Chinese Environmental NGOs: Window Dressings or Agents of Democracy? By Tom Bjornstad

Transcription

1 1 Chinese Environmental NGOs: Window Dressings or Agents of Democracy? By Tom Bjornstad Political Science Honors Thesis Thesis Advisor: Professor Karrie Koesel Second Reader: Professor Mel Gurtov April 26, 2010

2 2 Introduction The rapid pace of industrial development has disrupted China s natural ecosystems and strains a fragile environment. Of particular concern is the misuse and pollution of water. High demand, unequal distribution, contamination, and inefficient industrial practices damage China s water resources. In fact, the misuse has left twothirds of the largest 660 cities in China with insufficient volumes of water. Agriculture is responsible for 66 percent of Chinese water consumption. The water is used mainly to irrigate crops in a process where inefficient practices cause over half of the water to be wasted. 1 Additionally, water consumption has also grown following increased urbanization and higher incomes. The overconsumption has led to a depletion of underground water reservoirs causing the land to subside without a saturated water table to buoy the land at its previous elevation. Consequently, subsidence has destroyed infrastructure in Beijing, and Shanghai subsided six feet the previous decade. Xinhua News Agency estimates that water aquifers are polluted in 90 percent of Chinese cities. 2 Indeed, among environmental crises in China, water concerns rank among the most pressing. The lack of potable water in China has demanded action from both environmental groups and the central government. The central government is particularly concerned with environmental issues because environmental costs comprise eight percent of the 1 Economy, Elizabeth. Great Leap Backward: The Costs of China s Environmental Crisis. Foreign Affairs Volume 86, No. 5 (September/October 2007): Ibid.

3 3 country s GDP. 3 The huge environmental costs and environmental impacts on China s resources have allowed environmental non-governmental organizations (ENGOs) to operate with a degree of freedom from the central government. ENGOs have proliferated in China after the central government permitted their existence. The first ENGOs were established in China in 1994, and the total has grown to over 2,000 according to the State Environmental Protection Agency. 4 However, ENGOs face numerous challenges, including firm registration requirements that limit many potential groups from mobilizing as well as problems in securing funding and qualified experts. Yet, some scholars like Guobin Yang and Caroline Cooper argue that the ENGOs in China have influence in domestic political circles and are agents of social change and democratization. 5,6 Conversely, other scholars like Teh-Chang Lin and Michael Frolic argue that ENGOs possess minimum influence and are corporatist mechanisms of the central government. 7,8 The debate over the influence of ENGOs in China leads to this project s central research question: what role do environmental nongovernmental organizations play in policymaking decisions of the Chinese central government? 3 Turner, Jennifer and Zhi, Lu. Chapter in Building a Green Civil Society in China. The State of the World 2006, Special Focus: China and India. The Worldwatch Institute 2006: Schwartz, Jonathan. Environmental NGOs in China: Roles and Limits. Pacific Affairs. Volume 77, No. 1 (Spring 2004): Yang, Guobin. Environmental NGOs and Institutional Dynamics in China. The China Quarterly. No. 181 (2005): Cooper, Caroline. This is Our Way In : The Civil Society of Environmental NGOs in South-West China. Government and Opposition. Volume 41, no 1. (2006): Lin, Teh-Chang. Environmental NGOs and the Anti-Dam Movements in China: A Social Movement with Chinese Characteristics. Issues and Studies. Vol 42, no. 4 (Dec 2007): Frolic, Michael. State-Led Civil Society. Chapter 2 from Civil Society in China by Michael Frolic and Timothy Brook. M.E. Sharpe, Inc.: 1997.

4 4 The research question is important for several reasons. First, if ENGOs possess minimal influence, it is indicative of continued authoritarian rule: they are mere window dressings for the regime. However, if ENGOs are proven to be successful in influencing public policy, it suggests greater political openness, increased space for civil society to develop, and possible democratization. Second, this question is important because of rapidly deteriorating environmental conditions in China. Problems like water management and air quality threaten the health of the Chinese population. For instance, five of the seven major rivers in China were rated by the State Environmental Protection Agency (SEPA) as having 70 percent of the water supply unsafe for human contact. 9 Additionally, only six of China s largest twenty-seven cities meet state standards of water quality for human consumption. 10 This thesis explores the ways in which ENGOs are a possible mechanism to express concerns and create awareness of China s environmental problems. A second concern focuses on the extent to which the Chinese government permits ENGOs to shape environmental policy. This focus is important because the crumbling environmental conditions demand policy change, and ENGOs could be one way to inform, organize, and represent public demands. The interaction between the ENGOs and the government is also an indicator of the possibility for increased political openness. It is important whether the Chinese government responds to the demands of its citizens articulated through ENGOs. Although China s government has taken steps to address environmental concerns, one 9 Economy, Elizabeth. The River Runs Black: The Environmental Challenge to China s Future. Cornell UP: Ibid.

5 5 should question the extent of the efforts and whether the central government looks to ENGOs to strengthen environmental policy. Literature Review Scholars of Chinese ENGOs either deny the influence of environmental groups or look to the increasing numbers of ENGOs as evidence of new civic freedoms, a growing civil society, and ENGO influence over policymaking. Those who suggest that ENGO influence is minimal, like Peter Ho, consider policy change as the result of central authority decisions that are independent from organizational pressure. 11 Policy change, in other words, is a top-down process. This school of thought argues that Chinese ENGOs are heavily constrained by government monitoring and suffer from inadequate resources. ENGOs are required to apply with the Ministry of Civil Affairs, where they face a cumbersome application procedure. Additionally, the organizations receive little in private funding which makes it difficult to staff the needed experts to conduct meaningful research. To complicate matters, these scholars argue that most NGOs in China are extensions of the state or government organized non-governmental organizations (GONGOs). GONGOs receive funding from the government and have access to government experts and research, but their independence and effectiveness are often questioned because of fixed governmental ties. The existence of GONGOs complicates any analysis of ENGOs because it makes it difficult to decide if policy was governmentinitiated or if it was a response to ENGO demands. 11 Ho, Peter. Greening Without Conflict? Environmentalism, NGOs and Civil Society in China. Development and Change. Volume 32, no. 5. (2001):

6 6 By contrast, Fengshu Wu argues that even though GONGOs were created by and are tied to the central government, the extensive networks and partnerships with international organizations have enabled many GONGOs to gain a certain degree of autonomy from the state. 12 For instance, GONGOs often facilitate discussions between policymakers and NGOs and share resources with citizen groups. This was shown when the China Environment Science Instituted attended international workshops and seminars. However, their participation also shows the confusion of GONGOs when group officials presented themselves as an NGO. 13 Wu also notes that GONGOs are important for matching NGOs with international donors to secure needed funds. For example, the GONGO named the Center for Environmental Education and Communication is under the authority of SEPA and has organized international scientists and hosted German NGOs to discuss environmental issues. Lastly, GONGOs are beginning to staff former NGO members instead of drawing its members directly from the government. This could decrease dependency on the government and allow for more independent analysis. 14 Peter Ho suggests that ENGOs have strengthened China s civil society, but the groups are still unable to challenge the central government because ENGOs are unable to mobilize on a national level and environmental efforts are fragmented and highly localized. 15 ENGOs mobilize around local issues and interests that are regionally specific and do not possess equal significance nationally. It is more difficult for ENGOs to organize nationally because most groups focus on regional issues. Ho argues that the 12 Wu, Fengshi. New Partners or Old Brothers? GONGOS in Transnational Environmental Advocacy in China. China Environment Series. Issue 5, 2005: Ibid. 14 Ibid. 15 Ho, Peter. Greening Without Conflict? Environmentalism, NGOs and Civil Society in China. Development and Change. Volume 32, no. 5. (2001):

7 7 ENGOs do not influence central government policy, and central government authorities are usually unsympathetic to their demands. Any policy change that occurs is the result of central government efforts at environmental protection even though the central government gives the impression that citizen efforts influenced the change. Ho finds two factors that shape Chinese environmentalism: first, the greening of the central state which coincided with the emergence of the first environmental NGOs and grass-roots organizations; and second, the national government s alternating politics of tolerance and strict control of civil organizations. 16 These two factors are illustrated in Chinese hydroelectric issues surrounding the Three Gorges Dam. The issue is important because the first ENGOs appeared soon after construction was announced and concerns were raised. Central government authorities initially demonstrated strict control when responding to criticisms against the Three Gorges Dam in Hydroelectric engineer and National People s Congress member Huang Shunxing had his microphone unplugged when he began to speak out against the project at a conference. Following the strict control of protestors of the Three Gorges Dam, the Chinese government became more tolerant of dissent. 17 Ho considers the Chinese participation in the 1992 UN Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED) an indicator of the Chinese central government s shift to more environmentally minded policies and sustainable development. Soon after, Friends of Nature was established as China s first domestic environmental NGO in 1994 and signaled the greening of the state Ibid. 17 Ibid. 18 Ibid.

8 8 Teh-Chang Lin argues that ENGOs are a corporatist mechanism for the central government to organize citizen interests without allowing ENGOs to consolidate power separate from the central government. Lin examines the anti-dam movements organized against the Three Gorges Dam and the Nujiang Dam. ENGOs receive support from the central government in order to achieve the shared goals to protect resources and develop sustainably. Lin concludes that allied with the central government, ENGOs have thus gained momentum in their opposition to either local government or enterprises that have ignored or violated the issues of environmental protection and resettlement. 19 More generally, Michael Frolic argues that Chinese civil society is closely linked and controlled by the central government. Frolic characterizes the social sector as stateled civil society that serves the interests of the central government while also organizing some citizen interests. State-led civil society is created by the state, principally to help it govern, but also to co-opt and socialize potentially politically active elements in the population. 20 Despite the various duties and support for ENGOs, their activities are closely monitored and regulated. Numerous examples show that the central government support extended to environmental activists and ENGOs is quickly retracted when protests escalate. For example, Wu Lihong, an environmental activist, launched a media campaign to save Lake Tai where chemical plants were dumping toxic waste. Wu was a local environmental activist who had spent over a decade protesting the dumping of 19 Teh-Chang, Lin. Environmental NGOs and the Anti-Dam Movements in China: A Social Movement with Chinese Characteristics. Issues and Studies. Vol 42, no. 4 (Dec 2007): Frolic, Michael. State-Led Civil Society. Chapter from Civil Society in China by Michael Frolic and Timothy Brook. M.E. Sharpe, Inc.: 1997.

9 9 chemicals into Lake Tai. The National People s Congress titled Wu an Environmental Warrior in 1995 for his environmental efforts. Wu used media campaigns to expose that the dumping and pollution that resulted in two million people needing to find a new source of water for drinking and cooking. Wu was sentenced to three years in jail on various charges that many felt were to punish his environmental campaign. 21 The example is important because it shows that some dissent is allowed and even encouraged by the center, while more contentious forms of protest that target the center will be not be tolerated. On the other side of the debate, researchers argue that ENGOs in China are capable of yielding changes in environmental policy. They justify their claim by evaluating the increased number and capacity of environmental organizations. Moreover, the existing ENGOs are becoming progressively more specialized which allows them to conduct more meaningful research. For example, Friends of Nature was the first ENGO in 1994, and it focuses on environmental education and awareness. The China Mangrove Conservation Union was established in 2001 specializes in conserving mangroves in Fujian. The increased number of ENGOs has allowed citizen interests to be organized around more specific issues. The new level and sophistication of activity has led Guobin Yang to argue for possible democratization and social change. 22 Yang looks at ENGO-led citizen activism that has resulted in positive change including slowing development. For instance, Green- Web, a 4,000 member web-based ENGO, began an online petition in February 2002 that 21 Kahn, Joseph. In China, a Lake s Champion Imperils Himself. The New York Times. 14 October Yang, Guobin. Environmental NGOs and Institutional Dynamics in China. The China Quarterly. No. 181 (2005):

10 10 opposed the construction of an entertainment complex in suburban Beijing. The construction threatened to destroy the habitat of birds in surrounding wetlands and received media coverage that generated support for the petition. Green-Web sent the list of online signatures to government agencies, prompting cancellation of the developmen. 23 Guobin Yang argues that successful operations of ENGOs teach participants political skills and allow them to test political boundaries. Yang argues that the new skills and civic action that ENGOs encourage widen the political field to include civil society as a salient sector of Chinese society. The groups have used the media to generate public discourse on environmental issues that is consistent with the democratic ideal of active citizen participation. Yang concludes that the government response to environmental protests through the use of non-confrontational, boundary-spanning or legal action may gradually push back political boundaries and induce changes in the relationship between state and citizens and between state and non-state organizations. 24 Similarly, Caroline Cooper contends that ENGOs influence policy change. Cooper argues that groups are becoming especially powerful and influential as the central government increasingly decentralizes. The power of the ENGOs is especially important at the local level where policies need to be specialized to address local issues. Cooper argues that groups like Green Watershed and the Center for Biodiversity and Indigenous Knowledge have been successful in organizing around local issues like sustainable development and social justice. 25 Other groups focus on more scientific issues of the 23 Ibid. 24 Ibid. 25 Cooper, Caroline. This is Our Way In : The Civil Society of Environmental NGOs in South-West China. Government and Opposition. Volume 41, no 1. (2006):

11 11 overarching environmental concerns such as issues over water, topsoil, and air quality. For example, Nature Watch and Green River conduct studies and disseminate the information through pamphlets and advertisements at local meetings. 26 These organizations have recognized that environmental conditions need to be considered in policy decisions and this gives the groups some leverage in negotiating with the government. Cooper writes that as activists grow adept and begin to move even more fluidly from environmental issues to related social and political concerns, governments must effectively respond to the new direction these forces and the public interests they represent. 27 Cooper suggests that the successes of ENGOs will transfer into other policy areas and eventually change the relationship of the Chinese state to society. Jennifer Turner and Lu Zhi argue that ENGOs have extended their reach and capacities, but they still need to acquire more technical skills and resources to be effective. They argue that ENGOs influence both central and local government policymaking in environmental issues. One example is the campaign organized by Friends of Nature to save the endangered Tibetan antelope and snub-nosed monkey. Turner and Zhi note that these campaigns not only educated the general public on two endangered species, they also led the central and local governments to adopt stronger conservation policies. 28 The central government responded with effective conservation policies, including cancelling all timber cutting in areas the snub-nosed monkey inhabited and creating anti-poaching patrols to protect the Tibetan antelope. 26 Ibid. 27 Ibid. 28 Turner, Jennifer and Zhi, Lu. Chapter in Building a Green Civil Society in China. The State of the World 2006, Special Focus: China and India. The Worldwatch Institute 2006:

12 12 Despite the increased influence of ENGOs, they are still confined by the government and their lack of technical expertise. Local government officials are often resistant to ENGO activity and environmental regulations even when they are supported by the central government. This establishes a role for ENGOs as enforcers of central government policy. As Turner and Zhi continue, although the central government has been encouraging the creation of green groups to help implement and monitor state environmental laws, there are instances when environmental NGOs, lawyers, or citizens taking action against pollution issues have been subjected to major obstacles or backlash from local governments or industries. 29 Arguments from both sides of the debate are persuasive; however, neither side adequately explains the role of ENGOs in Chinese society. As a result, this project seeks to argue for a third explanation, one that posits that ENGOs act as a tool of the central government to further concentrate authority. The central government has become increasingly stretched and is unable to adequately govern locally. As a result, ENGOs present a way to articulate public interests under strict government surveillance. This projects an illusion of expanding civic freedoms while strengthening China s authoritarian state. This analysis will build upon the works of scholars like Michael Frolic and Lin Teh-Chang to show that Chinese ENGOs are unable to independently change policy, and ENGOs strengthen the power of the central government through an illusory civil society. More specifically, the central government is strengthened because it appears that they are operating with more transparency by having groups check their actions and laws guaranteeing environmental protections like environmental impact 29 Ibid.

13 13 assessments. The state also appears more democratic by allowing associational groups to organize. However, the central government has little need to consider ENGO demands. The central government is also strengthened because ENGOs usually target projects that are on a provincial level. This causes ENGOs to criticize the considerations of local authorities while the central government is separated from the blame. Methodology This project tests one hypothesis. As ENGO activity increases, better environmental policy is created. Better environmental policy refers to more comprehensive policy that incorporates environmental concerns raised by ENGOs. However, better environmental policy may be engineered by the central government while giving the illusion of successful protests by ENGOs. To test this hypothesis, this thesis will analyze the activity of ENGOs in mobilizing against a series of dams on the Nu River. This will involve examining government officials at various levels of government. For instance, it will compare the views of the central government and any diverging provincial outlooks. It will be important to analyze the extent to which the central government responds to the requests or actions of provincial leaders. The intergovernmental comparison is important because it will indicate if ENGOs possess more influence in policy in local or central government and note any differences in their response to dissent. If authorities in the central government largely ignore the requests of provincial leaders, it suggests the futility of provincial officials in economic planning. This is important for the relationship between ENGOs and government because it will be difficult for ENGOs to influence policy if the provincial governments cannot.

14 14 The activities of the ENGOs organized against the Nu River dams will help determine their influence in policymaking. The groups will be analyzed based on what their goals are and the methods of organization they employ. This project will focus primarily on two ENGOs: Green Watershed and Green Earth Volunteers. These groups will be studied because they were the two groups that were most active in protesting the proposed dams on the Nu River. Additionally, the two groups have sophisticated media contacts and were integral in organizing the activities of other ENGOs. The various activities of different ENGOs needs to be compared based on how the government responded to their activity. Similarly, the activities should be compared based on how confrontational they were with the central and provincial governments and if ENGO activity was uninvited. Other features to note when analyzing the structure of ENGOs are the extent that an individual represents and dominates the group or if power is more equally distributed. This is important because a powerful individual with ties to government officials may give an organization a false sense of influence in policymaking when it is actually the work of the individual. Data about specific ENGO aims and logistics will be collected at the official websites of ENGOs. 30,31 Environmental Policy Making Chinese environmental policymaking mirrors the larger state organization. The State Environmental Protection Administration (SEPA) is the foremost institution on environmental issues and is under the authority of the State Council, which allocates SEPA s budget. Importantly, the Committee on Natural Resources and Environmental 30 Green Earth Volunteers. Countdown 2010, site hosted by the International Union for Conservation of Nature. Accessed 2 Mach < 31 Green Watershed. Accessed 24 February <

15 15 Protection assists SEPA in establishing environmental policy in the National People s Congress. Environmental Protection Bureaus (EPBs) simulate SEPA activity at lower levels of government: provinces, cities, districts, counties, and some towns. EPBs enforce laws and strengthen SEPA policies by supplementing central government regulations with local regulations. EPB officials communicate with and seek to align the practices of local industrial polluters with local and national government standards. Abigail Jahiel notes that it is the local government, not the higher levels of the environmental protection apparatus, that provides environmental agencies with their annual budgetary funds, approves institutional advancements in rank and determines increases in personnel and even allocation of such resources as cars, office buildings and employee housing. 32 In other words, local governments are more influential in enforcing and regulating policy because of their discretionary powers over resources. These principles are illustrated in Figure 1, which shows that environmental policymaking is a top down process where ENGOs are largely separated from the top. Instead, ENGOs are able to protest the activities of local governments where they are more likely to be punished for their actions. 32 Jahiel, Abigail R. The Organization of Environmental Protection in China. The China Quarterly. No. 156 Special Issue: China s Environment (Dec 1998):

16 16 Figure 1: Environmental Decision Making Process 33 The Nujiang Dam Project The Nu River flows from northern Tibet through Yunnan province into Burma and Thailand. The river is mainland Southeast Asia s longest free-flowing river. The Nu River has remained one of China s two major undammed rivers because its treacherous 33 Busgen, Michael. NGOs and the Search for Chinese Civil Society: Environmental Non-Governmental Organizations in the Nujiang Campaign. The Hague, Institute of Social Studies Working Papers Series No February 2006.

17 17 canyon landscape has precluded construction projects. 34 The Yunnan Huadian Nujiang Hydropower Development Corporation formed in June 2003 to increase hydropower in Yunnan province. The National Development and Reform Commission approved its construction plans of thirteen dams and two reservoirs along the Nu River for irrigation, hydropower, and flood control. Upon completion, the project would generate 2.7 billion Yuan in additional yearly income for local administration. 35 The massive project would double the power created by the Three Gorges Dam by generating over twenty million kilowatts annually. 36 The diverse environmental impacts of the Nujiang Dam Project stirred instant controversy. One environmental harm is that the project would have disrupted the flow of the Nu through the biologically diverse Gaoligong Mountain Nature Conservation Zone that contains 6,000 advanced plant types and one-quarter of China s wild animals. Opponents of the dam argued that the Nu River was protected under UNESCO s designation of the Three Parallel Rivers a World Heritage site in July Additionally, the dam would require the relocation of over 50,000 residents. This creates large environmental costs by necessitating the rapid construction of housing and other infrastructure. Although not an environmental implication, it is important to note that the project would have destroyed important cultural sites and disproportionally affected 34 Gu, Hongyan. Participatory Citizenship and Sustainable Development: Redefining Public in Contemporary China and Japan. Paper presented at the 17 th Biennial Conference of the Asian Studies Association of Australia in Melbourne 1-3 July Lin, Teh-Chang. Environmental NGOs and the Anti-Dam Movements in China: A Social Movement with Chinese Characteristics. Issues and Studies. Vol 42, no. 4 (Dec 2007): Yang, Guobin and Calhoun, Craig. Media, Civil Society, and the Rise of a Green Public Sphere in China. China Information. Volume 21, no. 2. (2007):

18 18 ethnic minorities from hill tribes and their indigenous cultures. 37 According to Guobin Yang and Craig Calhoun, the public was pitted between two opposing visions: the protection of natural heritage vs. economic development and poverty alleviation Lin, Teh-Chang. Environmental NGOs and the Anti-Dam Movements in China: A Social Movement with Chinese Characteristics. Issues and Studies. Vol 42, no. 4 (Dec 2007): Yang, Guobin and Calhoun, Craig. Media, Civil Society, and the Rise of a Green Public Sphere in China. China Information. Volume 21, no. 2. (2007):

19 19 Figure 2: Nu River Dam Proposal 39 SEPA organized two forums that allowed ENGOs to increase awareness of the environmental harms the project would create. SEPA arranged the forums after project managers would not provide an environmental impact assessment of the project. China s 39 International Rivers. Nu (Salween) River Image Gallery. Accessed 13 February <

20 20 Environmental Impact Assessment law requires environmental assessments for large private and public development projects. Additionally, the law arranges for hearings that voice the concerns of citizens and environmental agencies. The first forum extensively criticized the Nujiang project; conversely, the second hearing was highly supportive of the project through expert analysis from scientists and government officials. 40 Different conclusions were reached because the organizers intentionally separated the supporters from the critics of the project. The law was passed in December 2003, which is two months after the National Development and Reform Commission (NDRC) approved the Nu River project following two days of review. The law did not include a grandfather clause to projects that had been previously approved. This encouraged the Huandian Group, the group in control of the project, to expedite State Council approval of the Nu River dams before the law mandated environmental impact assessments. The Nu River Middle and Lower Reaches Hydraulic Planning Report did not contain any information on how the project would affect the environment and was overly simplistic for such an enormously scaled project. 41 The Green Earth Volunteers began the anti-dam movement when member Wang Yongchen organized journalists to report on the environmental concerns and the forthcoming SEPA hearings. 42 Her initial efforts included raising public awareness of the issues through celebrity support and exhibiting photographs on the damage the project 40 Lin, Teh-Chang. Environmental NGOs and the Anti-Dam Movements in China: A Social Movement with Chinese Characteristics. Issues and Studies. Vol 42, no. 4 (Dec 2007): Mertha, Andrew. China s Water Warriors: Citizen Action and Policy Change.Cornell UP: Lin, Teh-Chang. Environmental NGOs and the Anti-Dam Movements in China: A Social Movement with Chinese Characteristics. Issues and Studies. Vol 42, no. 4 (Dec 2007):

21 21 would create. The initial activity of Wang Yongchen and the Green Earth Volunteers needs to be analyzed its relationship to state officials. It is essential to note that opposition to project was first generated inside the government. Wang Yongchen did not independently conclude how much damage the dam project would cause and only became involved after a SEPA employee told Wang the project had been endorsed by the State Development and Reform Commission (SDRC). 43 The SEPA official only contacted Wang to organize opposition with scientific analysis from experts and scholars. Wang introduced the SEPA official to Yunnan University Professor He Daming, who specializes in river systems and researched the impacts of the Nu River project. Professor He was vital in voicing his dissent at the SEPA forum and encouraging other experts to join the movement against the project. 44 Government officials who were highly supportive of the project dominated the second hearing. The government representatives worked at the prefectural and provincial levels in Yunnan Province. It is important to note that these were not agents of the central government because it will be important for arguing that ENGOs are effective exclusively at the local and prefectural levels. Yang and Calhoun conclude that scholars from Beijing opposed the project, whereas the local, Yunnan scholars, and government officials defended it. 45 Wang was also vitally important in organizing the effort of several ENGOs, including Green Watershed, Green Earth Volunteers, and Friends of Nature. This 43 Lu, Yiyi. Environmental Civil Society and Governance in China. Asia Programme Briefing Paper for Chatham House. August Ibid. 45 Yang, Guobin and Calhoun, Craig. Media, Civil Society, and the Rise of a Green Public Sphere in China. China Information. Volume 21, no. 2. (2007):

22 22 alliance of ENGOs publicized the environmental impacts through public speeches, published articles, field surveys, and collaboration with international ENGOs. Following the increased public awareness of the environmental problems associated with the project, Premier Wen Jiabao deferred construction in April 2004 until further scientific assessments had been completed. Teh-Chang Lin argues that it was the first time a national leader had acted on the side of caution, and it was also a good demonstration of the growing strength of the coalition of ENGOs in China. 46 Green Watershed Green Watershed is a domestic ENGO based in Yunnan that was established in The ENGO seeks to create awareness of water ecology issues and mobilize action on the issue by sharing both costs and benefits. Green Watershed promotes scientific research to find the most sustainable river basin management systems possible. The organization also seeks to enhance the power of civil society by providing a forum for citizen participation in environmental issues. The group also engages in direct action designed to improve the ecological state of rivers and the wellbeing of inhabitants on riverbanks. 47 Green Watershed focuses its resources on issues that affect China s western rivers. Ultimately, the group seeks the organization seeks to promote environmental justice through public participation, in order to achieve sustainable watershed management Lin, Teh-Chang. Environmental NGOs and the Anti-Dam Movements in China: A Social Movement with Chinese Characteristics. Issues and Studies. Vol 42, no. 4 (Dec 2007): Green Go. Chinese Environmental NGOs Online. Accessed 11 November < 48 Green Watershed. Accessed 24 February <

23 23 Green Watershed developed its organizational skills in several projects leading to its opposition against the Nu River dams. The organization has been essential in promoting cooperation between different regions and countries over issues related to rivers. Representatives participated in the Greater Mekong Subregion Dialogue in Cambodia that organized NGOs from six countries to discuss problems threatening the Mekong River across international borders. Similarly, the organization was instrumental in hosting the Fourth Chinese International Environmental NGO Cooperation Forum in Kunming. This event sought to establish relationships in which information would be exchanged more openly between local governments, state governments, and NGOs. 49 Green Watershed has also been important in educating citizens and providing participatory mechanisms for river communities. The organization hopes to become a mechanism through which the ENGO can reconcile the socioeconomic demands that require some development with the environmental problems present in China s western rivers. This has included the creation of protected status for certain forests that still alleviate poverty by providing locals with alternatives to development. Another important activity Green Watershed organized was the West Lake Watershed Rehabilitation Project designed to place more power in local communities to manage their resources sustainably. Additionally, the ENGO created the Mekong Information Center in Kunming to facilitate the transparent exchange of information between the public and government officials. The center houses experts that reach out to the public concerns over issues affecting the area between the lower and upper reaches of the Mekong River. Lastly, Green Watershed organized The Sound of Water Forum in Green Go. Chinese Environmental NGOs Online. Accessed 11 November <

24 24 The forum first showcased the problems faced by the Dianchi Lake through photographic exhibits. The exhibits were effective in educating urban residents on the problems faced in rural areas and raising financial resources for Green Watershed. The forum was eventually extended to include series on environmental problems along the Jinsha River and the Mekong River. 50 Green Watershed was important in opposition to the Nujiang Project because the ENGO provided an outlet for local concerns and education. The Kunming-based organization conducted village-to-village trips in May 2004 where community members who would be relocated and community leaders were shown the effects of power stations at Manwan and Xiaowan on the Lancang River. 51 Green Watershed s director, Yu Xiogang, was successful in showing community members the level of benefits that the Nu River project would produce. Yu was drawn to the movement to avoid corrupt practices that disproportionately compensated those who were relocated along the Lancang River. 52 The trip was documented in an attempt to extend knowledge of the remote provincial activities. The film is titled the Voice of the Nu River and provides the reaction of locals to the project. One person who was relocated complained of the dams causing erosion and landslides that destroy homes and require constant rebuilding. The relocated populations expressed dissatisfaction with the dam projects and noted the poverty it had generated. An elderly woman commented that compensation for the hydropower station was eaten 50 Ibid. 51 Lin, Teh-Chang. Environmental NGOs and the Anti-Dam Movements in China: A Social Movement with Chinese Characteristics. Issues and Studies. Vol 42, no. 4 (Dec 2007): Ibid

25 25 by the government. Now we live by picking trash, and our kids our forced to work. 53 Previously, the woman s family yielded 6,000 kilograms in crops over four and a half mu. Andrew Mertha summates that the people who went on the trip were impressed by what they saw, but they also came under increased political supervision, with local officials telling them once they had returned that Green Watershed was an illegal agency and thus their trip had been an illegal act. 54 The documentary that Yu and Green Watershed made was an effective form of propaganda. Activists distributed the DVDs throughout the province and also to NGO leaders in Beijing. The film was too controversial to air on state television, but it was effective in raising awareness of the issues. The documentary highlights the dangers to the natural landscapes and the poverty created through dam building. Some of the most powerful scenes show peasants sorting through heaps of garbage for salvageable resources that is often unfruitful. 55 Green Watershed also importantly introduced journalists to locals in order to allow those who would be most affected by the project to voice their concerns. This was especially important in Yunnan because low levels of economic development and education leave residents largely ignored. Green Watershed organized training workshops for areas that would be affected by the dam to strategies of protecting and preserving rivers and their resources Mertha, Andrew. China s Water Warriors: Citizen Action and Policy Change.Cornell UP: Ibid. 55 Ibid. 56 Busgen, Michael. NGOs and the Search for Chinese Civil Society: Environmental Non-Governmental Organizations in the Nujiang Campaign. The Hague, Institute of Social Studies Working Papers Series No February 2006.

26 26 Green Watershed received international attention in October 2004, when the organization took members from communities that would be harmed by the dam to attend the United Nations Symposium on Hydropower and Sustainable Development. Community members used the symposium to denounce state officials and demand enhanced public participation and more sustainable development. 57 Yu Xiaogang was successful in having the conference s final declaration revised to be compatible with Green Watershed s views. China s central government thought that Green Watershed s actions were unacceptable. In response, the Yunnan provincial government launched a thorough investigation of the organization, restricted its activities and barred its director from travelling abroad. 58 The opinonso of government officials were confusing and ambiguous. For example, NDRC vice minister Zhang Guobao considered the opposition from Green Watershed to be essential and productive while also pledging his support for the further development of China s hydroelectric capacities. The most influential move Green Watershed made at the symposium was Yu Xiaogang s decision to let a peasant activist speak. It is usually that only experts and politicians speak at UN conferences. This was important because it allows for more substantive and sensitive debate by personalizing issues that were largely confined to economic development. One of the peasants, Ge Quanxiao, gave a speech titled The Relationship between Dam Construction and the Rights of Original Inhabitants to Paticipation and explained the problems after the Jinsha River was dammed near Tiger Leaping Gorge. Ge told the audience that locals, like himself, were the largest 57 Ibid. 58 Lu, Yiyi. Environmental Civil Society and Governance in China. Asia Programme Briefing Paper for Chatam House. August 2005.

27 27 stakeholders in the project because they threatened to have their farms submerged and be displaced to another location. 59 Ge also spoke on the four rights of farmers that the State Council explained in the June 12, 2004 People s Daily. The publication was titled Suggestions on the Establishment and Improvement of the Democratic Administration System for Village Affairs and identified the four rights of farmers as the right to be informed, the right to participate, the right to participate in decisionmaking, and the right to undertake monitoring. 60 Ge also spoke on how the development of the Nu River dams would not create local benefits and that locals shared different goals for the area. Ge commented that to common farmers like us, tall buildings and the prosperity of cities are not our goals. What we need is bright sunshine, fresh air, clean water, and fertile lands. We have wealth both emotionally and in substance within this beautiful natural environment. 61 Ge s important speech also addressed the need for a transparent media to inform experts and stimulate debate. Ge contended that the dam project was hurting area residents by halting the construction of needed smaller infrastructure projects for farming and transportation. The dam also threatened to upset the balance of ethnic groups living in the area. He warned the conference that the construction of a dam will drown the lands and damage this unique solidarity among ethnic groups. 62 Additionally, Ge spoke on the problems of resettlement for peasants. Peasants are given land that is available 59 Mertha, Andrew. China s Water Warriors: Citizen Action and Policy Change.Cornell UP: Ibid. 61 Ibid. 62 Ge, Quanxiao. The Relationship Between Dam Construction and the Rights of Orinal Inhabitants to Participation. Speech given at the UN Symposium on Hydropower and Sustainable Development, Beijng, July <

28 28 only because it is difficult to cultivate and undesirable. Other peasants are resettled in urban areas where it is difficult for them to adapt. Consequently, many of those that are relocated are forced to begging and crime in order to provide for themselves. 63 Ge concluded his speech with suggestions for addressing the issues that highlighted the need for social and environmental impact assessments and outlets for local farmers to express their interests. He called for the creation of a strategic planning system to be organized to oversee dam projects that would conduct social impact assessments in addition to environmental impact assessments. He also suggested that local officials and investors should integrate the findings of the World Commission of Dams report Dams and development: A New Framework for Decision-making that outlines the need for more cooperation and debate. Ge noted that the purpose of the suggestion is to facilitate the collection between Chinese experiences and international advanced methods and views. 64 Central government authorities were infuriated with Green Watershed and Yu Xiaogang for arranging for Ge to speak at the symposium. Ge s speech provided an insightful look into the problems the project would create and gave economic and policy experts an important local perspective. Mertha argues that Ge s clear articulation of the issues from the vantage point of someone with a worm s-eye-view provided a degree of credibility that was very difficult to dismiss, especially as it was published in the 63 Mertha, Andrew. China s Water Warriors: Citizen Action and Policy Change.Cornell UP: Ge, Quanxiao. The Relationship Between Dam Construction and the Rights of Orinal Inhabitants to Participation. Speech given at the UN Symposium on Hydropower and Sustainable Development, Beijng, July <

29 29 documents of the official proceedings of the conference. 65 The speech exposed problems to an international audience. Other ENGOs tried to separate themselves from Green Watershed following their contentious role at the UN conference. The other ENGOs thought that the actions of Green Watershed would result in backlash from the central government that would diminish any existing efficacy. Yiyi Lu recounts the thoughts of an anonymous ENGO leader following the conference: survival is of paramount importance. Radical actions can get NGOs killed. Chinese NGOs cannot do as they please. 66 These types of fears were soon realized as the Yunnan provincial government intensified their monitoring of ENGOs. All ENGOs were required to report on their activities to Yunnan officials. 67 This led to debates between ENGOs on the degree groups should directly challenge the central government. It should be noted that Green Watershed never considered that its actions might undermine government authority. Conversely, the Yunnan provincial government interpreted the methods Green Watershed as an impediment to massive profit that the dam project would create. For instance, Green Watershed trained over 3,000 peasants who would be affected by the hydroelectric project to participate in a demonstration. 68 The training sought to create demonstrations that were within legal boundaries and rational. Yiyi Lu explains that the training was mainly concerned to promote the right of local residents to participate in decision making when big hydroelectric projects are 65 Mertha, Andrew. China s Water Warriors: Citizen Action and Policy Change.Cornell UP: Lu, Yiyi. Environmental Civil Society and Governance in China. Asia Programme Briefing Paper for Chatam House. August Ibid. 68 Ibid.

30 30 undertaken to ensure that legitimate interests are protected; it did not necessarily wish to stop government-sanctioned hydroelectric projects. 69 Green Watershed felt threatened by the removal of government authorities from controlling power when the Ministry of Energy was privatized as the China Electric Power Parent Company. This company was then divided into five separate companies to accelerate competition of scarce water resources in Southwest China. Green Watershed s founder, Mr. Hao (disguised name), commented in a 2006 interview on the importance of monitoring the large power companies: They are currently state-owned enterprises in the process of privatization, but actually two-tiered. Under the guise of being a state-owned enterprise, they take this river or that river from the state, and when they get permission [to] exploit them, they claim the ownership of these rivers as belonging to themselves, and maintain that the market rule should determine the mode of exploitation. Without a transparent procedure, the general public cannot participate in the decision-making process of hydroelectric exploitation. And this kind of governance is neither good governance nor sustainable. 70 Despite the backlash from the government and other ENGOs that followed the activities of Green Watershed and Ge at the UN symposium, immediate construction was delayed by the NDRC following the conference. This surprising change of positions halted construction after Huadian had resumed construction in anticipation of NDRC approval. 71 Green Earth Volunteers 69 Ibid. 70 Zhou, Hang. Saving the Nu Jiang: Embedded Political Opportunity for Chinese NGOs under Globalization. Master s Thesis, The Hong Kong University of Science and Technology. December Mertha, Andrew. China s Water Warriors: Citizen Action and Policy Change.Cornell UP: 2008.

31 31 Green Earth Volunteers was established in 1996 and played a critical role in the movement against the Nu River dams. Wang Yongchen used her expertise as a senior journalist for the Chinese Central Broadcasting Station to position Green Earth Volunteers as a loose media-based organizational format rather than a formally registered one. 72 The ENGO has grown to over 50,000 members, among whom are large numbers of journalists, government officials, and students. In addition to its activity against the Nu River Dams, Green Earth Volunteers has worked extensively to save the Baiji Dolphin from becoming extinct as the result of fishing and sand-digging. However, the movement sadly ended in 2002 when a team of whale and dolphin experts concluded that Baiji dolphins were extinct in both the Yangtze and captivity. The group also has worked to undo some of the destruction along the Yellow River by planting trees to decrease erosion. Additionally, Green Earth Volunteers works to protect birds and their habitats. The group places tags around the ankles of birds to record measurements and characteristics that are compared with later measurements of the same birds. Also, the volunteers are instructed through weekly classes that meet in various locations every Wednesday and the Journalist Salon where experts tell journalists information on emerging environmental issues. 73 Green Earth Volunteers began to focus on rivers that flowed through Yunnan and western China in The ENGO narrowed its focus and demanded that the Environmental Impact Assessment Law be executed to meet its requirements for public 72 Zhou, Hang. Saving the Nu Jiang: Embedded Political Opportunity for Chinese NGOs under Globalization. Master s Thesis, The Hong Kong University of Science and Technology. December Green Earth Volunteers. Countdown 2010, site hosted by the International Union for Conservation of Nature. Accessed 2 Mach <