5 Interpreting participation (Interviews) LATVIA

Transcription

1 MYPLACE (Memory, Youth, Political Legacy And Civic Engagement) Grant agreement no: FP WP5: Interpreting Participation (Interviews) Deliverable 5.3: Country- based reports on interview findings LATVIA Editors Gatis Ozoliņš Version 5 Date 30 November 2013 Work Package 5 Interpreting participation (Interviews) Deliverable 5.3 Country- based reports on interview findings Dissemination level PU WP Leaders Flórián Sipos Deliverable Date 30 November 2013 Document history Version Date Comments Modified by Created by Gatis Ozoliņš Proof- read, edit HP Edit SF Modified by Gatis Ozoliņš Final edit HP, SF Page 1 of 45

2 Contents 1. Context Methods Demographic profile of respondents Key Findings Political Heritage and Transmission History and Memory in Everyday Life Participation and understanding of The Political Culture and Lifestyles The Language of Politics Receptivity to Populism/Extremism Future analysis References Appendix 1. Regionally specific prompts and follow- up questions Page 2 of 45

3 1. Context The two selected sample areas for the MYPACE project in Latvia are Āgenskalns district in Riga (site 1) and part of Daugavpils city - Forštate (Jaunā Forštate and Vecā Forštate) - together with a section of Jaunbūve district (site 2). The selected administrative districts, and these cities in general, present interesting and contrasting cases in terms of economic development, ethnic composition and social situation. Āgenskalns district is located in Riga, which is not only the largest city in Latvia, but also the most economically developed region of the country. There are more jobs available, salaries are significantly higher, and overall the economic situation is arguably the best in Latvia. There are lots of opportunities for young people to get involved in different social, civic, and political activities. Riga, and the Āgenskalns area in particular (due to several university branches being located there), is also more diverse than most other localities in Latvia, since it hosts a mixture of people from different regions who come to work or study there. In Riga the ethnic proportion of Russians and Latvians is similar, although Āgenskalns locality is seen as one of the more Latvian parts of the city. Nevertheless, the proportion of Russian- speakers is still significant in this locality; different nationalities are in constant contact, most people being able to communicate in both languages. Despite Āgenskalns being more Latvian, this is also the district where the Monument to the Liberators is located. It is here where mass rallies and celebrations of the Russian- speaking population are often held, among them the annual 9th of May celebration of the victory over fascism and the end of World War II. Āgenskalns is one of the oldest districts of Riga; it is very diverse in terms of ethnic composition, type of housing, income of inhabitants and, on most relevant criteria, is very typical of Riga. It has a number of schools and kindergartens, a university branch, one of Riga s largest hospitals, several churches and museums, an old and lively market, one of the city s largest parks, and geographically it is very well connected to other districts and to the centre of the city. The number of inhabitants in Āgenskalns district is 28,741 (2010, Riga city municipality data). Daugavpils is located in Latgale region. For a long time this region has been considered to lag behind others in terms of economic development, infrastructure, employment, innovation, etc. The emigration rates from this region are very high, especially among youth. Latvians are quantitatively one of the smallest groups in the city; 85% of the population are ethnic minorities. The ethnic composition of the population, and the closeness of the city to Russia, in combination with economic difficulties provide fertile ground for the rise of radical ideas. Interestingly, the recent referendum showed that a large majority of citizens living in Daugavpils supported calls for Russian language to be made the second state language. The areas that were selected in Daugavpils city are similar to each other, yet also have their own distinct history and character. Jaunā Forštate administration, like the city itself, is mostly Russian, and a comparatively high number of young people live there. It was one of the last Page 3 of 45

4 districts to be built under Soviet rule, and people were given apartments there well into the 1980s. The transport connection to other parts of the city has been relatively poor until recently, when it has been improved. There are kindergartens, a school, a few churches (Russian Orthodox and Catholic), as well as a cultural centre in the district. Vecā Forštate is a small neighbouring area and, due to its small size, in some sources is not even distinguished separately but merged together with Jaunā Forštate as Forštate. Historically, Vecā Forštate is one of the oldest districts of Daugavpils, and the 19th century ancient wooden architecture has been partially preserved. Among the locals there are a lot of Old Believers, a lot of pensioners, and very few young people. Almost all buildings are private homes, and gardening is a popular occupation. The local school was recently closed, but the Centre of Culture remains. Jaunbūve emerged in the second half of the 19 th century thanks to the development of the railroad. Many and varied economic, social and spiritual activities are concentrated there. A symbol of multiculturalism and mutual respect between different groups of society is Church hill where four churches of different denominations stand right next to each other. Jaunbūve district is one of the largest in Daugavpils, thus only a part of it was selected for the MYPLACE study: the part bordering Jaunā Forštate, which also resembles it in the type of buildings and other characteristics. The total population of the merged Forštate/Jaunbūve area is 28,680 inhabitants (data from 12/2011, Daugavpils municipality). Page 4 of 45

5 2. Methods This national report is based on sixty in- depth interviews (30 interviews in fieldwork site 1 and 30 interviews in fieldwork site 2) that took place with young people aged 16 to 25 years between and in two major towns in Latvia Riga and Daugavpils. Interviewers started work in early November, 2012 when the first volunteer contacts collected from WP4 were analyzed (in site 1 the first interview was recorded on 18 November, 2012 and, in site 2, on 17 November, 2012). WP4 fieldwork in Latvia was completed on At the beginning of March, 108 new contacts were received from WP4, from which 9 volunteers had agreed to a WP5 interview. Therefore several previously recorded interviews were replaced by interviews recorded in March 2013 (1 interview was replaced in site 1 and 2 interviews were replaced in site 2) to facilitate maximum heterogeneity in the data. This explains why interviews continued to be recorded into early March 2013 (the final interview in site 1 was completed on 12 March, 2013 and, in site 2, on 14 March, 2013). The average length of interviews was 60 minutes, the minimum length of interviews was 30 minutes, and the maximum length of interviews was 109 minutes. 30 interviews ran for minutes, 16 interviews were shorter than 55 minutes, 14 interviews were longer than 65 minutes. A total of eight interviewers participated in the research: six in site 1 (Riga) and two in site 2 (Daugavpils). In fieldwork site 2 the interviewers were both MYPLACE researchers. In fieldwork site 1 the interviewers were 6 sociology bachelor (2), master (3) and doctoral (1) students of the University of Latvia. WP5 leads organized individual meetings with these interviewers, introduced WP5 documentation and project aims and tasks in general and provided detailed instructions including analysis of the Common Interview Schedule and its local adaptation. WP5 leads instructed the interviewers about the criteria for respondent selection and the order of the interview, on particular problematic situations and how to manage them, and discussed the peculiarities of the particular location. WP5 leads informed interviewers of the requirement to write a wider report on the respondent and the context and key moments of the interview (respondent memos). Respondents were selected based on the contact details of respondents willing to participate in in- depth interview provided by WP4 researchers and on recommendations by the researchers administering the questionnaire. The project criteria were observed in selecting respondents: age, gender, employment, education, residential status, family status, ethnicity, language. Although in total 141 volunteers in Riga and 170 in Daugavpils were generated from survey respondents, it proved very hard to convert this expression of willingness into firm interviews. Only about 20% of respondents, and only after repeated contacts, actually agreed to participate in a WP5 interview. The WP5 team selected respondents with the aim of achieving maximum heterogeneity. Page 5 of 45

6 In Latvia s case, a very important data collection and analysis issue is the language used by the respondents in the interviews. On the whole, interviews were held in one of two languages (Latvian and Russian). 29 interviews in site 1 were in Latvian, one was in Russian. 22 interviews in site 2 were in Russian and 8 interviews were in Latvian. The majority of respondents were fluent in both Latvian and Russian, however in interviews they gave preference to the language they used in everyday situations and in the family and could express their opinions most precisely. Some respondents could use only one of the languages. In site 1, the majority of interviews were carried out in Latvian because WP4 contacts were mostly Latvian- speaking respondents (in site 1 the majority - 71% - of WP4 respondents are Latvian). Latvian- speaking respondents agreed to interviews, but Russian- speaking respondents did not agree to in- depth interviews, usually saying they were short of time. In site 2, the majority of respondents were more willing to give interviews in Russian, because it was the language they used in the family and in everyday situations, even though they were attending (or had already finished) schools with Latvian as the language of instruction (in Forštate/Jaunbūve most are Russian or belong to another minority group, while the proportion of Latvians is only 29%). The interviewers used a locally adapted version of the WP5 Common Interview Schedule. Two different versions of a translation of the WP5 Common Interview Schedule were generated and piloted. A final agreed version of the Latvian interview was produced after piloting and taking into account the experience of the pilot and including regionally specific questions. These questions emphasise the specifics of local history and politics (Appendix 1). Visual elicitation tools were used in four pilot stage interviews but were found to be ineffective. Respondents often failed to recognise the memorial place or party symbolism depicted and, even if they did, the images did not elicit further comments or enhance narration. From this the conclusion was drawn that, in the Latvian context, the use of visual elicitation tools did not improve the interview quality in any significant way. Respondents treated the process of interviewing with great commitment and the interviews were conducted in a positive atmosphere and friendly manner. Some respondents, who were uncertain about their responses and thus could not relax, appeared to look forward to the end of the interview although others said that they had expected more complex questions. Introduction and warm- up questions functioned well; respondents enjoyed talking about themselves, their family, friends, school experience (including previous educational establishments), comparing where they lived now to previous places of residence (if they had such). They talked about their work experience, leisure time and hobbies as well as about their relationships with their parents. Questions about history and memory in the case of Latvia worked very well and revealed the context for many of the actions in which they had participated (celebrating or ignoring festivals, support for particular political parties, choice of movies, books, etc.). Respondents were able to comment on what they considered to be the most important historical events, could identify them in space and time and characterize their causes and consequences. On the whole, respondents were confused by questions about their Page 6 of 45

7 first association with the word political. The majority of respondents has little experience or desire to get involved in political actions, join political parties, run for the local or parliamentary elections. These respondents tend to have little interest in politics and no knowledge about the major parties of Latvia. They also found it difficult to respond to the question about party classification since they did not know the meaning of the words liberal and conservative or right- wing and left- wing. Interviews were recorded and transcribed. Since the transcriber was not the interviewer, the transcripts were then also cleaned by the original interviewer who used the original recording to edit and correct transcription errors and add new material where the transcriber could not understand what was said. WP5 interviews were coded by a single person who devised Level 1 and Level 2 nodes based on the transcribed interviews. These nodes were also informed by those generated for other WPs. The proposed nodes were reviewed by other Latvia WP leaders and participants and their revisions and recommendations incorporated into the final version of Level 1 and Level 2 node trees. The authors of the current report read the transcriptions and analyzed the coding tables. The key findings of the research outlined below derive from analyzing the data obtained by coding the interviews using Nvivo qualitative data analysis software. From reading the transcribed interviews, 30 Level 2 Nodes were developed relevant to the aims and structure of the research. These were: Biography (containing 10 Level One Nodes) Culture and lifestyle (containing 30 Level One Nodes) Democracy (containing 7 Level One Nodes) Economic crisis (containing 24 Level One Nodes) Education (containing 9 Level One Nodes) Ethnic tensions (containing 13 Level One Nodes) EU, NATO (containing 8 Level One Nodes) Experience of democracy (containing 7 Level One Nodes) Extreme movements (containing 7 Level One Nodes) Festivity and Commemoration days (containing 18 Level One Nodes) Gender (containing 2 Level One Nodes) Generational inequalities (containing 4 Level One Nodes) History and heritage (containing 25 Level One Nodes) History (containing 34 Level One Nodes) Memory and transmission of political heritage (containing 7 Level One Nodes) Migration (containing 8 Level One Nodes) National belonging (containing 4 Level One Nodes) Political activities (containing 20 Level One Nodes) Political ideas (containing 12 Level One Nodes) Political parties (containing 25 Level One Nodes) Political system, processes, government (containing 16 Level One Nodes) Page 7 of 45

8 Politicians (containing 16 Level One Nodes) Religion (containing 8 Level One Nodes) Society (containing 29 Level One Nodes) Socio- economic inequalities (containing 8 Level One Nodes) Sources of information about political issues (containing 4 Level One Nodes) What political issues are discussed (containing 23 Level One Nodes) With whom and where are political issues discussed (containing 6 Level One Nodes) Work, employment (containing 8 Level One Nodes) World Politics (containing 9 Level One Nodes) All Level 2 Nodes include Level 1 Nodes. Below, the key findings are organized arranged thematically according to the results of the analysis. Page 8 of 45

9 3. Demographic profile of respondents Interviews were held with 32 male and 28 female respondents. Thirteen young people were aged from 16 to 18 and were students in general secondary and secondary professional education at the time of interview. Thirty young people were aged from 19 to 22, some of whom were first year university or college students, while others were full- time employees who had completed general secondary or secondary vocational education. Seventeen respondents were aged from 23 to 25 of whom some had completed higher education, some were combining studies at higher education institutions with employment, some were full time employees and some were not employed at present (for instance, being on child care leave). Data on education were given special attention in the process of the monitoring of interviewee profiles and selection of respondents. Interviews were often refused by those aged and In both cases people mentioned lack of time as an excuse as they had to study or work. Publicly active and educated young people were more likely to agree to the interview, leading to a rather high number of university students (or graduates) in the final respondent set. Many of them were familiar with this kind of research and felt greater responsibility and interest. The final respondent set included: currently in general academic secondary education 11 respondents; currently in vocational secondary education - 11 respondents; did not complete secondary education and left - 2 respondents; completed general academic secondary education 6 respondents; completed vocational secondary education 2 respondents; currently at university 19 respondents; completed university 5 respondents; currently in post- secondary vocational training 2 respondents; completed post- secondary vocational training 1 respondent; studying for postgraduate education 1 respondent. It is of course natural that amongst this target age group a high proportion of respondents are students in general secondary, professional secondary educational establishments or universities. Their opinion is dominant and represents the majority, therefore the interview data in this aspect valid. Current employment status meets the heterogeneity criteria. Almost half of the respondents were in full time education or study. Combining work and study is common in contemporary Latvia, but such respondents were hard to capture since they refused interviews on the grounds that they had too many commitments for their work and studies. The WP5 team tried to intentionally recruit respondents aged 23-25, yet the number of such contacts was relatively small and very often the interview was refused. Among this age group many young people have a family and a job. Other commitments, and a desire to spend the time with family, were the main excuses given. The final respondent set included: in full- time employment 11 respondents; in part- time employment 2 respondents; in full- time education 34 respondents; working and in part- time education 10 respondents; unemployed 3 respondents. Page 9 of 45

10 Heterogeneity in ethnicity and citizenship was achieved without specific intervention. Of the final respondent set, 33 were Latvians, 23 Russians, 3 Polish, 1 Ukrainian. This rather precisely reflects the actual ethnic situation in Latvia 1. The issue of citizenship, however, was complicated to deal with; only one respondent stated they were a non- citizen. It should be noted that the attempts of the WP5 team to interview more non- citizens of Latvia failed as people did not admit being non- citizens or refused the interview. Table 1. Demographic profile of respondents Gender Age Education Site 1 Site 2 male female group 1 (age 16-18) 5 8 group 2 (age 19-22) group 3 (age 23-25) 10 7 currently in general academic secondary education 5 6 currently in vocational secondary education 3 8 did not complete secondary education and left 2 - completed general academic secondary education 3 3 completed vocational secondary education - 2 currently at university 10 9 completed university 4 1 currently in post- secondary vocational training 1 1 completed post- secondary vocational training 1 - studying for postgraduate education 1-1 Statistical data on the population of Latvia at the beginning of the XXI century, see: Latvijas iedzīvotāju sastāvs 21. gadsimta sākumā. Rīga: Latvijas Universitātes Demogrāfijas centrs, 2004.) Page 10 of 45

11 in full- time employment 7 4 Employment Ethnicity Citizenship in part- time employment 2 - in full- time education working and in part- time education 8 2 unemployed 2 1 Latvians 29 4 Russians 1 22 Polish - 3 Ukrainians - 1 citizens non- citizens - 1 Page 11 of 45

12 4. Key Findings The key findings of the research are set out thematically below drawing on the themes derived from the analysis of codes (see above). Data from both field sites are dealt with together; where there is a contrast between the field sites this is indicated. However, the most significant contrast identified was between the respondents ethnic background and language rather than between field sites. The main general finding, therefore, is that national identity determines respondents attitudes to the political and social, to how historical memory and political heritage are transmitted, the sources of respondents views and the level of their involvement in political and social processes. 4.1 Political Heritage and Transmission The key findings on respondents political views and mechanisms of their transmission: Respondents seldom indicate the sources of their political views; Only some respondents mention their interest in politics; Young people s parents have seldom been involved in political activities; Parents do not motivate young people to participate in political activities, however they affect their political views; Political views are often transmitted through kitchen talk, during holidays, watching TV; Russian- speaking respondents have difficulties in finding their ethnic and cultural identity, parents of different national identities make the transmission of political heritage complicated; School has a significant role in transmitting political heritage. How does the transmission of political issues take place? What are the main sources of political identity among Latvian youth? It is difficult to answer these questions on the basis of the interview materials because respondents rarely indicated the sources of their opinions and, arguably, it is hard for young people to be wholly aware of the sources of their worldview and political attitude. Many respondents claimed they had no key sources of influence and that their personality had formed independently: I think that there are no such people. I look myself, well, show interest and make conclusions from what I see. Other people do not influence me. (Eda, Daugavpils) This argument is not compelling, however, since, reading the whole interview, makes clear that an essential role in the formation of the respondent s views is played by their belonging to a particular Latvian cultural tradition, in this case the Russian language space including, for instance, the role of the Russian mass media in the interpretation of historical events (Apīne, Volkovs 2007). Soviet festive traditions that are living traditions for the respondent s family members and close relatives are noted also as very significant for the respondent. Page 12 of 45

13 Only some of the respondents take an active interest in politics: Well, as personally I have a talent in relation to politics, so I could say that yes, I am one of those cranks who are very interested in politics. I could say yes, we debate about many things, various political activities, changes of ministers and it seems that I use the opportunity to talk to friends and acquaintances as well as people I have met recently. (Alda, Riga) These kinds of expressions of discussing political issues with friends and peers, or other involvement in discussions on politics were rare; generally interviewees turned out to have little interest in political issues. Some respondents noted that their parents (as well as their friends) were not interested in politics and did not comment on current events, while the young people themselves followed politicians actions and opinions with interest and analysed them (usually from a critical perspective). Others commented that their parents had told them a lot about their own childhood and youth, school years, for instance about the compulsory school uniforms and red pioneer ties. Respondents considered it very interesting and valuable; this proved to be significant experience and political transmission for them. None of the respondents suggested that their parents had guided them in any specific way towards active political participation although they had influenced their opinions and directed them towards a deeper understanding: My father, for instance, is the main person who has changed his opinions a lot about how all this works, for instance, he persuaded me that politics is not an issue that should be trivialised or ignored. You shouldn t say that, well, the parliament is full of bandits and they all deserve to be in prison and all those popular phrases like that. Listening to the news, of course, nobody says so, but it seems that all are bad and should be hated. One must look at all that and try to understand how it all happens, that this is not so easy, but in reality it is all very complicated. (Saivis, Riga) Often discussion of political issues happens after work, at the weekend, when people watch television news programmes together. It may be said that political transmission in such cases happens spontaneously by reacting to some current issue in politics, economics, education, the court system, etc. It is characteristic in Latvia to associate with politics any major changes in economics, education, science, culture, even sports, because in the public mind the development of all spheres of public life is significantly affected by politicians and their decisions. The participants in such active spontaneous discussions are usually parents, children, and grandparents, and for young people this is a significant experience and many distil their Page 13 of 45

14 attitude to historical events, current political issues, politicians, and political parties exactly in this way. The complexity of the political, historical, and ethnic legacy in Latvia is often revealed in a very interesting manner. For some respondents this is a veritable mystery of their ethnic and cultural identity (Zepa and Šūpule 2006). The following respondent is Latvian by nationality (by passport) but speaks fluently only Russian (although understands Latvian) and is uncertain what nationality he actually is: Take me, for instance, my granddad, my dad s dad was, I think, somewhere from near to the Crimea. But my granny was Latvian, from Latgale, having lived there all her life, her roots being in Latgale. My mum s mum, my other granny, she is from Russia, but granddad comes from Lithuania, therefore I don t know, what blood I am, where I am from, who I am. This is a problem that nobody knows where we are from and who we are. What culture we are, so to say. (Ulvis, Daugavpils) As a result such young people consider themselves patriots of all nations and the whole world, rather than patriots of Latvia. However, the greatest influence is that of school. It is during school that pupils visit museums and local history places, monuments, conduct research projects, participate in public debates, discuss, and defend their views: I participate, of course, now this happens more seldom than previously, a year ago, I participated in the European Youth Parliament, maybe you know this institution that is like joined to the European Union and is financed by the European Union, depending on each country, of course. Well, and young people come and discuss serious things - the economy, the green movement and so on, and this happens in a serious atmosphere. I think this the best example that I could give, that people really know what they are talking about, there is nobody who has nothing to say it is a good atmosphere where you can discuss all that. (Saivis, Riga) Local politicians also visit schools and, if pupils wish, they may spark a discussion and listen to different views. School subjects have a great significance in sparking discussions on the topical issues in society and politics, for instance, economics: Then I got interested precisely in economic activities. What is going on in our country, where money comes from in general, how we live, what is developing. Page 14 of 45

15 Well, and therefore I went to study economics, I m trying to develop further. (Dailis, Daugavpils) Learning economics at school facilitated the respondent s understanding of political processes in the country. This may coincide with individual developments in personality; some respondents pointed out that around fifteen sixteen years of age their values and interests changed, they started to analyze what happens around them. As noted above the close link between politics, law, economics, and finances facilitates the understanding by young people of the close mutual interrelation of various social spheres. Studying one separate discipline essentially develops the common evaluatory and analytical skills. In rare cases school is said to be the place where a teacher related to politics got the learners engaged in informal discussion clubs. 4.2 History and Memory in Everyday Life The key findings on the importance of history and memory in everyday life for respondents are: History and memory affect everyday life essentially and in many ways; The attitude of Latvian- speaking and Russian speaking respondents towards major events in the history of Latvia are similar. The differences lie in their understanding of the significance of historical events; For Latvian- speaking respondents the major historical events are World War I and the establishment of the Republic of Latvia in 1918; For Russian- speaking respondents the major historical events are World War II and the victory of the USSR over fascism; The above affects everyday life and the interpretation of historical events: o Latvian- speaking respondents respect more memorial places and events relating to World War I, Latvia s independence, its economic achievements in the s, events that led to the loss of Latvia s independence (e.g., the occupation of the Republic of Latvia by the USSR, deportations of people, Latvian soldiers in Latvia s army and armies of other countries); o Russian- speaking respondents respect more memorial places and events relating to World War II (e.g. annual celebrations on May 9, Victory Monument in Riga, achievements of the Soviet period); Analysis of respondents knowledge about Latvia s recently regained independence, it is suggested that: o Latvian- speaking respondents are better informed about this event, they know more about how independence was gained, can name people who fought for Page 15 of 45

16 independence, emphasize the importance of independence for the future existence of the Latvian nation, language and culture. Several respondents were aware of their parents experience and stories about the events of that time; o Russian- speaking respondents, on the whole, were well- informed about the events of that time, however, they did not have stories from their parents experience, and they laid greater stress on the negative consequences following the regaining of independence (e.g., collapse of industry, unemployment, devaluation, ethnic tension); Assessing the question of Latvia s occupation by the USSR in 1940, two- thirds of Latvian- speaking respondents stated that Latvia had been occupied; whereas none of the Russian- speaking respondents acknowledged this. Half of the respondents considered this not to have constituted an occupation, the other half did not have any definite opinion concerning the events in 1940 and their impact on everyday life. The conflicting views of site 1 and site 2 were due to the fact that almost all respondents from site 1 (except one) were Latvian- speaking, while three- quarters of site 2 respondents were Russian- speaking. Characterizing the most important and interesting points in Latvian history, respondents talked about a small number of key events: the restoration of the independence of Latvia in the early 1990s (also including the collapse of the Soviet Union); the independent Latvian state in the s (the so- called Ulmanis period); World Wars I and II; the Soviet period; and accession to the EU (Bleiere, Butulis, Feldmanis, Stranga and Zunda 2006; Lumans 2006). Well, in general I think that our country is unique and interesting. Well, probably everybody says this, that we have experienced such great changes in the political system, issues of power, ethnicity, and occupation. We are interesting in this respect, and the most interesting thing is that we had one independence and now we are having another. And I think that people still compare the present with what happened in the past. And the further we move away from the times of Ulmanis, the more we associate, everybody idealizes that time. But the number of the people who really know how it all was has diminished. So I would certainly say that there was independence, then we had a break, and now we are having it again. This was what affected our thinking, the main thing. (Ulla, Riga) In the context of these great events other important and interesting historical events and processes are mentioned as well. For instance, World War I and the foundation of the independent Republic of Latvia are linked to the subsequent flourishing of economy in the 1930s: Many people like to look back because the Golden Times are in the past, and in Latvia there was Ulmanis, real Latvia, where Latvia was for Latvians and this image Page 16 of 45

17 for many politicians is the source to draw on, it is especially characteristic of Latvian parties. They always use history to support something and one can t ignore that, because history is what we are learning from, something like that. (Saivis, Riga) In turn, World War II is associated with the loss of independence, Soviet occupation, deportations to Siberia, the damage inflicted by the war and its evil Holocaust and concentration camps. The significance of these events in contemporary Latvian society is heightened in a particularly active and radical way annually on May 9 when World War II veterans who fought in the Soviet Army are commemorated. Joining the EU is associated with positive and also negative changes, yet there is more of the positive, according to the respondents, for instance, greater freedom and opportunities for mobility. As with the interpretation of other historical issues, the opinions of Russian and Latvian young people differ, if not radically, then in significant details and emphases. A Russian- speaking respondent points out: I think that it is a special moment in this country now - I mean joining the Euro Union. This has given people an opportunity, well, to choose where they wish to be, where to work, and there seems to be lots of opportunities for the young people I know who have gone to study there. The borders were opened, and more opportunities appeared. Probably in this respect exactly this moment is so easily remembered. However, this is bad for the country as a whole, because, as they say, the young brains leave, someone must take up all this, develop it, but in fact all normal, well, not all, but the majority, of people with common sense have left. (Jurijs, Daugavpils) A Latvian speaking respondent talks similarly: Yes, also a wider vision. There seems to be awareness that you have bigger experience. You have opportunities. You may actually go, within Europe, wherever you wish. You don t have to think about visa or passport arrangements. I think, just greater freedom. (Ella, Riga) Two respondents point out that the ex- President of the Republic of Latvia, V. Vīķe- Freiberga was a figure of significance as she had greatly facilitated Latvia s entry to the European Union and NATO and had created a positive image of Latvia in international politics. They also emphasized Vīķe- Freiberga s psychologically well- developed public image and acceptance of her standpoint by a part of the society: If we had remained on our own, I m not sure how long we could last. Everybody keeps saying that it is very bad and everything, but the advantage is there are so many opportunities. We have the whole Europe in which to spread out, to do Page 17 of 45

18 things; it s a large market. If we ourselves are able to do something, I think that we will manage fine. But if we just sit around and wait until everything falls into our laps, there will be nothing. (Knuts, Riga) This kind of attitude was characteristic of the time of debate shortly before joining the European Union and contemporary Latvian youth emphasises it and transfers it to the present as an important dimension of the contemporary political and social position. The most important and interesting event considered to have shaped the modern history of Latvia is the regaining of independence by Latvia. The majority of respondents mentioned this, and many positive historical moments related to it that created a sense of stability: the Baltic Way 2, the Singing Revolution 3, the January Barricades in Old Riga in , people s enthusiasm, sense of being united, and patriotism (Blūzma, Jundzis, Riekstiņš, Sharp and Strods 2009). Well, probably we really became independent, but, like, independent from this or that nation, like. We are not pulled here and there, now subject to one order, now to another, now there is a kind of stability, more or less, stability, for the time being, well, and attraction to the country, though I m not a Latvian, but, like, well, I was born in Latvia and I love my country. And I seem to, well, I like it being an independent country, well, that s probably what I mean. (Vera, Daugavpils) Though not all respondents have direct memories about these events, some have childhood memories of their parents participation in the reconstruction of Latvia s independence in the early 1990s. Concerning the Baltic Way, respondents emphasised their connection (through their parents) to these events, they demonstrate understanding about the course of the event, its participants and goals: My Dad participated in it. Well, I know that simply Lithuanians, Latvians, and Estonians came together, joined hands from Vilnius to Tallinn, to protest against all that, well, the ruling system of that time. (Aksels, Riga) Similarly also another respondent noted: I was two years old at that time and I know that my parents were standing there. But precisely where and how, how many people I don t know about that time. I know only the shots of the film that they are standing along that way. (Auce, Riga) 2 The Baltic Way was a peaceful political demonstration consisting of citizens of all three Baltic States linking hands to form a human chain that took place in August 1989 to mark the 50 th anniversary of the Molotov- Ribbentrop pact and the ensuing Soviet annexation of the Baltic states. 3 The period in the history of the Baltic States between 1986 and 1991 that ended with regaining of independence. 4 See Blūzma, Jundzis, Riekstiņš, Gene and Strods 2009: Page 18 of 45

19 Some Russian- speaking respondents consider that regaining independence was Latvia s greatest error; one that brought about a rapid economic recession, industrial crash and poorly controlled privatization that allowed individuals to exploit the collective lack of understanding of economic, financial, and property related processes in the country. Many people, especially the older generation, lost their savings as a result of monetary reform (and devaluation). Unemployment increased, which mostly affected agriculture in Latvia as the big collective farms collapsed. As a consequence, agriculture was effectively returned to the form of individual and small farms, thus causing a rapid reduction in the number of inhabitants in the rural territories in Latvia and their economic activity. The politicians at that time adopted laws that created a large number of non- citizens, which not only evoked criticism within the country but also activated Russian foreign policies towards Latvia; through international organizations Russia regularly criticized the violation of non- citizens rights and the unacceptable situation surrounding non- citizenship. The majority of Latvian politicians emphasised the fact that Latvia had been subject to occupation as a consequence of the Molotov- Ribbentrop pact, which divided Europe into zones of influence between Germany and the USSR. The restored Republic of Latvia was considered a lawful continuation of the previous independent state, and those residents who had settled in Latvia during the Soviet period (Latvian SSR) were no longer considered citizens. In fact the details of the arguments are not so important as the fact that, according to some respondents, they triggered irreconcilable arguments between Latvians and Russians. Nonetheless, despite these tensions, there has been no violent conflict in post- independence Latvia as has been the case in other territories of the former USSR or the former Yugoslavia. Notwithstanding the difficulties associated with the immediate post- independence period, young people appreciate the positive aspects of independence, balancing the economic drawbacks with democratic political gains: Everyone had jobs but what I think is characteristic of communism everybody is granted employment but at the same time there was a strict order and a severe regime and no one could leave the country, there were shortages of goods. People had money but there were no goods. I don t think life was better then. I can t agree with that, although I didn t live through that time, still I can t agree with all the grannies who say that at that time life was better, because I don t think it could have been better. (Auce, Riga) Nowadays young people appreciate the opportunities for free travel, to study abroad, work and make a career not only in Latvia but also abroad. Notwithstanding the appreciation of the significance of positive changes, respondents have a poor idea of contemporary history, the key actors and the opponents of the independence of Page 19 of 45

20 Latvia. The majority, 90% of respondents, were unable to elaborate in greater detail the process of the reestablishment of independence during the early 1990s, usually limiting themselves to some general statements picked up at school or heard from their parents, seen on television or read in headlines on the Internet. Only two respondents were able to mention something more, like the group Helsinki- 86 and Konstantins Pumpurs or the Popular Front and Dainis Īvāns (Blūzma, Jundzis, Riekstiņš, Gene and Strods 2009): Well, in my opinion, it is associated for me with Dainis Īvāns, because he probably was the founder of that Popular Front and he was the one to start that great movement and, of course, Jānis Peters who also was there, the poet. And those writers, they promoted that motif very much. But I think that Dainis Īvāns, yes, for the most part, he did not fear the Russians and founded that Popular Front and tried to start that movement, and he really deserves great merit for regaining the independence. (Aksels, Riga) There is a certain fluidity in opinions: young Russians evaluate the process of regaining independence or, rather, its outcomes, mostly in a negative light or neutrally, while Latvian young people are seldom negatively disposed, usually expressing either neutral attitudes or emphasising the positive gains or seeing the very fact of regaining independence as of value in itself. This difference is undoubtedly influenced by families, the environments in which the young people were brought up, the festivals they celebrated and the values considered important. A good indicator of how Latvian young people characterise history is how they perceive the occupation of Latvia on 17 June 1940 (Lumans 2006). Although it is a historical issue, it is also closely related to contemporary politics, politicians rhetoric and relations between Latvia and Russia. Perceptions of it are deeply rooted in family history, and the notions transmitted through it, of almost all residents of Latvia. If we collate respondents replies according to whether they were from Russian- or Latvian- speaking respondents and categorise them according to three main positions articulated ( Latvia was occupied, Latvia was not occupied, Don t know, no clear notion of occupation ), a clear pattern emerges of the segmentation of society in two radically opposed camps buffered by a significantly large group of those who are neutral (see Table 2 below). It is the existence of this latter group that explains why the diametrically opposed opinions seldom develop into aggressive confrontation: Page 20 of 45

21 Table 2. Respondents' attitudes to Latvia occupation in the Latvian speaking respondents Russian speaking respondents Latvia was occupied Latvia was not occupied Don t know, no clear notion of occupation The data and detailed analysis of the narrative fragments coded show that this issue remains troubling and traumatic and that both parties seek arguments to justify their opinion. Similar, yet not so radical, is the issue of World War II. Respondents do not have many memories handed down by their grandparents or other relatives and, although the majority of young people consider it one of the most important events in the history of Latvia, respondents views on the World War II are captured only in individual fragments in a few interviews. Narratives about World War II partially relate to people s suffering and the horrors of the war: In my opinion, this is the most terrible thing possible. The cruellest Holocaust, camps, fascism, communism. My personal attitude is that it would have been better if nothing of this kind had happened. I don t know how things might have turned out, without the Second World War, generally the situation in the world, but I find it really horrifying and, I don t know, even undesirable, you want to escape it, as if it had never happened, because now, even to this day many people have negative emotions about Germans, about Russia, and I think that it has left behind many negative consequences. (Kate, Daugavpils) 4.3 Participation and understanding of The Political The analysis of narratives concerning involvement in, and understanding of, the political yielded the following key findings: Two- thirds of respondents understood the political as a sphere unknown to them and characterized politics as power working for its own benefit without thinking about people, they also displayed strong antipathy towards politics, politicians and political parties; Page 21 of 45

22 Comparing fieldwork sites led to the conclusion that respondents from fieldwork site 1 were more confident talking about the state political system, they could mention more political parties and politicians. Site 2 respondents, of which two- thirds are Russian- speaking young people, emphasized their detachment from the Latvian political environment and were poorly informed about leading political parties and politicians in Latvia; Interest in politics is affected by age, education, employment and nationality; Respondents do not have a definite attitude concerning the political views of their friends and peers, talking about politics is not typical among young people; Respondents from both fieldwork sites consider participation in elections as the most essential political and civic activity; The majority of respondents think that it is possible to raise the living standard in the country and resolve major problems through elections. The interviews conducted for MYPLACE revealed Latvian young people s understanding of politics to fall within the following main categories: 1) politics is concrete political institutions and politicians; 2) politics is power and its execution - a complex and unfathomable mechanism that deals with economic problems; 3) politics is an arrogant, alien, selfish and self- sufficient system that is viewed ironically by young people. It must be added that some respondents declined to specify their views on politics at all or were unable to formulate their attitude; this is a result of either a lack of interest in topical processes in society or a dislike for political action. In the political environment there are always problems, arguments and disagreements that evoke distrust in the ability of those involved in the political process to reach any positive decisions. Lack of interest is fuelled also by the rare occurrence of political issues within everyday talk; political issues are not discussed with parents or other close relatives, friends, or peers. Politics as political institutions: Approximately one third of interviewees associated politics with a particular political institution or politician. Among political institutions they mention the government (the Cabinet of Ministers of the Republic of Latvia), Saeima (the parliament), presidential institution, Riga or Daugavpils City Council, local governments and political parties (only once in this context a concrete political party, Saskaņas centrs was mentioned). When characterizing politics, it was associated both with unnamed deputies of Saeima, major Latvian city and town councils and regional governments, the President of the Republic of Latvia, government ministers and Prime Minister, Valdis Dombrovskis, the mayor of Riga, Nils Ušakovs. The political image of V. Dombrovskis represents the ruling politics, whereas N. Ušakovs for several respondents embodies a kind of alternative, mystical contrast to politics a responsible master, honest, active, engaged in non- political (sic!) action for the sake of ordinary people. Page 22 of 45