. Their combined agenda might rejuvenate civil society as the sphere of non-violent protest. Jignesh Mevani, Hardik Patel, and Alpesh Thakor might just aid in replenishing the energies of the sphere. Of the three, Mr. Mevani stands out as forceful and motivated. He appeared onto the political scene in the wake of the stomach-turning lynchings in Una in July Armed with the slogan, You keep the cow s tail, just give us our land, he radically shifted the Dalit discourse from an overwhelming preoccupation with identity politics to the political economy of land and occupation. By skilfully welding caste and class vide the twin slogans of Jai Bhim and Lal Salaam, he challenged the Gujarat model of development. He also questioned the wider notion of development that concentrates on economic growth and leaves workers and peasants on the wayside. His ideology is cogent and hard-hitting. Targeting the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government as well as neoliberalism, he reaches out to a national audience of the most vulnerable, impoverished, and marginalised. He has taken into his ideological fold not only doubly disadvantaged Dalits, but also poor Brahmins, the beleaguered Muslim community, and tribals. Above all, Mr. Mevani has foregrounded agrarian distress compellingly and emphatically to illustrate the shortcomings of the Modi model of development. Caste discrimination, he argues, can be tackled only when Dalits have access to land and jobs, and when they attain self-

24 respect as producers of value. As long as they are dependent on handouts, they will continue to be stripped of selfrespect. Prime Minister Narendra Modi appeals to a Gujarati constituency on the basis of asmita (pride). Mr. Mevani asks whether asmita can be realised if the Dalits in Gujarat are bereft of land and income. More significantly, the Azadi Kooch, organised by the Rashtriya Dalit Adhikar Manch, has disseminated the legacy of the Una movement across India. The movement is not only about the four victims of the lynching by cadres of the Hindutva brigade, it is about demanding and securing basic rights that accrue to every citizen. Mr. Mevani defends a form of politics that dares the legitimacy of a social, political and an economic order based on exploitation and oppression, and suggests that the only way this can be fought is by a trans-caste and trans-religious alliance of the oppressed. The phase of identity politics which capitalised caste identities to seek benefits from the state is sought to be replaced by the politics of egalitarian democracy. Forging a coalition The three leaders can be credited with the forging of a politically significant coalition of castes that have historically been at loggerheads: the Dalits, the Patidars, and the Thakors. Hardik Patel s Patidar Anamat Andolan Samiti was initiated soon after Mr. Modi left Gujarat for New Delhi. The Patidars demanded inclusion of their community in the list of Other Backward Classes (OBC) to avail the benefits of reservations, and Mr. Patel was soon propelled into the competitive arena of caste politics as the most visible face of the agitation. State repression and arrests followed, but Mr. Patel nevertheless managed to galvanise substantial opposition against the BJP. By the time the 2017 Assembly elections came around, the reservation issue was accompanied by a wider political economy focus on the exorbitant costs of education, lack of jobs, non-existent health facilities, and poor remuneration given to Gujarati farmers. Not every demand for reservations can be considered legitimate, but the demand

25 itself is understandable. The agrarian economy is in dire straits, agriculture promises few rewards, and urban-based professions promise even less for young people. The demand for reservations simply epitomises the lack of opportunities the same ones that Mr. Modi had promised when campaigning for the 2014 elections. Alpesh Thakor, who heads the OBC, SC, ST Manch, that opposes the demand for reservations by the Patels, has also elaborated the dismal economic scene in Gujarat. He accuses the BJP government of ignoring the interests of the poor and middle classes. He points to the ready availability of liquor that has wreaked havoc on families in a prohibition State. He focusses on losses in agriculture, unemployment, the demolition of the public educational system, and corruption. And he gestures to the general malaise that clouds the lives of thousands of Gujaratis. Together these three leaders have mobilised social movements around substantive issues of livelihood by concentrating on the hardships that rack the lives of citizens, on declining public support for education, the dismal state of health facilities, unemployment, and agrarian hardship. More significantly, they have mounted a challenge to the legitimacy of the Gujarat model of development. Fearlessly confronting a leadership that had been considered for over a decade to be above criticism, they have charted out a course of coalition politics that combines caste and class. The message is clear: the narcissism of small identities appears inconsequential in front of basic needs for all. This is preciselythe task that civil society, which appears to have retreated from confrontation with the state, has to take up with gusto. Civil society organisations have to come together and reinvent themselves as the guardian of substantive freedom in India. Social movements in Gujarat have shown us the route across stormy seas. We have to harness the tide, before it ebbs and leaves citizens stranded on the shores of an uncaring India.

26 Source: xaam.in