CHAPTER 6 WHAT CONGRESS AND GANDHI HAVE DONE TO THE UNTOUCHABLES?

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1 CHAPTER 6 WHAT CONGRESS AND GANDHI HAVE DONE TO THE UNTOUCHABLES? What Congress and Gandhi have done to the untouchables of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar published on 24 th June 1945 deals with the activities of Congress, a leading political party of India which played a major role in the freedom movement of India, and Mahatma Gandhi, a father of Nation and a great freedom fighter, towards the untouchables, a marginalized community of India. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar criticizes the role of Congress and Mahatma Gandhi for tantalizing the marginalized sections of the society. Gail Omvedt, an American born Indian scholar, Sociologist and human rights activitist about the book says: The book was a bitter attack on Gandhi and on the Congress party which won him immediate publicity not only in India but worldwide. 1 She states that this book is the biiter criticize on Mahatma Gandhi and the Congress Party. She adds that this book popularized him not only in India but outside India. Eleanor Zelliot, an Amrican writer and retired professor of Carleton College about the book writes: It is a bitter book but a polemic. There is lengthy documentation, and the basic case is made for removal of caste disabilities as political matters, not one to be left for religious leaders alone to resolve. 2 She states above that it is a bitter and controversial book. In it, it is made fundamental to remove the caste disabilities as political matters, and not only entrusted the responsibility of removing the caste disabilities on the religious leaders to solve it. 258

2 Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar, in it, discusses the policies of the Congress and Mahatma Gandhi and strongly states that the interest of the marginalized is in the safeguard of constitutions. He, in the same book, puts that the rights of the marginalized should be protected in the Indian constitution under the British Government. He is of the opinion that this should be done before the handover of rule of the British Government to the Indian people. He claims that after obtaining freedom, there is no guarantee of the emancipation of the marginalized that are more in numbers than slaves from the clutches of the upper caste. He adds that the marginalized should be assured that they are constitutionally safe. Due to it, the situation of the marginalized will be vanished and they will be the part of Indian society. At the outset of the book, Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar highlights the resolution passed in 1917 in the Annual session of Indian National Congress held at Calcutta regarding the upheaval and equal treatment of the untouchables. He points out that this resolution of the upheaval and equal treatment to the untouchables surprises him for two things. The first surprising thing for him is that Annie Bezant was the president of this session of Congress and under her president ship this resolution was passed. He surprises this because Annie Bezant possesses negative and unpleasant remarks regarding the downtrodden people. He quotes the article The Uplift of the Depressed Classes appeared in the Indian Review in February 1909 of Annie Besant in which she demonstrates that the downtrodden are different, uncivilized and are liable to treat differently. She vindicates the ways by which the downtrodden are treated by the society. In her presence this resolution of the equal treatment to the untouchables was passed is a surprising thing for him. 259

3 The second thing about the resolution which surprises him is that till Congress was negative towards the social reforms which now turned its position positively towards social position. It was keeping mum and was keeping itself away from the social problems. He focuses the history of Congress Party and refers the views, opinions of the Congress Presidents from its establishment and makes his argument strong. He refers the views, opinions of the former presidents like Mr. Dadabhai Naoraji, Mr. Budruddin Tyabaji, Mr. W.C. Bannerji and Mr.Surrendranath Bannerji of the Annual Conferences of Indian National Congress held in 1886, 1887, 1892 and 1895 and points out that in these conferences under these presidents the social issues were never discussed. In these Annual conferences, social issues were avoided and it was doneted that it is the duty of each caste to reform itself and it is not the duty of the Congress to think over the social issues. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar states that Congress which was keeping itself aloof from the social issues, social questions now suddenly turns its direction toward the social issues and passed the resolutions of requesting the people to free the untouchables from the traditions and customs which chained them to untouchability is a wonderful thing. He claims that Congress party which was till avoiding the issues, emphasizing that social reform is not their aim, was stating that Congress is not the proper platform to discuss the social issues now started to think over the social reform, to remove untouchability. This somersault of Congress surprises Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar and he attempts to find out the cause behind the somersault of the Congress. He, to find out the causes behind the altered role of Congress, raises two questions towards the statements of the presidents of the Congress regarding social reforms. He says: 260

4 First is to know what the social reform party was to which the Presidents refers. The second is why Mr.Surrendernath Bannerji s address to the Congress in 1895 was the last occasion when a Congress President found it necessary to refer to the relation of the Congress to the problem of Social Reform and why no president after 1895thought it necessary to dwell on it. 3 He states above that to know the cause of the altered role, it is essential to know the reference of Social Party which is referred by the Presidents of the Congress Party. He adds that it is also essential to know the second point why the Presidents after 1895 abandon the social reform issue. It indicates that before 1895, Congress had reffered social issues. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar focuses the history of Congress from its establishment in 1885 to find out the answers of the questions raised by him. He reveals that at the outset of the formation of Congress, it was considered that the National movement should not be purely political but it should handle the questions of Indian social economy, social evils and social wrongs. It indicates that at the outset the Congress was in favour of social issues with National issues. He claims that it was decided to form a separate body to discuss the social reforms in the Congress Party. Considering this decision, Indian National Social Conference organization was formed to discuss the question of Indian social economy. It was also decided to organize Annual National Conferences in different parts of India for the social reforms. Provincial Subcommittees of the Conferences were also decided to form. It was also determined that these sub-committees would handle the different social problems. The Social Reform Party was dissatisfied with the role of Congress for being separated itself from the issue of social question. The members of the party emphasized social reforms before political reforms. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar points out that the reference of social reforms 261

5 in the speeches of the presidents of Congress is due to the Social Reform Party. He writes: The reference to social Reform in the addresses of the Congress Presidents referred to above can now be easily understood. They are a reply to the criticism by Social Reform Party against the Congress disassociating itself from the problem of removing social evils. 4 He states above that the presidents of the Congress referred social reforms in their speeches because the Social Reform Party criticized the Congress for not paying its attentions towards social evils. It indicates the reference of the social reforms in the speeches of the presidents of Congress is the retort to Social Reform party to the blame for not paying the attention to social reforms and detaching itself from social issues. By this, Congress was showing that it has not neglected the social reforms and it is always in the favour of removing the social evils. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar then turns towards the second question raised by him why no president after 1895 thought it necessary to dwell on it. He discloses that till 1895 these two issues i.e. Social Reforms and Political Reforms were existed in the Congress Party. But after 1895, he claims that the ratio of the opposition towards social reforms became strong and it was determined that Congress would put aside the question of Social reforms. Because of the strong opposition to the social reforms in the Congress, the congresses Presidents turn their back to the social reforms. The strong opposition to the social reform in the Congress party is the cause of abandoning the social reforms by the Presidents after Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar, after discussing and inventing the causes behind abandoning the social issues, attempts to search the reason of taking the social issues by Congress again which was left by it and was 262

6 insisted that each caste should solve its problem. He points out why there is a need to the Congress Party to turn towards the question of social reform and think it necessary to draw out the social evil, why the Congress took the side of the marginalized and request the Upper caste to change their mind for the removal of untouchability? He points out why such type of resolution towards the removal of untouchability was passed in the Annual Conference of Congress Party? He states the cause behind the passing of such type of resolutions. He reveals the riddle behind the passing of the resolution.he points out that the resolution is the effect of the two separate meetings of Depressed classes held under two different presidents in the city of Bombay in In these meetings of Depressed Classes, he emphasizes, resolutions towards the interest and uplift were passed which forced Congress party to turn to the social reforms. In the first meeting of Depressed Classes, the resolutions like the right to elect their own representatives in the Council in proportion to their numbers, to render compulsory and free education to the people of Depressed classes, to request congress to pass the resolution declaring to the people of India to remove the disabilities imposed upon Depressed classes by religion and customs, to request the Upper caste people to come forward to remove the blot of degradation were passed. In the second meeting, the resolutions like the British Government should control till the Depressed classes are not developed and be the part of administration, if the Government has decided to give political concessions to the Indian public, it should grant the untouchables their own representatives in the various legislative bodies, to render the primary education compulsory and free, to give scholarships to the students of the Depressed Classes. 263

7 Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar claims that the altered role of the Congress towards the Depressed Classes is the aftermath of these resolutions passed by Depressed Classes. He writes: It is obvious that there is a close inter-connection between the resolution passed by the Depressed classes at their meeting in Bombay under the chairmanship of Sir Narayan Chandavarkar and the Congress resolution of 1917 on the elevation of the Depressed classes. 5 He states above that it is very vivid that there is a close affinity between the resolution passed by the Depressed Classes at their meetings held under the chairmanship of Sir Narayan Chandavarkar and the Congress resolution of 1917 towards the upliftment of the untouchables. He after finding out the causes behind the altered role of Congress Party further focuses the ambigious and deceptive role of Congress towards untouchables. He focuses the role of Congress towards the untouchables when the British Government introduced the policy named gradual development of self-governing institutions with a view to progressive realization of responsive government in India as an integral part of British empire for the changes regarding the constitution to make his argument powerful. He asserts that leading parties of India were in anticipation of the declaration of such policies and they prepared schemes for changes in the constitutional structure of India. Out of these, two schemes the scheme of the Nineteen and the Congress-League scheme were arrested the attention of the public. The first scheme was prepared by 19 selected additional members of the then Imperial Legislative Council and the second schemes of political reforms were supported by Congress and the League. The Congress desired to offer the scheme the status and character of a National demand. But it was impossible without the support of the 264

8 Depressed classes to obtain the National status and character to this demand. The Depressed Classes were against the Congress. To receive the support from the Depressed Classes, Congress promised Depressed Classes that it would pass the resolution for the removal of social disabilities of the untouchables if the Depressed classes support this demand. It signifies that indirectly congress had made a deal with the Depressed Classes. The deal was to support the Congress-League scheme; in return Congress would pass the resolution of removing untouchability. It was a bargaining of the Congress. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar blames that after receiving the support from the Depressed Classes; the Congress did not keep its word and duped the Depressed Classes. Congress employed the Depressed Classes for its purpose and neglected the demand of the Depressed Classes. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar, after pointing out this, throws light on the resolutions passed at the meeting of Bardoli in There were eight resolution passed in it. Out of them, Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar refers the resolution which was related to the Depressed classes. This resolution was: (4) To organize the Depressed Classes for a better life, to improve their social, mental and moral condition, to induce them to send their children to national schools and to provide for them the ordinary facilities which the other citizens enjoy. 6 The above resolution was passed in the Bardoli meeting; the resolution was passed to improve the condition of the Depresed classes, to inspire them to educate their children, to provide them the facilities of the ordinary man. It points out that by this resolution Congress had decided to eliminate untouchability and allow the untouchables in the main stream of the society. 265

9 Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkars takes the follow up of this resolution passed by Congress in the meeting of Bardoli in He discusses in detail what happened about the resolution of the Congress. He reveals whether this resolution was passed only for the name, whether it is implemented successfully or not, whether it came in reality or not, whether it brought change in the life of untouchables or not. By this he exposes the journey of this resolution. While focusing the journey of the resolution, he states that a committee consisting of Swami Shradhanadaji, Mrs. Sarojani Naidu, Messrs. I.K Yajnik and G.B. Deshpande was formed to implement this resolution. It was resolved that this committee would present the schemes for the betterment of the untouchables throughout the year and inform it in the next meeting. It was also resolved to raise the fund of two lakhs for scheme to improve the condition of the untouchables. In the next meeting, this resolution of the working committee was put before All- India Congress committee. In this meeting it was decided instead of two lakhs, the fund of five lakhs should be raised for the untouchables. Before adopting the resolution of the working committee, Swami Shradhanad resigned the membership of the committee. In the same meeting, another resolution was passed. In this meeting, the letter dated 8 th June, 1922 of Swami Shradhanandji read and it is resolved to appoint Mr. Gangadhar Rao B. Deshpande as a convener of the sub-committee and he was requested to call a meeting and Swami Shradhanand s letter was referred to the committee. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar further points out that the reference of this resolution is found in the proceedings of the Congress working committee held in Bombay in July In it, the resolutions of requesting the General Secretary to ask Swami Shradhanand to reconsider 266

10 his resignation and ask him to withdraw his resignation and paying five hundred rupees to the convener G.B. Deshpande for the expenses of the Depressed classes sub-committee were passed. During this year 1922, Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar points out, nothing happened. In this year no steps towards the improvement of the untouchables were occured and implemented. In this year, meetings were held of the Congress but no strong decision towards the untouchables was come into existence. In the next year, Dr.Babasaheb Ambedkar exposes, 1923, in the meeting of Gaya, as the remaining members of the Sub-committee resigned, it is resolved to form a committee and it is resolved that Dr. Yajnik would be the convener of it. He also focuses the happenings of the next year i.e. May This meeting was held in Bombay. It is resolved in it to request the All India Hindu Mahasabha to look into this matter and do efforts to remove the evil from the Hindu society. It means in this meeting, Congress handed over the resolution passed in the meeting of Bardoli, in 1922 regarding the untouchables to All India Hindu Mahasabha and ceased to think and discuss over the matters of the untouchables. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar explains that in 1922, Congress resolved to remove the social evil and to uplift the Depressed Classes. But finally it was entrusted the responsibility of the untouchables on the shoulder of the All India Hindu Mahasabh. The journey of the resolution was turned towards the All India Hindu Mahasabh from Congress. Congress left the resolution without doing anything strong to the untouchables. It did not change the condition of the untouchables; it only discussed and passed 267

11 the resolution. Eventually, it escaped itself by doing nothing for the untouchables and leaving the matter to All India Hindu Mahasabha. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar explores the cause of abandoning the resolution towards the untouchables by Congress Party. He talks about the two options of abandoning the resolution passed in the meeting of Bardoli in 1922 by Congress. Out of these, the one is as the idea of uplifting the untouchables is revolutionary; it might be abandoned by the Congress. The second is as it might be abandoned due to the lack of funds. He goes in detail to find out which option out of these two is proper. He searches whether the idea of improving the condition of the untouchables, to send their children in national schools and to provide them the ordinary facilities like other citizens is revolutionary or not. He asserts that this idea of the Congress was not revolutionary. He makes his argument powerful by focusing the note appended to the resolution. This appended was approved by Congress. It was mentioned in the note that separate schools and separate well must be maintained where the prejudice regarding untouchables is strong. It means if there is a strong opposition to the untouchables, for their admission in the schools and for using the common well, separate schools and wells must be maintained for them. Congress was not ready to digest or face the opposition of the Upper caste people. It was not ready to conflict with the upper caste in this regard. If it goes happily, it would be better to the Congress. The Congress Party was not in the stance to incur the outrage of the upper caste. It indicates that nothing revolutionary was there in this idea of uplifting the untouchables. Dr.Babasaheb Ambedkar writes: 268

12 Obviously, the Congress was not out for the abolition of untouchability. It had accepted that the policy of separate schools and separate wells. The resolution did no more than to undertake amelioration of the condition of the untouchables. And even such a timid and mild programme the Congress was unable to carry through and which it gave up without remorse or shame. 7 He asserts above that Congress did not desire to eliminate untouchability. It was not in favour to abolish untouchability. Congress had accepted the policy of separate schools and separate wells. By this policy, Congress desiredto improve the condition of the untouchables. He refers it as a mild, timid and not revolutionary programme. It was easy to assist the untouchables to improve their condition. It mentions that Congress did not have to fight with the upper caste for the implementation of this policy. Congress was taking care that the feelings of the upper caste should not be hurt by this policy. It was easy to implement this programme. But Congress, he points out, failed to implement the resolution and Congress did not feel any regret for abandoning this programme abruptly without implementing it. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar then turns towards the second option he has suggested. He goes in details to find out whether the second option is proper or not because the first option of revolutionary idea went fail to infer that due to the revolutionary nature, the idea of improving the condition is abandoned by Congress. The second option suggested by him is due to lack of the fund; Congress did not implement the resolution passed at Bardoli in He attempts to find out whether the Congress did not have fund in reality to expend on the schemes which were helpful to improve the situation of the untouchables. He attempts to investigate whether the Congress really had lack of fund or not. He points out that during this period, Congress had collected one crore and thirty lakhs rupees from public under the name of Tilak Raj 269

13 Fund. It signifies that Congress had a fund. It was resolved to expend this fund on the Congress propaganda and on the constructive programme of Congress as drafted by the working committee at Bardoli. As the resolution passed in the meeting of Bardoli to uplift and improve the condition of the untouchables, it was essential to expend fund on the schemes of untouchables. He points out that in the first meeting of the sub-committee formed for the Depressed Classes, it was resolved to expend five laks rupees on the schemes of the untouchables and in the second meeting the fund reduced to two lakhs. It indicates that it was resolved to expend two lakh rupees on the schemes of the untouchables by the sub-committee. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar claims that out of two lakhs only forty-three thousands and eighty one rupees were expended on the untouchables. It reveals that the second option of lack of fund for the implementation on the schemes of the Depressed Classes was also not proper. Congress had one crore and thirty lakhs rupees. It was resolved to expend two lakhs rupees on the untouchables out of it but Congress did not expend these rupees and expendedt only forty three thousand and eighty one rupees only. It reveals that Congress was not interested to expend its fund on the untouchables. By pointing out this, Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar raises the question about the sympathy, love of the Congress towards Depressed Classes He says: Can these be a grosser instance of insincerity than this? Where is the love for the untouchables which the Congress professed for the untouchables? Where is the desire of Congress to undertake the uplift of the untouchables? Would it be wrong to say that the Bardoli resolution was a fraud in so far as it related to the untouchables? 8 270

14 He, above, raises the question on the sincerity of the Congress towards untouchables. He raises the questions on the love of the Congress towards untouchables. It indicates that Congress has no sympathy, love towards untouchables. Congress is not interested to change the situation of untouchables. He blames that it is not wrong to call the resolution regarding the untouchables passed in the meeting of Bardoli held in 1922 was a fraud. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar further expresses his doubt on the role of Mahatma Gandhi in this matter. He points out when all this was happening, when the resolution was not implemented, when the fixed two lakhs fund did expend on the schemes of the untouchables, Mahatma Gandhi did not utter a single word. He blames that Mahatma Gandhi did not see anywhere when it was happening and he did not signify any interest in this matter. It was expected that Mahatma Gandhi should have paid his attention in this matter and should have done justice to the untouchables. It was also expected that Mahatma Gandhi should have forced the Congress to implement the resolution regarding the untouchables. But Mahatma Gandhi did not play any role in this regard. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar also exposes the role of Mahatma Gandhi towards the separate electorate of the untouchables in the Second Round Table Conference. British Government called Round Table Conferences in London to discuss the new constitution for India. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar focuses the decision in these conferences regarding the Depressed Classes and also reveals the role played by Mahatma Gandhi in opposing the representation of the Depressed Classes. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar throws light on the happenings of the first Round Table Conference. The first Round Table Conference was 271

15 called on 12 th November 1930 to discuss a new constitution for India. The Indian representatives were also called to attend this conference. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar and Dewan Bahadur R. Shrinivas were called as the representative of the untouchables. He points out that the first time it is acknowledged that the untouchables are a separate element from the Hindus and thought that the untouchables have also right to consult in the framing of the constitution for India. In this session, as one of the representative of the untouchables and as a representative of the Depressed committee, Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar put the eight demands to sanction for the safeguard of the untouchables. On the sanction of the demands, the untouchables were ready to place themselves under the rule of a majority in as self-governing India. The demands of the Depressed Classes were like equal citizenship, free enjoyment of equal rights, protection against discrimination, adequate Representation in the legislatures, adequate Representation in the services, redress against prejudicial action or neglect of interests, special departmental care and the last demand was the representation to the Depressed Classes in the cabinet. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar claims with the report prepared by the Minorities committee of the Round Table Conference that there was unanimous in the committee towards the representation of the Depressed Classes, Indian Christians, European, Anglo-Indians, Landlords, Commerce and Labour. He adds that in the first Round Table Conference the Minority sub-committee was in favour of the representation of the untouchables. The sub-committee acknowledged the need of the representation of the untouchables. It was also unanimously accepted that untouchables have a separate entity for political and constitutional purposes. He reveals that Congress did not send its representatives to 272

16 attend the conference as it had boycotted the conference and was busy in civil disobedience against the Government. He points out due to the absentee, the perspectives and views of the Congress to the decision did not come to know. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar then throws light on the Second Round Table Conference which was called on 15 th September He reveals that in this conference Congress also took participation. Congress sent Mahatma Gandhi as its representative in the Conference. He discloses that in this Conference, Mahatma Gandhi registered his objection against the representation of the Depressed Classes. He strongly opposed to acknowledge the separate representation of the Depressed Classes. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar points out that Mahatma Gandhi was not properly manifesting his role behind the opposition of the special representation of the untouchables. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar writes: Mr.Gandhi himself could not give a logical and consistent defence of his opposition to the untouchables. Inside the Round Table Conference his defence was that the Hindus had seriously taken up the cause of the untouchables and thattherefore there was no reason to give the political safeguards. Outside the Round Table Conference he gave totally different reasons. 9 He states above that there was no logic behind the protest of Mahatma Gandhi. He was only opposing the special representation of the untouchables. He was not properly replying on which ground he is opposing the representation of the untouchables. He was putting inside the conference that the Hindus had taken up the cause of the untouchables and they are struggling for the untouchables. So there is no need of political rights to the untouchables. Outside the conference, he was interpreting other causes for denying the representation to the Depressed Classes. 273

17 Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar after describing the happenings and pointing out the protest of Mahatma Gandhi towards the representation of the untouchables throws light on the events happened in India after the Second Round Table Conference and the strong opposition of Mahatma Gandhi and his fast unto death in the opposition of the special representation of the untouchables. After returning to India, Mahatma Gandhi was arrested due to his threat of reviving campaign of civil disobedience. During this period, the Communal Award by which separate electorate were granted was declared and as determined Mahatma Gandhi commenced his fast unto death against the Communal Award i.e. the special representation of the Depressed Classes. He pointed out that separate electorate would be harmful to the Depressed Classes and Hinduism. He was of the view that separate electorate would demolish Hinduism. As Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar was the representative of the untouchables, without his consent, it was impossible to withdraw or alter the Communal Award. Finally, Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar agreed to alter the Communal Award. He writes: I had to make a choice between two different alternatives. There was before me the duty, which I owed as a part of common humanity, to save Gandhi from sure death. There was before me the problem of saving for the untouchables the political rights which the Prime Minister had given them. I responded to the call of humanity and saved the life of Mr. Gandhi by agreeing to alter the Communal award in a manner satisfactory to Mr. Gandhi. This agreement is known as the Poona Pact. 10 He states above the situation faced by him during this period. He faced the dilemma. The dilemma was to save the life of Mahatma Gandhi or to save the political rights of the untouchables. If he desired to save the political rights, the life of Mahatma Gandhi would have been in danger and if he desired to save the life of Mahatma Gandhi, he would have left the political rights. He lastly saved the life of Mahatma Gandhi by 274

18 sacrificing the political rights of the untouchables and agreed to alter Communal Award by Poona Pact. The untouchables had to lose their political rights to save the life of Mahatma Gandhi. He asserted that he responded the call of humanity and saved the life of Mahatma Gandhi and Poona Pact was signed between them. After revealing the attitudes of Mahatma Gandhi towards the separate representation of the untouchables and signing the Poona Pact, Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar further exposes the nature of Poona Pacts. He points out that Poona Pact increased the fix quota of seats but it snatched the right of double voting of the untouchables. He points out the difference between Communal Award and Poona pact. He focuses how valuable the Communal Award was to the untouchables and how harmful the Poona Pact is for them. He asserts though the Poona Pact increased the seats of the untouchables, it was not helpful for the untouchables but the Communal Award was more beneficial to the untouchables. He writes: Today the untouchables have a few more seats than were given to them by Communal Awards. But this all that they have. Every other member is indifferent, if not hostile. If the Communal Award with its system of double voting had remained the untouchables would have had a few seats less but every other member would have been a member for the untouchables. 11 He points out above that today due to the Poona Pact; the untouchables received a few more seats than by Communal Award. But if the Communal Award had signed, the untouchables would have obtained less seats but with the right of double voting. Due to this, every elected candidate would have been connected to the untouchables. He exposes the significance of double voting which they had to lose by the Poona Pact and the increase of seats which are not important 275

19 to the untouchables. Double voting was the weapon in the hands of the untouchables by which they could elect the upper caste candidate in the election. It means the upper caste candidate had to depend on the votes of the untouchables. In the General election the untouchables could have used their second right of voting. Due to this the upper caste could not have neglected the untouchables because he would have the need of vote of the untouchables to win the election. This right offered to them by the Communal Award had been derived by Poona Pact. It was the irreperable loss of the untouchables. Dr. Babasasheb Ambedkar then focuses the effects and discusses the result of the election declared in 1937 of Provincial Legislatures by the Government of India Act This was the first time that the untouchables were electing their own representatives. Congress also contested the election and according to Poona Pact, Congress alloted 151 candidates of the untouchables its ticket. Out of these 78 candidates of the untouchables were elected on the ticket of the Congress and 73 candidates of the untouchables were elected independently. These candidates of the untouchables who were elected on the tickets of the Congress were pledged to the Congress programme. It means they were the playthings in the hands of the Congress. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar points out that Poona Pact benefitted Congress because it won 78 seats. The Congress was in the position to form its Government. He adds that in the Government Act of 1935, there was a clause referring while appointing ministers in the Council, the Governor should see whether the representation to the minority is given or not. But after the election, the Congress declared that they are not pleased to accept the Government Act of It indicates it denied to offer an opportunity to the untouchables in the cabinet. Congress urged 276

20 that if the candidates of the minorities are pleased to join the Congress and sign the Congress pledge, it would include them in its cabinet. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar points out that it was bound to Congress to offer representation to the untouchables by the terms of the Poona Pact. But Congress violate the terms of Poona Pact by denying the representation of the untouchables in the Cabinet. The second thing is that Congress had urged that if the candidates of the minority are pleased to accept and join the Congress, it would offer them representation in the cabinet. As regarding to the untouchables, 78 candidates of the untouchables were elected on the tickets of the Congress. It points out they were the members of the Congress. On this ground; the congress should have given the opportunity to the untouchables in the cabinet. But Congress denied them the cabinet. Congress was not pleased to appoint the untouchables as ministers in its cabinet. On this policy of the Congress, Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar writes: Why then did the Congress not include them in the Cabinet? The only answer is that it was a part of Congress policy not to admit the right of the untouchables to be represented in the Cabinet and that this policy had the support of Mr. Gandhi. 12 He above raises the questions on the policy of the Congree Party for offering the cabinet to the untouchables. It indicates that Congress was not in the favour of offering representation to the untouchables in the cabinet. The cause behind it is stated by him is that Congress was not pleased to admit the right of untouchables representation in the cabinet and it is its policy. He claims that this policy of denying the representation of the untouchables was also supported by Mahatma Gandhi. 277

21 Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar also reveals the policy of Congress of allocating tickets to the candidates of the untouchables who are less educated and get them elected as the member of Legislature. It indicates that the Congress was neglecting the well-educated candidates of the untouchables. By doing this, he points out that Congress deprived the executive power of the untouchables. It was indirectly informing that the untouchables have no well qualified candidates. He further claims that Congress had formed a rigorous of party discipline. Due to the rigorous party discipline, the untouchables were fully under the curb of the Congress and they were not raising their voice against the injustice of the Congress. He focuses the condition of the elected candidate of the untouchables as follows: They could not ask a question which it did not like. They could not move a resolution which it did not permit. They could not bring in legislation to which it objected. They could not vote as they chose and could not speak what they felt. They were there as a dumb driven cattle. 13 He asserts above that they could not ask the question which is not in favour of Congress. It means though the decision of the Congress did not like them, they were keeping mum and they had no option to acknowledge the decision of the Congress. They carried mutely the decisions of the Congress. They could not express their feelings freely. This was the situation of the elected candidates of the untouchables in the Congress. He compares them with the dumb driven cattle. After focusing the situation of the elected candidates of the untouchables in the Congress Party, Dr.Babasaheb Ambedkar also throws light on the part of Mahatma Gandhi and Congress towards the temple entry of the untouchables. Untouchables as a marginalized section of the Indian society are denied the public places. Though it is considered that 278

22 they are the part of the Hindu society, the right of worshipping the God, to utter the Mantras of God was prohibied to them. As they were believed polluted, they were not tolerated to enter the temple. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar exposes that to obtain the right of temple entry Mahatma Gandhi and the Congress started the movement for the temple entry for the untouchables. He points out that after 25 th September 1932; temples were thrown open to the untouchables. He exposes that every week, during this period, a list of temples, wells and schools were published in the Harijan, a weekly paper of Mahatma Gandhi under the special heading week to week on the first page, which were opened to the untouchables. He adds if the owner or trustee was not pleased to open the temple for the untouchables, Satyagraha was organized against him. It was forced to the trustee or the owner to open the temple to the untouchables. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar discloses that during this period, five temple entry bills for the untouchables were presented. He informs that out of these the one was presented by Dr. Sobbaroyan in the Madras Legislative council and four were presented by Mr. C.S. Ranga Iyer, Mr. Harabilas Sarda, Mr. Lalchand Navalrai, and Mr. M.R.Jaykar in the Central Assembly. It indicates that this movement was in full swing. There was a favourable atmosphere towards the temple entry of untouchables in the country. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar further exposes the different views of Mahatma Gandhi on the temple entry of the untouchables. He with quotation published in Gandhi Shikshan Vol.II. P.132 points out that Mahatma Gandhi was against the temple entry of the untouchables. But Mahatma Gandhi altered his role and became in the favour of the temple 279

23 entry of the untouchables. He participated in this movement. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar focuses that this movement of opening the temples, wells and schools for the untouchables was not long last. After some period, the movement which was in full swing became down. This movement gradually disappeared. He adds that the reports of opening the temples, wells and schools for the untouchables also ceased to publish in the Harijan. He writes: To put it briefly, after a short spurt of activity in the direction of removing untouchability by throwing open temples and wells the Hindu mind returned to its original state. 14 It is revealed above that this movement was temporary. It was the whim of opening the temples, wells and schools for the untouchables. As the whim outs, the movement is ceased. The effect of the movement from the mind of the people vanished soon.the original condition to prohibit the temple entry was again started to come into practice. He points out that the temples which were dilapidated, deserted and used by dogs and donkeys were opened to the untouchables. It indicates that the temples which were not employed by Hindus were opened to the untouchables. The temples which were used by the Hindus were not opened to them. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar goes in detail to reveal the role of Mahatma Gandhi, the supporter of this movement, in the agitation of Mr. Kelappan who struggled to open the temple of Guruvayur in Poonnani taluka in Malbar. He narrates the incident of the movement of this temple in detail. This was the temple of Lord Krishan. The Zamorin of Calicut was the trustee of it. Mr. Kelappan commenced an agitation to open the temple for the untouchables. The Zamorian was against to open the temple for the untouchables. He refused to allow the untouchables in the 280

24 temple. Against the decision of the Zamorin, Mr. Kelappan drew the weapon of fast and started his fast in front of the temple on 20 th September,1932. He resolvednot to withdraw the fast till the Zamorin does not alter his decision and allow the untouchables in the temple. Mr. Zamorin, the trustee, after this contacted Mahatma Gandhi. On the appeal of the Zamorin, Mahatma Gandhi requested Mr. Kelappan to withdraw his fast. Mr. Kelappan on the request of Mahatma Gandhi withdrew his fast and postponed it for three months. Mahatma Gandhi assured Mr. Kelappan and issued the statement on 5 th November, 1932 that if the temple is not opened to the untouchables, he would start his fast on 1 st January 1933 with him. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar exposes that in spite of this Mr. Zamorin did not listen this and did not open the temple for the untouchables. He did not yield the decision of Mahatma Gandhi. Mahatma Gandhi then altered his decision of fast with Mr. Kelappan which would have commenced from 1 st January Mahatma Gandhi declared that his role regarding the temple entry of the untouchables would be depended on the majority of the people. If the majority of the people are in favour of untouchables, he would start his fast for the temple entry of untouchables. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar points out that to inspect the decision of temple entry, the referendum was taken and the majority of the people supported the movement carried by Mr.Kelappan. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar reveals that after the support of majority to the temple entry, Mahatma Gandhi again altered his decision and on 29 th December 1932 declared in the press that Dr. Subboray has introduced the permissive bill i.e. temple entry bill in the Madras Legislative Council, till the sanction 281

25 for the introduction of the bill by Viceroy, he is going to postpone his fast regarding the Guruvayur temple entry for the untouchables. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar exposes that though the Viceroy granted to introduce the temple entry bill, Mahatma Gandhi did not start his fast for allowing the untouchables in Guruvayur temple. It indicates that Mahatma Gandhi altered his role time to time towards the temple entry of the untouchables. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar also throws light on the altered role of Congress and Mahatma regarding the project namely legislation for temple entry. He points out that Dr. Subbaroya s Temple Entry Bill in the Madras Legislative was not sanctioned by Lord Willington but Mr. Ranga Iyer s untouchability Abolition bill was granted to introduce in the Legislative Assembly. He exposes further that this bill was first supported by Mahatma Gandhi and Congress. Both were in the favour of the bill. It was resolvedto circulate the bill for the purpose of eliciting public opinion by the Government. The government wanted to know the reactions, views of the public regarding the bill. He adds that Mahatma Gandhi called the bill as God-send. Mr. Ranga Iyyer informally introduced the bill in the Assembly. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar points out that during this period the one thing happened. The Government dissolved the Assembly and ordered new election. Due to this, Congress altered its attitude towards the bill and started to oppose it. Mahatma Gandhi also turned his position and opposed the bill. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar writes: The Temple Entry, what one is to say of, except to describe it a strange game of political acrobatics! Mr. Gandhi begins as an opponent of Temple Entry. When the untouchables put forth a demand for political rights, he changes his position and becomes a supporter of Temple Entry. When the Hindus threaten to defeat the Congress in the 282

26 election, if it pursues the matter to a conclusion, Mr. Gandhi, in order to preserve political power in the hands of the Congress, gives up Temple Entry! 15 He states above the changing role of the Congress and Mahatma Gandhi towards the untouchables. Mahatma Gandhi first opposed the temple entry of the untouchables. He turned his position and supported the temple entry when the untouchables demanded political rights. He gave up the idea of temple entry when the Hindus threaten the Congress in the election. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar asserts that Mahatma Gandhi turned his position from the temple entry of the untouchables to keep the political power in the hands of the Congress. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar also expresses his view on the Harijan Sevak Sangh which was established in the name of assisting the untouchables and to assist the untouchables to overcome their problems. He focuses on the programmes and activities of the Sangh, reveals the history of it and points out how the Sangh is harmful for the untouchables. He discloses that All-India Anti untouchability League was formed in the meeting held in the Cowasjee Jehangir Hall, Bombay under the president ship of Pandit Malviya on 30 th September It was a project of Mahatma Gandhi. The inspiration behind the formation of the League was Mahatma Gandhi. Mahatma Gandhi renamed this League as Servants Of the untouchables Society. This name also did not like him and he again altered it and renamed it as Harijan Sevak Sangh. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar reveals that on 3 rd November 1932, it was made clear by this organization that this organization will uplift the Depressed Classes educationally, economically and socially. It suggests that it would help the untouchables to acquire education, to develop them economically and to develop their social status. It is also made clear that the 283

27 organization would not touch the reforms like abolition of the caste system and Inter-dinning. It was also declared that the Sangh has a limited programmes and it was cleared that itwould not cross its field. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar further adds that for the convience of the function of the Sangh the province was divided into units and paidworkers were appointed to implement the work of it. He further reveals that Mahatma Gandhi collected fund of eight lakhs rupees for the Sangha. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar with Annual Reports of the Sangha explains that the Sangha paid its attention on the education of the untouchables, paid scholarships for the Arts, technical, professional courses and High school students. It also maintained separate primary schools for the untouchables. It also provided medical aids and solved the problems of water of the untouchables. It was also resolved to expend six lakhs per year on the programme of the development of the untouchables. But Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar exposes with the help of the report of the secretary, that the Sangha during the eight years spent 27, 67,307 rupees. It suggests, he claims, Sangha expended Rs. 3, 45,888 per year and not six lakhs as per resolved. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar also reveals the opinions of Mahatam Gandhi towards the governing body of the Sangha. He refers the opinion of the writer of Indian Social Reformer that Mahatma Gandhi was against the representation of the Depressed Classes on the Governing body of the Harijan Sevak Sangh. He explores that when the Sangh was formed, the members of the Depressed Classes were there in it. He further points out that love and law, these two things are important to implement the programme and create animosity among the untouchables. He blames that latter Sangh went away from its aims. It left the aims as resolved at the 284

28 beginning of the Sangh. Sangh latter emphasized on the constructive work because its original aim was difficult to implement. He exposes that it is easy to speak about the removal of the untouchability but difficult to implement it. He blames that though Sangha initially had the intention to keep away itself from politics. But latter started to use it to arrest the untouchables towards it. He writes: It may be that it was impossible to resist the temptation of using the Harijan Sevak Sangh for bringing the untouchables into the Congress fold, make them accept Congress politics and impress upon them Congress ideologies, especially when the sense of gratitude for service rendered, no matter how petty, would make them receptive for such process. 16 He states above that Congress attempted to use Sangh to bring untouchables in the Congress Party, to adopt them Congress politics and to influence them towards Congress doctrines. He further states that though the services rendered to them are trivial, Congress thought that by rendering these services, it would be easy to catch the untouchables towards the Congress. It indicates that it was the hidden policy of the Congress Party to aatract the untouchables towards it. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar also exposes the policy of Sangh to trouble the untouchables who were not in favour of Congress. He refers the instance of Bombay branch of Sangh to make his argument strong. He blames that it was the policy of Bombay branch of Harijan Sevak Sangh to make a black list of the untouchables who were anti- Congress. The students from these communities were refused scholarships and other educational aids. Mahar Community was the victim of it. These students were discriminated until they prove that they are loyal to Congress. He refers the resolution brought by Mr. Thakkar that scholarships should not 285

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