ISBN: University College Roosevelt Press Layout: Ivar Troost

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2 ISBN: University College Roosevelt Press 2013 Layout: Ivar Troost i

3 UNDERSTANDING NEWS Comparative Media and Knowledge of Foreign Affairs Edited by Anya Luscombe ii

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7 INTRODUCTION International news gathering and reporting has radically altered over the past few decades and continues to alter in our digital age. The media are undergoing a fundamental transformation in the era of globalization (Williams 2011: 33). Convergence has taken hold in media industries, news organizations are spending less on actual reporters on the ground and more on technology. Reporting from a far-away country is quicker and easier than at any time before, yet news agencies, broadcasters and news publications are closing foreign bureaus (Davies 2009: ), increasingly relying on images and text provided by citizen journalists and repackaging material provided by NGOs, PR agencies and other interested parties. The (mis)representation of the world in the western media is something that has occupied scholars and politicians alike for many years. The MacBride Report for UNESCO published in 1980 already criticized the way the western media and its commercial interests gave a one-sided view of Third World countries. Studies from the 1970s onwards repeatedly confirmed that news [ ] in more developed countries does not typically give a great deal of space to foreign news [;when it is, it can] often be accounted for by attention to a small number of ongoing crises of relevance to the developed world (McQuail 2005: 262). How much do people know or care about news in other countries and which image of the world is shown to us by the international media? Globalization and digitization, many might argue, should afford the public the chance to obtain more information about other countries and other cultures. Yet, as Williams says in International Journalism the opportunities to find out more about the world than ever before appear to be contradicted by a decline in the desire for such knowledge and information (2011: 3). This paradox formed the starting point of an interdisciplinary research seminar on Comparative Media, at University College Roosevelt, taught in the Fall of The aim was to analyze and critique the factors that shape the way national and international news media organizations make their editorial decisions and the appetite for such (international) news from media publics. After discussing a variety of academic articles that used different research methodologies, the Roosevelt undergraduate students (of disciplines ranging from politics and history to theatre and gender studies), conducted their own original research comparing coverage of particular news stories or topics by Page 1

8 Introduction different media or the way international news reached publics. The best papers were selected for publication in this volume. The studies included investigations of newspapers, television and radio. In Chapter 1, Charlotte Berends examines the presence of information about the European Constitutional Treaty in the newspaper discourse of two Dutch newspapers, the NRC Handelsblad and De Telegraaf, in the two weeks prior to the Dutch referendum on June 1, She combines quantitative analysis, such as an overview of the numbers of articles published, with content analysis, such as which types of information were included in the articles. The result suggests that primary information, especially from interviews of statements by opinion leaders, was by far the dominant type of information in the articles. Factual information directly stemming from the Constitutional Treaty, however, was not often included in the articles. Chapter 2 looks at how British and Dutch newspapers framed the assassination of the flamboyant Dutch politician Pim Fortuyn in The newspapers included in Anne Laure Rouw's study are the Dutch newspapers De Telegraaf and the Volkskrant, and the British The Daily Telegraph and The Guardian. For each of these newspapers she analyzed the largest article about the assassination, published on the day after Fortuyn s death. In doing so, Anne Laure proposed a new framework, consisting of the so-called journalistic wh-questions, the aspects of the story that are highlighted, the words used, and the opinions quoted. Chapter 3 examines the number of stories involving women and bylines of women reporters. Monique Kil built on a study done into UK newspapers for her own investigation into Dutch and US newspapers to see if what Gerbner called the symbolic annihilation of women is as present in the mass media today as when he first coined the phrase. Her results show that women are less represented than men on front pages of newspapers in both the Netherlands and the USA, both in national and regional publications. Yvette Lanting chose to look at the role of the foreign correspondent on the flagship television news programs of the Dutch and British public broadcasters: the NOS 8 uur Journaal and the BBC 10 O'Clock News. In Chapter 4 she asks if and why a foreign correspondent still appears to be needed in contemporary society. In Chapter 5, Justine Feitsma takes an historical approach to investigate how Eleanor Roosevelt in the 1950s used the media to educate and shape public opinion. In particular her study looks at how Mrs Roosevelt 2 P age

9 Introduction treats foreign news on her radio show of A case study of two of the broadcasts suggests the former First Lady holds the media responsible for lowering its standards, but also blames the citizens for not demanding to be well informed. Furthermore, it appears that many problems concerning international news coverage that were prominent during the fifties are relevant to this day. The final chapter, Chapter 6, also looks at radio. Remco Zwetsloot compares Radio Sawa - founded in 2002 by the USA to broadcast to the Middle East - to RFE/RL, historically the most successful surrogate broadcasting organization. This comparison yields several results with important implications for broadcasting policy. Most importantly, it seems Radio Sawa lacks the credibility that made RFE/RL an important weapon in the Cold War. The recent success of RFE/RL s Persian service suggests a balanced approach that combines facets of both the traditional (Cold War RFE/RL) and modern (Radio Sawa) models of surrogate broadcasting is the most appropriate policy for the realization of the American milieu goals of spreading freedom and democracy. Doing primary research helped the students enhance their critical thinking skills about media communication and about their own Westerncentric approach and stereotypical views of the world 'out there' which are shaped by the media they consume. Furthermore, the aim of engaging students in research is as Brew (2006: 25) suggests one way to[ ]develop deep approaches to learning. The research seminar was funded with a grant from the Sirius program which is aimed at inspiring students at Dutch higher education institutions to achieve excellence. References Brew, Angela (2006). Research and Teaching. Beyond the Divide. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Davies, Nick (2009). Flat Earth News. London: Vintage Books. McQuail, Denis (2005). McQuail s Mass Communication Theory, 5 th ed. London: Sage. William, Kevin (2011). International Journalism. London: Sage. Page 3

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11 1 The Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe and Information in the Dutch Media by Charlotte Berends Referenda concerning European Union legislation are a rarity. Only a few member states of the European Union are constitutionally bound to hold a referendum when a new European Union treaty is up for ratification, resulting in very few instances where some of the European citizens were able to cast a direct vote for a piece of European legislation. Member states that are not bound by their own constitutions to hold a referendum every time a European Union Treaty has to be ratified often refrain from doing so, except for in 2005, when a series of referenda was set to occur in ten member states. The cause for these referenda was the upcoming ratification of the Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe, also commonly known as the European Constitutional Treaty. This treaty was the product of the European Convention, a body founded in 2001 and charged with the task of preparing a Constitution for Europe (Mathijsen, 2010: 23-24). Chaired by former French President Valéry Giscard d Estaing, the Convention was established after a European Council convention meeting in Laeken. During this meeting, questions and doubts concerning the future of the European Union that had arisen after the ratification of the Treaty of Nice in 2001 were discussed (Chalmers & Tonkins, 2007: 70-72). The proposed Constitutional Treaty would clarify the working and the goals of the European Union by combining all the existing legislation (the previous Treaties) into an all-encompassing Constitution (Lelieveldt & Princen, 2011: 21). The Constitution would aid, it was argued, the European Union to look towards the future, not just creating solidarity between the European citizens through establishing constitutional symbols but also a constitutionally framed European political sphere (Chalmers & Tonkins, 2007: 80). Ten member states decided to put the question of whether they should ratify this treaty to their citizens in a consultative referendum. They did so as the Constitutional Treaty would signify one of the largest, if not the largest, decisive decisions in the history of the European Union up until that point. Page 5

12 Chapter 1 Many feared the Constitutional Treaty would not only establish a shared future for Europe, but possibly would also make it easier for the European Union to become a federal state (Lubbers, 2008: 3). The Treaty was comprehensively rejected by the Dutch voters on June 1, % of the eligible voting population turned out for this referendum, rejecting the Treaty with a majority of 61%. Three days earlier, French voters had also rejected the Treaty in their referendum, but only with 55% of the votes on a turnout of 69% of the eligible voting population (The Guardian, 2005). These outcomes resulted in most member states where a referendum still had to take place cancelling it, except for Luxembourg, whose citizens approved the Treaty on July 10, 2005 with a majority of 55% (EPERN, 2012: (14), 1). Both the French and the Dutch governments decided to stall their ratification processes, effectively leading to an indefinite postponement of the Constitutional Treaty and a dent in the objectives that were set out by the European Union. The voter turnout for the referendum in the Dutch and French states was remarkable. Ordinarily, voter turnout for European elections is relatively low compared to voter turnout for national elections. The low voter turnout for European elections can possibly be explained by the fact that citizens are simply not as interested in European Union matters as they are in national political matters (Lelieveldt & Princen, 2011: 119). However, during the French and Dutch referenda about the Constitutional Treaty, turnout was nearly at the same level as turnout for national elections, leading to the assumption that the European Constitutional Treaty mattered to the citizens. One of other reasons that is cited when it comes to low voter turnout in European election normally is the fact that most citizens are usually not very knowledgeable about European Union matters, and that the more informed citizens are about the European Union, the more likely they will be in its favor and go vote in European elections (Lelieveldt & Princen, 2011: 110,115). The higher voter turnout for the referendum on the Constitutional Treaty apparently suggests that citizens felt strongly enough about the Constitutional Treaty to go to the polling stations. It could be that they were sufficiently knowledgeable on the topic as to form strong opinions about the European Constitutional Treaty. This notion raises questions: Were they indeed knowledgeable on the Constitutional Treaty and, perhaps more importantly, how come? 6 P age

13 1 C hapter Normally, European Union citizens mainly rely on the media to obtain information about the activities of the European Union (Vliegenthart et al., 2008: 1-2). It has been argued that many other events, such as the possible accession of Turkey to the European Union, distorted the reporting on the European Constitutional Treaty in The Netherlands and led to its eventual rejection (Lubbers, 2008: 3). What is remarkable is that lack of necessary information was found to be a problem by 56 per cent of the electorate before voting, according to one opinion poll; for those who did not vote, this percentage was even higher at 62 per cent. The largest single explanation given by No voters in this poll was the lack of information (32 per cent) (Besselink, 2007: 118). The large no-vote, which resulted from strong opinions on the subject and the apparent lack of information about the European Constitutional Treaty in the Dutch media lead one to wonder to what extent Dutch newspapers provided their constituencies with factual information about the European Constitutional Treaty. Were Dutch newspaper articles concerning the Constitutional Treaty informative? This study will investigate this by looking at the amount of articles published in the time period in The Netherlands overall. It will then review the amount of times the Constitutional Treaty was mentioned, the analysis of key words, the types of information included, whether factual information directly stemming from the Treaty was included and how many times Turkey or the euro were mentioned in selected articles from two newspapers in The Netherlands. Literature Review News organizations have turned their publishing attention the last decades towards entertainment-centered, sensationalist articles (Williams, 2011: 42). According to Iyengar et al. declining circulation rates and the dominance of local television news have led publishers to emulate television in their programming; stories that sell take precedence over the delivery of international news (Iyengar et al., 2009: 5). This notion is reinforced by the fact that newspaper coverage on the European Union tends to be low, except in the case of key events (Vliegenthart et al., 2008: 6). Since the European Constitutional Treaty denotes a decisive moment in the history of the European Union and offered a unique opportunity to the European citizens to give their opinion on the Treaty to their national government, it can be considered as a key event. Page 7

14 Chapter 1 As stated above, when it comes to information about the European Union, citizens tend to depend on the media. As newspaper coverage on the European Union tends to be low, it might not be deemed surprising, then, that political knowledge about the European Union is low (Lelieveldt & Princen, 2011: 110). Hobolt asserts that when voters know little about the specific ballot proposal, it is mainly the information made available to them by [political] parties and other information providers over the course of a campaign that provides the basis for their opinion on the ballot question (Hobolt, 2006B: 2). Whilst the Dutch government did send out an information leaflet concerning the Constitutional Treaty, this study disregards the information provided by the political campaign and focuses solely on the information that was available in newspapers. Reading news is a characteristic of politically active citizens (Chaffee & Kanihan, 1997: 8). Not only is newspaper use consistently associated with informational uses and gratifications, it is also associated with other evidence of political information needs (Culbertson & Stempel, 1986). It has been found that newspapers are highly informative in the realm of public affairs, far more than television (Chaffee & Kanihan, 1997: 4). Although newspapers are more accessible to citizens that are more socioeconomically privileged, intensive press coverage of an issue helps to socially level the influence of political knowledge by tending to reduce the knowledge gap (Gaziano, 1983). The reduction of the knowledge gap could prove vital to European elections, as citizens who are more informed on the European Union are more likely to be in favor of European integration (Lelieveldt & Princen, 2011: 116). It is the case that citizens who are more in favor of European integration are likelier to vote in favor for their country s membership of the European Union or the ratification of a Treaty (Hobolt, 2005: 11). As the more people are informed about European Union matters, the more people are in its favor, intensive press coverage of the European Union could improve the political knowledge of its citizens. It could therefore be assumed that Dutch and French voters were not subjected to (relevant) information about the Constitutional Treaty in their respective newspapers and therefore rejected it. It is interesting to note that French newspaper coverage of the Constitutional Treaty in the period January to June was far more extensive than Dutch newspaper coverage over the same period. Dutch newspaper coverage only picked up slightly in the final weeks before the referendum (Hobolt & Brouard, 2010: 312). Indeed, then-president of the European Parliament, Josep Borrell, 8 P age

15 1 C hapter criticized the low media coverage of the Constitutional Treaty in The Netherlands and the negativity surrounding the Treaty (Kranenburg, ). Lubbers argues that the rejection of the Constitutional Treaty came as a surprise, even though it was predicted in polls beforehand, because the Dutch are known to be in favor of the European Union (Lubbers, 2008: 3). A Eurobarometer survey, carried out in October 2004, showed that 75% of the Dutch thought their country s membership of the European Union was a good thing this number rose to 77% in June 2005 (European Commission, 2012). He states that a myriad of scholars have pointed out that the overarching explanations for Euroscepticism and voting in referendums on EU topics [are]: people are assumed to be driven by either economic, political or threatenedidentity motives (Lubbers, 2008: 3). He goes on to assert that Attention to such EU evaluations do arouse suspicion that referendum results are determined by issue voting, relating to the important role Turkey played in the Dutch campaign or the fear that Dutch sovereignty would be lost (Lubbers, 2008: 3). Other research on why the Dutch rejected the Constitutional Treaty indeed has suggested attitudes toward the Constitution were multifaceted and that the no votes reflected concerns over specific aspects of the European project that were primed in the two campaigns rather than simply anti-eu sentiments and protest voting (Hobolt & Brouard, 2010: 313). The research that has so far been done on assessing newspaper coverage in both The Netherlands and France on the European Constitutional Treaty has been primarily focused on framing and media bias (Schuck & De Vreese, 2009; Abouara, 2005; Koukouksati-Monnier, 2010). A positive bias was found to have been present in the media reporting on the Constitutional Treaty in both France and The Netherlands. This is perhaps not unsurprising for The Netherlands given the fact that the Dutch media system frames the European Union very little in terms of conflict (Vliegenthart et al., 2008: 14). According to Schuck and De Vreese, this could have influenced a higher voter turnout, as eligible voters opposed to the Constitutional Treaty could have been mobilized by the positive frames. Some research has also been done on information-processing from the available media (Domke, Dhavan & Wackman, 1998; Eveland, 2012). Others have studied the effect of political information acquisition on European Union 1 This NRC Handelsblad article can be found in Appendix I. Page 9

16 Chapter 1 performance judgments (Elenbaas et al., 2012). However, what these studies invariably assume is that (political) information is abundant in news; and whether that was the case in the reporting on the European Constitutional Treaty is the focus of this study. It has already been established that political information about the European Union is generally not present, except for in the case of key events. In that sense, the public is informed about the European Union whenever key events happen, however, to what extent the media provides information remains to be seen. Methodology A count was made of all the newspaper articles published between January 1 and June 1, 2005 which concerned themselves with the Constitutional Treaty in order to assess the news coverage of Dutch print media in that period. These articles were accessed via LexisNexis: this means that only the Dutch newspapers with the most subscribers were included in this overview. Articles published in free newspapers such as Metro or articles published in niche newspapers such as Het Reformatorisch Dagblad were therefore not included: in reality, therefore, the number of articles on the Constitutional Treaty or in which the Treaty was mentioned was higher than will be reflected in this study. In order to come as close to the exact number of articles that was published on the topic, the search terms Europese Grondwet ( European Constitution ) and Verdrag Grondwet Europa ( Treaty Constitution Europe ) were entered into the LexisNexis database. Afterwards, the data that emerged from this search were counted per month and per newspaper, in order to obtain a clear image of the period in which most articles were published and which newspaper published most articles on the subject. Two newspapers, NRC Handelsblad en De Telegraaf, were then chosen to compare in this study. These newspapers were selected because of their respective differences: NRC Handelsblad representing the quality newspapers of The Netherlands and De Telegraaf representing the popular newspapers. With a daily circulation of newspapers, De Telegraaf nearly has thrice as large a circulation as the NRC Handelsblad with newspapers (HOI, Institute for Media Auditing, 2012). Amongst the journalistic principles of the NRC Handelsblad, as can be found on the newspaper s website, are the editors feel it is their job to inform the citizen and with that contribute to the independent control of power on 10 P age

17 1 C hapter important areas of society, such as politics and there is a separation between facts and opinions (NRC Handelsblad, 2012). De Telegraaf does not publish its journalistic principles on its website and whilst multiple efforts were made to contact the editors of the newspaper in order to obtain these principles, the request was not heeded by De Telegraaf. In this study, the articles published in these two newspapers concerning themselves with the Constitutional Treaty in the final two weeks before the Dutch referendum were analyzed for their content. Consequently, because the amount of published articles in those two weeks was quite high, the articles were subdivided into different article categories: reader questions, opinion pieces, debates between opinion leaders (political party leaders, major political figures) and news items. As an assumption was made that opinion pieces and reader questions include more information an sich, as opinion pieces are attempting to persuade the audience of the author s view point and reader questions provide information that is not yet clear to the reader, these types of articles were not included in the study. The debates between opinion leaders were only published in NRC Handelsblad, not in De Telegraaf, therefore these were also discarded. Content analysis was then used in order to determine whether the articles were informative or not. The articles were first assessed on inclusion of the number of times the European Constitutional Treaty was directly mentioned. As these articles emerged from a search with corresponding key words, it would be expected that there would be at least one in-text direct reference to the Constitutional Treaty. An overview was made of the key words from the article as well. These key words were distilled from the article through a method in which first the most important items which were discussed in the article or, in some cases, the opinion leader that was discussing them were highlighted, after which this selection was brought down in size to form the key words. This distilling was done to see whether the Constitutional Treaty played a major role in the article and what other items were discussed in the article or whose opinion was included in the article. It was then assessed whether the Constitutional Treaty was the primary focus of the article or that other interests were represented. Thereafter, the articles were assessed on the type of information they included: if the articles included primary information, the original materials on which research is based, they would include first-hand information obtained through interviews and survey research amongst other items such as Page 11

18 Chapter 1 photographs or proceedings of conferences; secondary information, the interpretation of primary sources, would include references to other newspaper articles or books; tertiary information, a distillation and collection of primary and secondary sources, would include information from encyclopedias or fact books (Yale University Library, 2012). For the purpose of clarity, a reference to the Treaty s content within the article itself is put under secondary information, whilst a reference to the Treaty s content by a primary source (interviewed person) is put under primary information. It would be expected that primary types of information would be used more in news items, as these will include first-hand reports on events or interviews with opinion leaders, whilst secondary information would be used less often. Tertiary information would very likely not be used at all, as the Constitutional Treaty was a recent development that would not be reflected in sources of information such as encyclopedias or fact books yet. The information included in the articles was distinguished in the above-mentioned three categories to make it easier to see whether the articles included factual information directly stemming from the Constitutional Treaty. After assessing which type of information was used, it was checked whether the primary types of information included an opinion leader mentioning content from the Treaty. If the article included secondary information, it was analyzed whether the secondary information included a direct reference to the Constitutional Treaty s content. Finally, it was checked whether issues such as Turkey or the euro were included in the article, in order to determine whether these two issues played a role in the reporting of the Constitutional Treaty in two newspapers selected. After every article, a check box was made including these questions: How many times does the article directly refer to the European Constitutional Treaty? Key words? Is the European Constitutional Treaty the primary focus of the article? What type of information does the article use? Primary: Does it include an expert opinion and does this person refer to facts within the Constitutional Treaty? 12 P age

19 1 C hapter Secondary: Does it directly refer to facts stemming from the Constitutional Treaty? Is Turkey or the euro mentioned? Figure 1. The check box made to analyze the articles with. Number of Articles Published Results First, the search terms Europese Grondwet and Verdrag Grondwet Europa were entered into the LexisNexis database. A count was made per month and per newspaper. Figure 2 shows the total number of the articles about the Constitutional Treaty and figures 3 and 4 show an overview of the number of published articles about the Constitutional Treaty in the NRC Handelsblad and De Telegraaf per month. Month Amount of articles published about the European Constitutional Treaty 2 January 26 February 33 March 27 April 104 May 231 June 1 10 Total 431 Figure 2. The overall number of articles published about the Constitutional Treaty in the period of January 1, 2005 to June 1, Month Amount of articles published about the European Constitutional Treaty January 6 February 8 March 14 April 38 May 66 June 1 1 Total 133 Figure 3. The number of articles published about the Constitutional Treaty in the NRC Handelsblad in the period of January 1, 2005 to June 1, These numbers include the articles that were published in the time period in the Algemeen Dagblad, De Telegraaf, De Volkskrant, Het Financieele Dagblad, Het Parool, the NRC Handelsblad, and Trouw Page 13

20 Chapter 1 Month Amount of articles published about the European Constitutional Treaty January - February 4 March - April 6 May 16 June 1 - Total 22 Figure 4. The number of articles published about the Constitutional Treaty in De Telegraaf in the period of January 1, 2005 to June 1, What is noticeable is that there is a clear exponential increase in the number of articles published. This confirms results obtained by Hobolt and Brouard in their 2010 study [Hobolt & Brouard, 2010]. What is remarkable is that the NRC Handelsblad alone is responsible for 30.9% of all the published articles in The Netherlands about the Constitutional Treaty, whilst De Telegraaf only published 5% of the total number of articles. In fact, the second most popular newspaper in The Netherlands, the Algemeen Dagblad, published 21 articles in May alone and had a total of 34 articles (7.9%), whilst other quality newspapers such as De Volkskrant or Trouw respectively published 19.9% (86/431) and 14.4% (62/431). The height of the coverage was reached on May 28, 2005, which was the Saturday before the Dutch referendum and the day before the French referendum. Dutch Saturday newspapers are usually more expansive in terms of pages than papers that are distributed during the week, and as such had more space to cover the upcoming referendum on the Constitutional Treaty. In this study, articles published in the last two weeks of May were analyzed. Out of the eighty-two articles that were published in May and on June 1, forty-nine were published in the last two weeks of May and one on June 1. Thirty-nine of these articles were published in the NRC Handelsblad and eleven in De Telegraaf. Out of these articles, an overview was made of reader questions, opinion articles, debates between opinion leaders and news items. As an assumption can be made that reader questions, opinion articles and debates between opinion leaders are more likely to use factual information (to answer questions or for the purpose of persuasion) than news items, results pertaining to the informative quality of these twenty-six articles would be skewed and were therefore not used in the content analysis. Therefore, the twenty-four news items that remained out of the fifty articles which emerged from the 14 P age

21 1 C hapter search with the key words, were analyzed on their factual content through the application of the check box that was made for this purpose. Sixteen of these were published in the NRC Handelsblad, eight were published in De Telegraaf 3. In-Text References On average, there were 7.3 direct in-text references to the Constitutional Treaty per article in the NRC Handelsblad (117/16), whilst in De Telegraaf there were on average 6.5 direct in-text references (52/8). The median for the number of times the Constitutional Treaty was referenced was 6 for the NRC Handelsblad, which was also its mode. The median for the amount of times the Constitutional Treaty was mentioned in De Telegraaf was 5, which again was also its mode. It can be concluded, then, that the NRC Handelsblad made more direct in-text references to the Constitutional Treaty than De Telegraaf over the course of the final two weeks before the referendum. Key Words When assessing the key words distilled from the articles, the Constitutional Treaty was amongst the key words in almost every article. One article from the NRC Handelsblad, Bolkestein laakt Europese leiders ( Bolkestein criticizes European leaders ), which centered around Dutch politician Frits Bolkestein s opinion of the European Union in general, was not directly or indirectly about the Constitutional Treaty. In De Telegraaf, the article Al zes keer nee bij EU-referenda ( Already six times no to EU referenda ), focused on previous rejections of European Union Treaties in a member state-held referendum. In both newspapers in the period of May 19 and June 1, therefore, there was one article, out of respectively sixteen and eight articles, which was not directly or indirectly centered on the Constitutional Treaty. Among the key words that were most often found in the articles of the NRC Handelsblad, the French referendum (result) stood out with four different articles. The Dutch referendum followed with three, after which Josep Borrell, debate, negative sentiment/campaign and Christianity in Appendix II. 3 An overview of these articles and their respective check boxes can be found in Page 15

22 Chapter 1 Europe followed with two different articles. In De Telegraaf, both Balkenende and French referendum were retrieved as key words in two different articles, but the other key words, such as ratification process, negative vote, Dutch referendum and Europe, were found among the key words of an article just once. It may be concluded that not many articles were focused on the same topics regarding the Constitutional Treaty and that different angles were used to analyze the Constitutional Treaty. Primary and Secondary Information Primary information Secondary information NRC Handelsblad 87.5% 18.8% De Telegraaf 75% 37.5% Figure 5. Use of primary and secondary information in articles from the NRC Handelsblad and De Telegraaf. As can be seen in the table above, fourteen out of sixteen analyzed articles from the NRC Handelsblad included primary information (87.5%), whilst three analyzed articles contained secondary information (18.8%). There was one article which included both types of information, Dialoog rond Godloze mijlpaal ( Dialogue around the Godless milestone ), which centered around the opinion of European church leaders on the Constitutional Treaty and referred to the preamble as well. In De Telegraaf, six out of eight articles included primary information (75%), whilst three out of eight included secondary information (37.5%). Again, there was one article which included both, Meerderheid in MKB stemt tegen Grondwet ( Majority of small and medium enterprises votes against the Constitution ), which included a small reference to the content from the Treaty in the article itself, but no opinion leader reference to it. Inclusion of Opinion NRC Handelsblad. As can be seen in the pie chart in figure 6, in the NRC Handelsblad, two out of sixteen articles were centered around church leaders and their opinion on the Constitutional Treaty. Three articles centered on international opinion leaders, of which two focused on the visit of the President of the European Parliament, Josep Borrell, his opinion and the town hall debate he and others participated in Amsterdam. The third article focused on the opinion of one of the Vice Presidents of the European Convention that 16 P age

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24 Chapter 1 Focus of articles with opinion leaders 25% 25% Guy Verhofstadt Major Dutch politicians 50% Entrepreneurs of medium and small businesses Figure 7. Focus of articles with opinion leaders in De Telegraaf. De Telegraaf. Figure 7 shows the focus of articles in De Telegraaf, one article revolved around the positive advice given by Belgian Prime Minister Guy Verhofstadt to the Dutch and the row it caused in Belgium, whilst another focused on the positive reinforcement to the Dutch people given by Dutch Prime Minister Balkenende. A third article focused on the opinions of major Dutch politicians, including party leaders and Cabinet Ministers. A fourth article focused on the attitudes of entrepreneurs of small and medium enterprises towards the Constitutional Treaty. The four other articles, however, did not refer to opinion leaders. Two of these, again, focused on primary information (recent historical developments of the Constitutional Treaty s ratification process, possible solutions and new problems that have emerged as France rejected the Constitutional Treaty and the Dutch were set to do the same), whilst the other two focused on secondary information (past referenda where the vote was no, how this vote came to being and upcoming television programs about the Constitutional Treaty). Opinion Leaders and Referral to Facts Within The Treaty Inclusion of opinion leader NRC Handelsblad 75% 6 De Telegraaf 50% 1 Articles with opinion leaders referring to facts stemming from the Constitutional Treaty Figure 8. Inclusion of opinion leaders and opinion leaders referring to facts stemming from the Constitutional Treaties in the analyzed articles from the NRC Handelsblad and De Telegraaf. 18 P age

25 1 C hapter In the NRC Handelsblad, as can be seen in figure 8, 75% of all the articles published in the time period included an opinion leader (12/16). When it comes to articles including primary information, the number wherein opinion leaders were included rises to 85.7% (12/14). In De Telegraaf, 50% of the articles published in the time period saw an expert opinion included (4/8), and that number rises again to 66% when only articles containing primary information were included (4/6). However, in both newspapers, these expert opinions did not often refer to facts stemming from the Constitutional Treaty. Six articles in the NRC Handelsblad have opinion leaders refer to facts in the Constitutional Treaty. Fifty per cent of the articles in the NRC Handelsblad which include opinion leaders, therefore, have opinion leaders refer to facts within the Treaty. In De Telegraaf, however, one article sees opinion leaders refer to facts within the Constitutional Treaty (in its defense, about six different politicians refer to facts within the Treaty in that article). This is 25% of all the articles that included an opinion leader which were published in De Telegraaf between May 19 and June 1, Secondary Information Directly Referring to Facts Stemming from The Constitutional Treaty When it comes to secondary information that directly referred to facts within the Constitutional Treaty, two articles in the NRC Handelsblad mentioned facts within the Constitutional Treaty. Three of the sixteen articles that were published used secondary information, so 66.7% of the articles that did use secondary information referred to facts within the Treaty, such as specific articles on religion and freedom of religion that could be found in the Constitutional Treaty. De Telegraaf published three articles which used secondary information, of which one directly referred to facts stemming from the Constitutional Treaty (33.3%). Mentioning of Turkey and the Euro Turkey mentioned Euro mentioned NRC Handelsblad 4 (in 3 articles) 14 (in 6 articles) De Telegraaf 4 (in 2 articles) 3 (in 2 articles) Figure 9. Mentions of Turkey and the euro in the NRC Handelsblad and De Telegraaf. Page 19

26 Chapter 1 As is shown above, in the articles from the NRC Handelsblad, Turkey was only mentioned four times in three different articles, whilst the euro was mentioned fourteen times in six different articles. The results here are slightly skewed as one of the articles from the NRC Handelsblad, Euro op laagste punt in zeven maanden ( Euro at lowest trading point in seven months ), was dedicated to the exchange rate of the euro and how this could be explained through the insecurity surrounding the Constitutional Treaty. This article alone mentioned the euro ten times. In the articles from De Telegraaf, Turkey was mentioned four times in just two articles, whilst the euro was mentioned three times in just two articles. Interestingly enough, the article which mentioned Turkey most often (three times) was the article in De Telegraaf on the opinions of the Constitutional Treaty of the country s leading politicians ( Europese Grondwet zorg of zegen? European Constitution worry or blessing? ). The NRC Handelsblad article which mentioned Turkey twice ( Premier: Fransen nu een lesje leren, Prime Minister: teach the French a lesson now ) included a quote by a Turkish Minister of Foreign Affairs. It can be concluded, then, that the euro and Turkey did not play a significant role in newspaper coverage of the Constitutional Treaty in the period between May 19 and June 1, 2005 in the analyzed newspapers. Discussion and Conclusion The series of referenda about the ratification of the European Constitutional Treaty was a unique event in history. For the first time, Dutch voters were able to cast a direct vote on whether they were of the opinion that this legislative proposal should be ratified. The large voter turnout suggests that the issue whether or not to ratify the Treaty was a salient one amongst the Dutch eligible voting population. This saliency can be explained through the interest that the Dutch population had in the Treaty and the opinions they formed about it. It is usually also the case that the more informed citizens are about the European Union, the more likely they are to go vote in European elections. However, it has been found that a large part of the no-voters explained their vote as resulting from a lack of information about the Treaty. European citizens mainly rely on the media to inform them about European Union matters. Newspaper coverage of the European Union is normally quite low, except in the case of key events. Intensive newspaper coverage of a key European event can help to reduce the knowledge gap that 20 P age

27 1 C hapter exists about the European Union, which would be assumed to lead to higher support levels of the European Union. The rejection of the Constitutional Treaty came as a surprise to many, as the Dutch are generally pro-european Union integration. Scholars have suggested that priming in the media of issues such as the accession of Turkey had a detrimental effect on the outcome of the Constitutional Treaty. Others have looked at the framing that was present in the media, but a possible role of the amount of information present in the media on the referendum s outcome was not reviewed in these studies. This study has reviewed the presence of information in news items published in the last two weeks leading up to the referendum on the Constitutional Treaty in two different newspapers in The Netherlands. It has reviewed the amount of articles, direct in-text references, key word analysis, it has assessed the use of primary and secondary information in the article and factual references to the Constitutional Treaty and finally, it has analyzed the inclusion of Turkey and the euro in the newspapers coverage of the Constitutional Treaty. When it comes to the amount of articles that were published between January 1 and June 1, 2005, it becomes apparent that the low coverage of the Constitutional Treaty in newspapers in The Netherlands as suggested by Hobolt and Brouard (2010) can be confirmed. The news published surrounding the Constitutional Treaty shows a clear upward trend as the Dutch referendum approached, with over half of the overall published articles having been published in May, up 127 articles from the 104 articles published in April in all Dutch newspapers that were included in this study. The NRC Handelsblad and De Telegraaf published a combined number of fifty articles alone in the last two weeks before the referendum. De Telegraaf an sich published more articles about the Constitutional Treaty in the last two weeks alone than it had done from January 1 up till May 1. The NRC Handelsblad, however, just beat its coverage of April (38 articles overall) with its 39 articles published in the last two weeks. 431 articles were published in total in the time period of January to June 1, % of these articles were published by the NRC Handelsblad, whilst De Telegraaf published 5% of the articles. Seeing as the articles from seven newspapers were accessed via LexisNexis, the average number of articles that was published per newspaper would be around 62 (61.6), which accounts for 14.4% of the overall number of articles that were published, exactly the number of articles that were published in the Trouw. Both the Page 21

28 Chapter 1 numbers of published articles for the NRC Handelsblad and De Telegraaf are within the expected range and cannot be called outliers. Still, it is remarkable that these numbers differ quite substantially from the expected average of published articles. This disparity could have consequences for the outcome of this study; therefore, in future research, newspapers closer to the average number of published articles, such as Trouw, ideally, could be analyzed. For a more conclusive result, the analyzed time period also needs to be expanded in the future, perhaps from the entire period of January till June 1, The direct in-text references and the key words were chosen to assess how important the Constitutional Treaty was in the coverage of newspaper articles that included the chosen search terms Europese Grondwet and Verdrag Grondwet Europa. It turns out that the NRC Handelsblad had slightly more in-text references than De Telegraaf (7.3 on average versus 6.5). When it comes to the key words analysis, the fact that in both newspapers one article failed to have the Constitutional Treaty amongst its key words cannot really provide any conclusive results, as the sampled data is just too limited in scope. The key words analysis could differ greatly if a larger period of time were analyzed, as there were far more articles published in the NRC Handelsblad with the chosen search terms than in De Telegraaf. It turns out that in both newspapers, the French referendum (result) was by far the most included key word in the analysis after the Constitutional Treaty, appearing in the key word analysis of six different articles, compromising in total 25%. The Dutch referendum followed, stemming from four different articles, compromising 16.7% of the total. The Constitutional Treaty itself could be retrieved as a key word in twenty-two out of twenty-four articles (91.6%). This result at least indicates that the Constitutional Treaty was a major focus in most of the articles that emerged from the search terms query. In total 83.3% of all the articles that were assessed included primary information, whilst 25% of the articles analyzed in the time period included secondary information. Relatively, the NRC Handelsblad used more primary sources of information (87.5% to De Telegraaf s 75%), whilst De Telegraaf included more secondary sources of information (37.5% to the NRC Handelsblad s 18.8%). Opinion leaders were quoted more often in articles using primary sources by the NRC Handelsblad (87.5% to De Telegraaf s 66%). 22 P age

29 1 C hapter Most articles that included an opinion leader in the NRC Handelsblad centered on the French rejection (25%) of the Constitutional Treaty or on the opinion of major Dutch politicians (another 25%). In De Telegraaf, 50% of the articles that included an opinion leader focused on the opinion of major Dutch politicians. This shows the relative importance of the opinions of major Dutch politicians in the coverage in these two newspapers in the two weeks prior to the referendum. Out of the articles that included opinion leaders, 50% of the articles in the NRC Handelsblad saw these expert opinions refer to facts within the Constitutional Treaty compared to 25% of De Telegraaf articles. This overview is not complete as it does not count the number of opinion leaders that referred to facts within the Treaty within an article, which would alter the result obtained from the one article in De Telegraaf that saw an opinion leader refer to facts within the Treaty, as in this article six different politicians mentioned facts stemming from the Treaty. This could be corrected in future research. When it comes to the possible role the euro and Turkey played in newspaper discourse, it can be concluded that the euro and Turkey did not play a significant role in newspaper coverage of the Constitutional Treaty in the period between May 19 and June 1, 2005 in the analyzed newspapers. In the NRC Handelsblad, the euro was discussed more often than Turkey, respectively in 37.5% and 18.8% of the articles. In De Telegraaf, both were discussed as often, being included in 25% of the articles analyzed. All in all, it can be concluded that direct, factual information from the Constitutional Treaty was not often included in the reviewed articles. An important role was reserved for opinion leaders in the media discourse about the Constitutional Treaty, especially for Dutch opinion leaders. A number of articles focused on events that were taking place in regards to the Constitutional Treaty, informing the Dutch readers of the outcome of the French referendum and the prognosis for the Dutch referendum. The euro and Turkey played a minor role in the Dutch newspaper discourse as represented by the articles published in the NRC Handelsblad and De Telegraaf in the two weeks prior to the referendum. This result may change when future research focuses on a bigger time period and turns to analyze more newspapers than just two. It is also important to note that future research could expand the examined articles to include opinion articles as well, as these articles were disregarded in this study. For now, however, it appears that Lubbers 2008 Page 23

30 Chapter 1 assertion that Turkey played a role in the Dutch campaign cannot be confirmed in this study and that rather, the amount of information that was present in the Dutch media coverage and the perceived lack of it by the Dutch citizens was more important. Indeed, the results of this study seem to suggest that the no voters were correct when they said they felt there was a lack of information at any rate in the media coverage of the Constitutional Treaty. 24 P age

31 1 C hapter References Abouara, S. (2005). French Media Bias and the Vote on the European Constitution. European Journal of Political Economy, 21 (4), Besselink, L.F.M. (2007). The Dutch Constitution, the European Constitution and the Referendum. Retrieved from: Albi, A., Ziller, J. (ed.), The European Constitution and National Constitutions, Ratification and Beyond. Alphen aan de Rijn: Kluwer Law International, Chalmers, D., Tonkins, A. (2007). European Union Public Law. Cambridge, United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press. Chaffee, S.H., Kanihan, S.F. (1997). Learning About Politics from the Mass Media. Political Communication, 14 (4), Culbertson, H.M., & Stempel, G.H. III. (1986). How Media Use and Reliance Affect Knowledge Level. Communication Research, 13(4), Domke, D., Shavah, D.V., Wackman, D.B. (1998). Moral Referendums: Values, News Media, and the Process of Candidate Choice. Political Communication, 15(3), European Commission (2012). Eurobarometer Interactive Search System. Retrieved via the World Wide Web on November 14, 2012 from (Consequently specified to results for The Netherlands on membership of the EU between October 2004 and October 2005). Elenbaas, M., De Vreese, C.H., Boomgaarden, H.G., Schuck, A.R.T. (2012). The Impact of Information Acquisition on EU Performance Judgements. European Journal of Political Research, 51(6), Eveland, W.P., jr. (2002). News Information Processing As Mediator of the Relationship between Motivations and Political Knowledge. Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly, 79 (1), Page 25

32 Chapter 1 European Parties Elections and Referendums Network (2005:14). Referendum Briefing Paper No. 14: Luxembourg s Referendum on the European Constitutional Treaty. Garry, J., Marsh, M., Sinnott, R. (2005). Secondorder Versus Issue Voting Effects in EU Referendums: Evidence from the Irish Nice Treaty Referendums. European Union Politics, 6 (2), Gaziano, C. (1983). The Knowledge Gap: An Analytical Review of Media Effects. Communication Research, 10(4), The Guardian ( ). Dutch Say Devastating No to EU Constitution. Retrieved from the World Wide Web on November 13, 2012 from Hobolt, S.B. (2005). When Europe Matters: The Impact of Political Information on Voting Behaviour in EU Referendums. Journal of Elections, Public Opinion & Parties, 15(1), Hobolt, S.B. (2006). How Parties Affect Vote Choice in European Integration Referendums. Party Politics, 12(5), Hobolt, S.B., Brouard, S. (2010). Why the Dutch and French Voters Rejected the European Constitution. Political Research Quarterly, 64(2), HOI, Institute for Media Auditing (2012). Query Module. Dutch newspaper circulation numbers can be requested here. Retrieved via the World Wide Web on November 22, 2012 from Iyengar, S., Hahn, K.S., Bonfadelli, H., Marr, M. (2009). Dark Areas of Ignorance Revisited: Comparing International Affairs Knowledge in Switzerland and the United States. Communication Research, 36(3), P age

33 1 C hapter Koukouksati-Monnier, A. (2010). Debating the EU Constitution in France: Promises and Pitfalls of an European Culture. Journal of Language and Politics, 9(1), Lelieveldt, H., Princen, S. (2011). The Politics of the European Union. Cambridge, United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press. Lubbers, M. (2008). Regarding the Dutch Nee to the European Constitution: A Test to the Identity, Utilitarian and Political Approaches to Voting No. European Politics, 9(1), Mathijsen, P.S.R.F. (2010). A Guide to European Union Law: As Amended by the Treaty of Lisbon. London: Sweet & Maxwell (Thomson Reuters). Schuck, A.R.T., De Vreese, C.H. (2009). Reversed Mobilization in Referendum Campaigns: How Positive News Framing Can Mobilize the Skeptics. The International Journal of Press/Politics, 14(1), Williams, K. (2011). International Journalism: Journalism Studies: Key Texts. London: SAGE Publications Ltd. Vliegenthart, R., Schuck, A.R.T., Boomgaarden, H.G., De Vreese, C.H. (2008). News Coverage and the Support for the European Union. International Journal of Public Opinion Research, 20 (4). Yale University Library (2012). Primary, Secondary and Tertiary Sources. Retrieved from the World Wide Web on November 11, 2012, from Page 27

34 Chapter 1 Appendix I The Kranenburg article, published in the NRC Handelsblad on May 25, 2005, mentioned in the literature review May 25, 2005 Borrell: Nederlanders bang voor het onbekende ; Voorzitter EUparlement vindt dat uitleg Europese Grondwet te laat is begonnen BYLINE: DOOR ONZE CORRESPONDENT MARK KRANENBURG SECTION: Voorpagina; Pg. 1 LENGTH: 827 words DATELINE: DEN HAAG, 25 MEI. De Nederlandse onwetendheid over de EU-Grondwet heeft Josep Borrell, voorzitter van het Europees Parlement, verrast. "De Nederlanders zijn bang. Er is een angst voor het onbekende. En dat kan je weer verklaren door een verbazende onwetendheid. Daardoor kan er ook zoveel onzin worden gezegd over de Grondwet." Voor een 'onpartijdig' voorzitter van het Europees Parlement drukt de Spaanse socialist Josep Borrell zich opvallend scherp uit. Maar met de Europese Grondwet waarover Nederland zich over precies een week kan uitspreken, staat er volgens hem dan ook heel wat op het spel. "Het is de keuze van de Nederlanders, maar die is van invloed op ons allemaal in Europa." Borrell bracht gisteren een bliksembezoek aan Nederland. Om te praten met de Europa-woordvoerders uit de Eerste en Tweede Kamer, premier Balkenende en om 's avonds nog een speciaal debat van de Amsterdamse gemeenteraad over de Grondwet bij te wonen. En om een interview af te geven. Want zoals hij zegt: "Wat ik tegen de fractievoorzitters zeg komt niet verder dan hen." Borrell wil dat zijn boodschap verder komt dan een vergaderzaaltje in de Tweede Kamer. Die boodschap luidt dat Europa niet zonder Nederland kan. En: Borrell kan zich "ook niet voorstellen dat Nederland zonder Europa kan". Borrell is verrast door de argumenten die in Nederland tegen de Grondwet worden gehanteerd. "Je hoort dan dat de Grondwet de Nederlandse soevereiniteit zal aantasten. In Spanje is niemand op dat idee gekomen. Maar het tegendeel is dan ook waar. Met deze grondwet geeft een verdrag voor het eerst aan dat men respect heeft voor de nationale identiteit. Er wordt gezegd dat Europa niet democratisch is. Maar deze grondwet is de grootste stap naar de opbouw van een democratisch Europa." Dat deze discussies ontstaan heeft volgens Borrell alles te maken met het gebrek aan kennis bij het publiek over wat er nu werkelijk in de Grondwet staat. Het verklaart in zijn ogen ook het grote verschil in beoordeling van de Grondwet tussen de politici en de burgers. In Frankrijk en Nederland zal het er bij de komende referenda om spannen, terwijl bijvoorbeeld in het Europees Parlement sprake was van een overgrote meerderheid voor de Grondwet. Borrell: "De politieke klasse is veel beter geinformeerd. Men is veel te laat begonnen uit te leggen wat er in de Grondwet staat." Hij vindt het "een beetje laat" nu de vraag te stellen of een referendum een goed middel is voor het vragen van een oordeel over zo'n complexe zaak. In elk geval wordt er nu eindelijk wel een debat over Europa gevoerd, constateert hij. "Ooit moest het zover komen dat de Europeanen echt over Europa zouden praten. Of een referendum geschikt is hangt van het land af. Als je een andere vraag beantwoordt dan de vraag die eigenlijk wordt gesteld, is het geen goede methode. Dan is de verleiding groot om niet een oordeel te geven over de tekst, maar over de context. En dan gaat het al gauw over zaken die niets te maken hebben met de Grondwet." 28 P age

35 1 C hapter Een 'nee' in Frankrijk of Nederland hoeft volgens Borrell niet te betekenen dat de aangekondigde referenda in andere landen afgeblazen kunnen worden. "Alle landen hebben het recht zich uit te spreken. Een nee in een land is heel anders dan wanneer tien landen nee zouden zeggen. Dat zullen we zien in januari 2007." Maar dat het afwijzen van de Grondwet in een of meer landen zal leiden tot heronderhandelingen ziet hij niet snel gebeuren. Borrell: "Dat er dan opnieuw over de tekst onderhandeld kan worden is het enige rationele argument dat ik heb gehoord: je zegt nee in de hoop er iets beter voor terug te krijgen. Maar die gedachte is fout. Alle landen zullen bereid moeten zijn tot overleg. De politieke wil daarvoor zal er niet zijn." "Als lid van de Europese Conventie heb ik anderhalf jaar over de tekst gediscussieerd en weet dus hoe moeilijk het was om consensus te vinden. Neem bijvoorbeeld de tien landen die vorig jaar tot de Unie zijn toegetreden. Die gaan in de Grondwet in stemgewicht terug van de 26 procent die ze nu hebben naar 16 procent. Denkt men echt dat die straks naar Den Haag zullen komen met de vraag wat ze nog meer moeten inleveren zodat de Nederlanders ja zeggen?" Aan speculaties over de uitslag van de komende referenda wil de voorzitter van het Europees Parlement zich niet wagen. Alleen wil de parlementsvoorzitter wel kwijt dat de Europese Unie dan een grote stap terugzet. "Dat zitten we eigenlijk weer in het jaar Toen zeiden we dat het Verdrag van Nice niet voldeed en dat er iets nieuws moest komen. Bij een afwijzing zullen we moeten concluderen dat we zeven jaar hebben geinvesteerd in een mislukt proces." Hij hoopt dat de kiezers bereid zullen zijn "over hun nationale identiteit heen te springen" Borrell: "Willen we dat Europa een echte speler wordt, die vraag is aan de orde. Is er een land in Europa dat het in zijn eentje beter zou kunnen opnemen tegen China dan Europa gezamenlijk?" NRC Handelsblad articles 1. May 19, 2005 Dialoog rond godloze mijlpaal SECTION: Binnenland; Pg. 2 Appendix II How many times does the article directly refer to the European Constitutional Treaty? Key words? Is the European Constitutional Treaty the primary focus of the article? What type of information does the article use? Primary: Does it include an expert opinion and does this person refer to facts within the Constitutional Treaty? Secondary: Does it directly refer to facts stemming from the Constitutional Treaty? Is Turkey or the euro mentioned? 4 ECT, religious tradition, Churches and Christian conferences in Europe Indirectly, yes, the primary focus is the stance of religious organisations towards the CT Primary, secondary It includes multiple expert opinion, the Conference of European Churches directly refers to an article within the Constitution Yes, it refers to the preamble No Page 29

36 Chapter 1 2. May 20, 2005 Uitleg van Europese Grondwet moet beter ; EUROPESE GRONDWET Dubbelinterview Verhagen en Rouvoet Wat vindt de kerk? Nederlands referendum over 12 dagen BYLINE: DOOR EEN ONZER REDACTEUREN SECTION: Binnenland; Pg. 2 How many times does the article directly refer to the European Constitutional Treaty? Key words? Is the European Constitutional Treaty the primary focus of the article? What type of information does the article use? Primary: Does it include an expert opinion and does this person refer to facts within the Constitutional Treaty? Secondary: Does it directly refer to facts stemming from the Constitutional Treaty? Is Turkey or the euro mentioned? 7 Civil servants, opinion polling, Constitutional Treaty The opinion of civil servants regarding the Constitutional Treaty is Primary It includes Prime Minister Balkenende, no - Turkey not, the euro is ( growing discontentment ) 3. May 20, 2005 Bach en Europa vinden elkaar alsnog BYLINE: DOOR ONZE REDACTEUR KEES VERSTEEGH SECTION: Binnenland; Pg. 2 How many times does the article directly refer to the European Constitutional Treaty? Key words? What type of information does the article use? Is the European Constitutional Treaty the primary focus of the article? Primary: Does it include an expert opinion and does this person refer to facts within the Constitutional Treaty? Secondary: Does it directly refer to facts stemming from the 11 Constitutional Treaty, Church leaders Primary Yes, and the religious opinion on it European Churches: the preamble does not contain a reference to God as a source of inspiration. Europe as a society of values is reflected in the Constitutional Treaty through human dignity, freedom, equality and solidarity. By incorporating the Charter of Human Rights in the Treaty Europe shows it will take these rights seriously. The European Union should be more ruimhartig when it comes to asylum-seekers, and the founding of an European Defence Agency shows a large military side - 30 P age

37 1 C hapter Constitutional Treaty? Is Turkey or the euro mentioned? Turkey is not, the euro is. Van Luyn of the Council of Churches: Would we then vote with our wallets? referring to the growing discontent about the euro. 4. May 21, 2005 Kiezer onwetend over Europese Grondwet BYLINE: DOOR EEN ONZER REDACTEUREN SECTION: Voorpagina; Pg. 1 How many times does the article directly refer to the European Constitutional Treaty? Key words? Is the European Constitutional Treaty the primary focus of the article? What type of information does the article use? Primary: Does it include an expert opinion and does this person refer to facts within the Constitutional Treaty? Secondary: Does it directly refer to facts stemming from the Constitutional Treaty? Is Turkey or the euro mentioned? 5 Ignorance, public knowledge, Constitutional Treaty Yes: public knowledge about the Constitutional Treaty is low Primary No No No 5. May 23, 2005 Euro op laagste punt in zeven maanden BYLINE: DOOR EEN ONZER REDACTEUREN SECTION: Economie; Pg. 11 How many times does the article directly refer to the European Constitutional Treaty? Key words? Is the European Constitutional Treaty the primary focus of the article? What type of information does the article use? Primary: Does it include an expert opinion and does this person refer to facts within the Constitutional Treaty? Secondary: Does it directly refer to facts stemming from the Constitutional Treaty? Is Turkey or the euro mentioned? 2 Euro, insecurity, Constitutional Treaty No, the euro is Primary No - Turkey no, the article is about the euro and its low exchange rate Page 31

38 Chapter 1 6. May 25, 2005 Borrell: Nederlanders bang voor het onbekende ; Voorzitter EUparlement vindt dat uitleg Europese Grondwet te laat is begonnen BYLINE: DOOR ONZE CORRESPONDENT MARK KRANENBURG SECTION: Voorpagina; Pg. 1 How many times does the article directly refer to the European Constitutional Treaty? Key words? Is the European Constitutional Treaty the primary focus of the article? What type of information does the article use? Primary: Does it include an expert opinion and does this person refer to facts within the Constitutional Treaty? Secondary: Does it directly refer to facts stemming from the Constitutional Treaty? Is Turkey or the euro mentioned? 12 Josep Borrell, Constitutional Treaty, Yes Primary Josep Borell, the President of the European Parliament, who does not address the content of the Constitutional Treaty but states that some fears the Dutch have are unfounded and the political class should inform the people better - No 7. May 25, 2005 Nee-kamp: niet trouwen met Ierland BYLINE: DOOR ONZE REDACTEUR TOM KRELING SECTION: Binnenland; Pg. 2 How many times does the article directly refer to the European Constitutional Treaty? Key words? Is the European Constitutional Treaty the primary focus of the article? What type of information does the article use? Primary: Does it include an expert opinion and does this person refer to facts within the Constitutional Treaty? Secondary: Does it directly refer to facts stemming from the Constitutional Treaty? Is Turkey or the euro mentioned? 16 Amsterdam municipal council, debate, Josep Borrell, Constitutional Treaty No, a debate in the municipal house of Amsterdam about it is Primary Atzo Nicolai, Secretary of State; Arjo Kramer, Professor at Erasmus University; Josep Borrell, President of the European Parliament, no - Both by Kramer: problems with the euro? Vote no. Don t want Turkey in the Union? Vote no. 32 P age

39 1 C hapter 8. May 26, 2005 Bolkestein laakt Europese leiders BYLINE: DOOR EEN ONZER REDACTEUREN SECTION: Binnenland; Pg. 02 How many times does the article directly refer to the European Constitutional Treaty? Key words? Is the European Constitutional Treaty the primary focus of the article? What type of information does the article use? Primary: Does it include an expert opinion and does this person refer to facts within the Constitutional Treaty? Secondary: Does it directly refer to facts stemming from the Constitutional Treaty? Is Turkey or the euro mentioned? 4 Frits Bolkestein, Europe, European reforms No, Bolkestein s opinion on Europe is Primary It includes Bolkestein s opinion on Europe in general, but he does mention the fact he feels the yellow card procedure, as outlined in the Constitutional Treaty, should have been a red card - Turkey not, the euro is: Bolkestein mentions he would have voted against the euro in 1996, had he known not all member states would respect the stability pact 9. May 27, 2005 Grondwet bij nee ophouden BYLINE: DOOR ONZE POLITIEKE REDACTIE SECTION: Binnenland; Pg. 2 How many times does the article directly refer to the European Constitutional Treaty? Key words? Is the European Constitutional Treaty the primary focus of the article? What type of information does the article use? Primary: Does it include an expert opinion and does this person refer to facts within the Constitutional Treaty? Secondary: Does it directly refer to facts stemming from the Constitutional Treaty? Is Turkey or the euro mentioned? 6 Debate, referendum, political parties, Constitutional Treaty No, the upcoming debate (after the referendum) about it is Primary It includes the opinion of a CDA member, but Van Dijk does not refer to facts within the Treaty - No Page 33

40 Chapter May 27, 2005 Het sentiment is hetzelfde als in 2002 ; Tjeenk Willink over Grondwet en campagne BYLINE: DOOR ONZE REDACTEUREN EGBERT KALSE EN JOS VERLAAN SECTION: Binnenland; Pg. 2 How many times does the article directly refer to the European Constitutional Treaty? Key words? Is the European Constitutional Treaty the primary focus of the article? What type of information does the article use? Primary: Does it include an expert opinion and does this person refer to facts within the Constitutional Treaty? Secondary: Does it directly refer to facts stemming from the Constitutional Treaty? Is Turkey or the euro mentioned? 13 Tjeenk Willink, negative sentiment, referendum, Constitutional Treaty Yes Primary it is an interview Yes, as Tjeenk Willink mentions: Stripped from all clauses, the Constitution provides a clearer division of tasks, more influence for the European Parliament, the jurisdiction of the Court of Justice will be expanded, the human rights will be recorded. And then there are the citizens initiative and the subsidiarity test for the national parliaments (yellow card procedure). - No 11. May 28, 2005 Te veel macht naar grote landen BYLINE: DOOR EEN ONZER REDACTEUREN SECTION: Binnenland; Pg. 2 How many times does the article directly refer to the European Constitutional Treaty? Key words? Is the European Constitutional Treaty the primary focus of the article? What type of information does the article use? Primary: Does it include an expert opinion and does this person refer to facts within the Constitutional Treaty? Secondary: Does it directly refer to facts stemming from the Constitutional Treaty? Is Turkey or the euro mentioned? 6 Arguments in favor, arguments against Yes Secondary overview of different arguments No Yes, yellow card procedure and human rights such as equality of men and women and the right to education No 34 P age

41 1 C hapter 12. May 28, 2005 Met nee schieten we in onze eigen voet ; Hans van den Broek over de euroscepsis BYLINE: DOOR ONZE REDACTEUR JOOP MEIJNEN SECTION: Binnenland; Pg. 3 How many times does the article directly refer to the European Constitutional Treaty? Key words? Is the European Constitutional Treaty the primary focus of the article? What type of information does the article use? Primary: Does it include an expert opinion and does this person refer to facts within the Constitutional Treaty? Secondary: Does it directly refer to facts stemming from the Constitutional Treaty? Is Turkey or the euro mentioned? 8 Van den Broek, Constitutional Treaty, negative campaigning Yes Primary interview with Van den Broek Yes, Van den Broek mentions some practical improvement such as the reduction of veto rights - Both are mentioned as multiple sentiments have started to matter that have nothing to do with the European Constitution at all such as Turkey, the euro nonsense 13. May 30, 2005 Premier: Fransen nu een lesje leren BYLINE: DOOR ONZE EUROPAREDACTIE SECTION: Voorpagina; Pg. 1 How many times does the article directly refer to the European Constitutional Treaty? Key words? Is the European Constitutional Treaty the primary focus of the article? What type of information does the article use? Primary: Does it include an expert opinion and does this person refer to facts within the Constitutional Treaty? Secondary: Does it directly refer to facts stemming from the Constitutional Treaty? Is Turkey or the euro mentioned? 6 French referendum result, Constitutional Treaty, reactions political leaders The result of the French referendum on the Constitutional Treaty is Primary It includes the opinions of Balkenende, Schröder, Juncker, Belka, Guel and Straw, but none of them refer to the facts within the Treaty - Turkey is mentioned because the Turkish Minister of Foreign Affairs is quoted as saying that the result of the French referendum has nothing to do with Turkey, the euro is not mentioned. Page 35

42 Chapter May 31, 2005 Frankrijks non geeft Nederland wat lucht ; EUROPESE GRONDWET Meer voorstanders in hoofdstad Herben: dit neigt naar superstaat Van Aartsen: Europa gaat gewoon door BYLINE: DOOR ONZE CORRESPONDENT MARK KRANENBURG SECTION: Binnenland; Pg. 02 How many times does the article directly refer to the European Constitutional Treaty? Key words? Is the European Constitutional Treaty the primary focus of the article? What type of information does the article use? Primary: Does it include an expert opinion and does this person refer to facts within the Constitutional Treaty? Secondary: Does it directly refer to facts stemming from the Constitutional Treaty? Is Turkey or the euro mentioned? 6 French referendum, Dutch referendum, position in Europe, Constitutional Treaty No, the French rejection of the Constitutional Treaty and the consequences for the Dutch if they would vote no as well are Primary Gerrit Zalm, the Dutch Minister of Finance and Karen Gilland, researcher at the University of Bern: they do not refer to facts within the Treaty - Turkey is not mentioned, 15. May 31, 2005 EU-trein loopt vast BYLINE: DOOR ONZE EUROPAREDACTIE SECTION: Binnenland; Pg. 02 How many times does the article directly refer to the European Constitutional Treaty? Key words? Is the European Constitutional Treaty the primary focus of the article? What type of information does the article use? Primary: Does it include an expert opinion and does this person refer to facts within the Constitutional Treaty? Secondary: Does it directly refer to facts stemming from the Constitutional Treaty? Is Turkey or the euro mentioned? 3 Chinese newspapers, Constitutional Treaty, French referendum No, the French rejection of the Constitutional Treaty is Secondary: Chinese newspaper articles - No, just what the newspapers reported on the French rejection No 16. June 1, 2005 Haal gezonde delen uit dode EU-Grondwet BYLINE: DOOR ONZE CORRESPONDENT MARK KRANENBURG SECTION: Binnenland; Pg P age

43 1 C hapter How many times does the article directly refer to the European Constitutional Treaty? Key words? Is the European Constitutional Treaty the primary focus of the article? What type of information does the article use? Primary: Does it include an expert opinion and does this person refer to facts within the Constitutional Treaty? Secondary: Does it directly refer to facts stemming from the Constitutional Treaty? Is Turkey or the euro mentioned? 8 Constitutional Treaty, French referendum rejection, European cooperation, ratification process, Amato, Dashwood Yes, how it can still be saved Primary interviews and statements Guiliano Amato, a Vice President of the European Convention refers to the new qualified majority voting system and a Minister for Foreign Affairs as parts of the Treaty that can still be saved; Alan Dashwood, Professor at the University of Cambridge, agrees with Amato on the Minister for Foreign Affairs and believes that a permanent chair of the European Council could also be saved from the Treaty - No De Telegraaf articles 1. May 21, keer ja NODIG voor november volgend jaar BYLINE: Van onze correspondenten SECTION: Pg. 10 How many times does the article directly refer to the European Constitutional Treaty? Key words? Is the European Constitutional Treaty the primary focus of the article? What type of information does the article use? Primary: Does it include an expert opinion and does this person refer to facts within the Constitutional Treaty? Secondary: Does it directly refer to facts stemming from the Constitutional Treaty? Is Turkey or the euro mentioned? 5 Constitutional Treaty, referenda, ratification process Yes, through a discussion of the ratification process Primary polls, historical developments No - No Page 37

44 Chapter 1 2. May 25, 2005 Ruzie over stemadvies Verhofstadt BYLINE: Van onze correspondenten SECTION: Pg. 13 How many times does the article directly refer to the European Constitutional Treaty? Key words? Is the European Constitutional Treaty the primary focus of the article? What type of information does the article use? Primary: Does it include an expert opinion and does this person refer to facts within the Constitutional Treaty? Secondary: Does it directly refer to facts stemming from the Constitutional Treaty? Is Turkey or the euro mentioned? 8 Verhofstadt, Belgian row, surprise over negativity, Balkenende, Constitutional Treaty Yes Primary Yes, the opinions of Guy Verhofstadt, Prime Minister of Belgium (who notes that the Dutch could lose their large influence in Europe through voting no) and Balkenende (who encourages the voters to say yes), they do not refer to facts within the Treaty - No 3. May 25, 2005 Meerderheid in mkb stemt tegen Europese grondwet SECTION: Pg. 26 How many times does the article directly refer to the European Constitutional Treaty? Key words? Is the European Constitutional Treaty the primary focus of the article? What type of information does the article use? Primary: Does it include an expert opinion and does this person refer to facts within the Constitutional Treaty? Secondary: Does it directly refer to facts stemming from the Constitutional Treaty? Is Turkey or the euro mentioned? 7 MKB-Nederland, VNO-NWC, ECT, trade relations, entrepreneurs voting no, Constitutional Treaty Yes, and the business side opinion on it Primary and secondary It includes businesses and entrepreneurs, but no facts from the Constitution Yes: the article itself states the Constitutional Treaty is mainly about simplifying the decision-making process and a clearer division of tasks between the EU and the member states No 38 P age

45 1 C hapter 4. May 28, 2005 ORANJEGEVOEL BLIJFT! SECTION: Pg. 5 How many times does the article directly refer to the European Constitutional Treaty? Key words? Is the European Constitutional Treaty the primary focus of the article? What type of information does the article use? Primary: Does it include an expert opinion and does this person refer to facts within the Constitutional Treaty? Secondary: Does it directly refer to facts stemming from the Constitutional Treaty? Is Turkey or the euro mentioned? 3 Balkenende, positive reinforcement, pro-eu Netherlands Yes Primary Balkenende, who does not refer to facts No Balkenende: The euro and Turkey have nothing to do with the Constitutional Treaty. Further down: discontent on the euro should stay out of the discussion 5. May 28, 2005 Al zes keer nee bij EU-referenda BYLINE: By Ronald Veerman SECTION: Pg. 9 How many times does the article directly refer to the European Constitutional Treaty? Key words? Is the European Constitutional Treaty the primary focus of the article? What type of information does the article use? Primary: Does it include an expert opinion and does this person refer to facts within the Constitutional Treaty? Secondary: Does it directly refer to facts stemming from the Constitutional Treaty? Is Turkey or the euro mentioned? 1 Past referenda, referenda where the vote was no No Secondary No No No 6. May 29, 2005 Europese grondwet ZORG of ZEGEN? SECTION: Pg. 5 How many times does the article directly refer to the European Constitutional Treaty? Key words? 18 Opinion leaders, Constitutional Treaty Page 39

46 Chapter 1 Is the European Constitutional Treaty the primary focus of the article? What type of information does the article use? Primary: Does it include an expert opinion and does this person refer to facts within the Constitutional Treaty? Secondary: Does it directly refer to facts stemming from the Constitutional Treaty? Yes, and the opinion leaders opinions about it Primary It includes the opinions of current Ministers (Pechtold, Bot, Peijs, Kamp, Dekker, Veerman, Brinkhorst, Van der Hoeven, Hoogervorst, Remkes, Donner, Verdonk, Zalm and De Geus) and major opposition party leaders, such as Van der Vlies (SGP), Rouvoet (CU), Herben (LPF), Marijnissen (SP) and Wilders. The Ministerial expert opinions mostly discuss the good the Constitution will do for their specific policy area. Both Dekker and Veerman press that the Constitutional Treaty would preserve the environment because exchange of information about spatial development would become easier through the Constitutional Treaty (Dekker). Brinkhorst (indirectly, because this is mentioned when Marijnissen s opinion is discussed) identifies the free market system and increased competition the Constitution proposes, which Marijnissen feels would be bad for hard-working civilians. Van der Hoeven notices that the right to education is in the Constitution, whilst Hoogervorst pleas for the Constitutional Treaty because it will be beneficial to treat and contain diseases internationally. Remkes and Donner stress the importance of international cooperation for the prevention of crime and the war on terrorism, whilst Verdonk applauds the fact that it will be harder for asylum-seekers to enter a unified Europe and that the Constitution will help to prevent illegal migration. (Interestingly enough, Geert Wilders makes a factual error by saying the Constitution will increase the expansive European legislation, because it would have actually downsized it) P age

47 1 C hapter Is Turkey or the euro mentioned? Turkey thrice: Rouvoet: We will all be European citizens but we do not feel like it. We want to cooperate with Turkey, but we do not feel like one state. Herben: If you are saying it [Constitutional Treaty] has nothing to do with Turkey, then you are simply lying. The Constitution does deal with Turkey, and with Ukraine, whatever they might tell you. The euro is not mentioned May 30, 2005 Veel aandacht voor Europese grondwet SECTION: Pg. 2 How many times does the article directly refer to the European Constitutional Treaty? Key words? Is the European Constitutional Treaty the primary focus of the article? What type of information does the article use? Primary: Does it include an expert opinion and does this person refer to facts within the Constitutional Treaty? Secondary: Does it directly refer to facts stemming from the Constitutional Treaty? Is Turkey or the euro mentioned? 5 Television programs, Constitutional Treaty No, television programs surrounding it Secondary - No Yes 8. May 31, 2005 EU zoekt richting na debacle referendum BYLINE: door Gemma Buters SECTION: Pg. 11 How many times does the article directly refer to the European Constitutional Treaty? Key words? Is the European Constitutional Treaty the primary focus of the article? What type of information does the article use? Primary: Does it include an expert opinion and does this person refer to facts within the Constitutional Treaty? Secondary: Does it directly refer to facts stemming from the Constitutional Treaty? Is Turkey or the euro mentioned? 5 ECT, negative vote, referendum, Europe Yes Primary No - The euro is mentioned: many naysayers want to get their guilder back for their euro Page 41

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49 2The Framing of Pim Fortuyn s Assassination By Anne Laure Rouw Introduction The assassination of the populist politician Pim Fortuyn is an important event in Dutch political history because it raised many questions about freedom of expression and the legitimacy of Dutch politics (Van der Veer, 2006). While the murder of Pim Fortuyn might be a part of Dutch history, for the future it is important that we learn from this incident to avoid political assassinations in the future. Nowadays, there is a populist party in the Dutch parliament again, the Dutch Freedom Party. This party, just like Fortuyn, opposes non-western immigration, Islam, and European integration. This makes the topic of current importance. The aim of this paper is to find the differences between how British and Dutch newspapers as well as left and right-wing newspapers framed the assassination of Pim Fortuyn. Was Pim Fortuyn, who is considered to be a right-wing politician (Koopmans and Muis, 2009, p. 642), portrayed more positively in right-wing newspapers than in left-wing newspapers? Was Pim Fortuyn, who is considered to be against European integration (Vollaard, 2012, p. 9; Harmsen and Spiering, 2004, p. 27) portrayed more positively in Britain, a country well known for its Euroscepticism (George, 2007, p. 15)? Background Information Pim Fortuyn Pim Fortuyn had an enervating career before he was shot on 6 May In 1989, he became the managing director of the public transport card for students. Until 1995, Pim Fortuyn was a professor in sociology and between 1993 and 2001 he wrote columns in the Dutch magazine Elsevier. In these columns he criticized the government of the day on various points but mainly on the way it handled growing migration from Islamic countries. Thus, when Fortuyn started his political career, he was already a prominent figure in the Netherlands (Otjes, 2011, p. 403). Fortuyn had already been active in political parties before, but his political career took off in This was when Pim Fortuyn was invited to become the leader of the Dutch political party Leefbaar Nederland (free Page 43

50 Chapter 2 translation: Liveable Netherlands) for the Dutch national elections of May This party was considered to be on the extreme right of the Dutch political spectrum. Leefbaar Nederland (LN) grew enormously under Fortuyn s leadership. In the local elections in Rotterdam the party won and Fortuyn became very optimistic about the national elections (Bosman and d Haenens, 2008). In early February 2002, Fortuyn said in an interview with the Volkskrant that he wanted to abolish the first article of the Dutch constitution, which is the anti-discrimination law. Fortuyn also called Islam a backward culture (Otjes, 2011, p. 403). As a result of this interview, Fortuyn was expelled as party leader. A couple of days after this incident he started his own political party, Lijst Pim Fortuyn (LPF), which immediately flourished (Bosman and d Haenens, 2008, p. 735). The LPF broke all records of both Dutch and European politics by being the fastest growing party (Van Holsteyn and Irwin, 2003, p. 42). Pim Fortuyn had grown from a criticizing columnist to the most popular politician of the country. There can be many different reasons for Fortuyn s success. For example, his personality, charisma, and appealing media performances (Koopman and Muis, 2009, p. 644) or his revolutionary, right-wing, populist ideas. Another reason can be the dissatisfaction of a considerable part of the voters built over the previous years (Bosman and d Haenens, 2008, p ). Additionally, Fortuyn had distinct views on the integration of Europe which many people shared (Vollaard, 2012, 9; Harmsen and Spiering, 2004, p. 27). He wrote a book in which he explained what is wrong with the European Union. Like the subtitle of the book says, Fortuyn is against a Europe of technocracy, bureaucracy, subsidies and inevitable fraud (Fortuyn, 1997). Moreover, Fortuyn s views were explicit regarding (non-western) immigrants, Islam, and the mistakes of the other Dutch political parties (Bosman and d Haenens, 2008, p. 736 and p. 744). Overall, Fortuyn was very critical on the way the country had been organized over the previous years and this appealed very much to the people. However, one citizen demonstrated his fear for the consequences of Fortuyn as prime minister by shooting Fortuyn nine days before the elections (Van Holsteyn and Irwin, 2003, p. 42). 44 P age

51 2 C hapter Framework This section will look at the framing and how this may have shaped the public understanding of Fortuyn. According to Entman (1993), framing is to highlight some aspects of a story in order to make it more likely that the audience perceives the story in a certain way (p. 51). Frames result in audiences responding differently to the text than they would have done without a frame or with a different frame (Ibid., p. 55). The effects of framing are changes in judgment caused by small alterations in how the story is portrayed (Iyengar, 1987, p. 816). Frames have often been used to shape public perceptions on political issues (Semetko and Valkenburg, 2000, p. 94). This means that journalists have a major influence on how the audience perceives reality and that frames can have great political power. Therefore, it is feasible to think that frames will have influenced the public opinion on Pim Fortuyn. There are multiple frameworks for analyzing framing in newspapers available in the literature. For example, Semetko and Valkenburg (2000) propose a framework that consists of five news frames: Conflict, Human Interest, Economic Consequences, Morality, and Attribution of Responsibility. These all have a different method to tell the same story. Unfortunately, none of these frames are about how a person is portrayed, therefore this framework cannot be used for the current analysis. Another framework is proposed by Bosman and d Haenens (2008). They suggest a systematic analysis of newspaper articles in which the amount of framing gives an indication of the level of bias by the journalist. They argue that framing consists of ways to introduce bias in an article in the sense that the mere facts are imbued with meaning and evaluation (p. 738). This framework cannot be used for the current study either, as the aim of the study is not to find objectivity. As there is no existing framework to find out which newspaper portrays someone in a more positive or negative way, a new framework had to be made. The proposed framework combines aspects of different studies, which will be explained in the next paragraph. According to Richardson (2007, p. 38), content analysis alone is not enough to conclude anything about the role of the journalist in transforming the story into the article. He argues that one needs a more interpretative way to critically analyze the text and assumes that every part of the content is the result of a choice made by the author of the article. Therefore, texts need to be analyzed at different levels. Following this advice, I will look at the articles from four perspectives: Page 45

52 Chapter 2 Firstly, journalism relies greatly on the asking and answering of the socalled journalistic wh-questions. These wh-questions are what, who, where, when, how, and why. It has to be mentioned that, in the literature these questions may also be referred to as the 6 Ws or the 5Ws + H questions. The answers to these questions are the starting point of most journalism (Harcup, 2009, p. 3 and p. 146). Therefore, these are included in the framework for this study. Secondly, the definition of framing suggested by Entman (1993) can be used for the current study: To frame is to select some aspects of a perceived reality and make them more salient in a communicating text, in such a way as to promote a particular problem definition, causal interpretation, moral evaluation and/or treatment recommendation for the item described (p. 51). This definition is used for the framework to examine which aspects of the story are highlighted in the article. Frames identify the problem, offer solutions and give an opinion on a case. A framed piece of information will have an increase in salience, which means that there is a higher chance of being perceived, understood and remembered (Entman, 1993, p. 53). Thirdly, the choice of words can influence how audiences perceive the story (Corbett and Connors, 1999). For this reason, the choice of words to describe Fortuyn and the events around his assassination is included in the framework to be used for this study. Fourthly, as Brokerhof (2011, p. 47) states in her Honors Thesis, it is important to include whose opinions are quoted in the analysis. This is useful to indicate whether the article only represents the opinion of one party or whether multiple opinions from different parties are given. The proposed framework, as summarized in table 1, therefore consists of the answers to the wh-questions, the highlighted aspects of a story, the words used to describe the person, and the opinions quoted in the article. The extent to which and in what way the authors of the sampled articles have framed the events according to this new framework will be examined in the analysis section. 46 P age

53 2 C hapter Wh-questions Highlighted aspects of the story Words used to describe Fortuyn Different opinions quoted Answers to the what, who, where, when, how, and why-questions. Which pieces of information are made more salient? What honorific or pejorative language is used in the article to describe Fortuyn? Whose opinions are given? Is what they say positive or negative about Fortuyn? Table 1. Framework Aim of the Study Media shapes public opinion and therefore it is important to consider the different ways a newspaper can frame a story (O Hara, 2012, p. 248). In this paper, the differences in framing between British and Dutch newspapers and between left and right-wing newspapers will be examined. The two research questions will therefore be: What are the differences in how the British and Dutch newspapers framed the assassination of Pim Fortuyn? and What are the differences in how left and right wing newspapers framed the assassination of Pim Fortuyn? The Netherlands were chosen to include in the comparison because Pim Fortuyn was a Dutch politician and his assassination took place in the Netherlands. Britain was chosen because it is considered to be a Eurosceptic country (George, 2007, p. 15) and Fortuyn was against European integration as well. As the Netherlands are not considered to be Eurosceptic, there might be an interesting difference in how the Netherlands and Britain framed Pim Fortuyn and his assassination. The hypothesis therefore is that Britain depicts Fortuyn in a more positive way than the Netherlands do. For the second comparison, left and right wing newspapers are included. Fortuyn was a right-wing politician (Koopmans and Muis, 2009, p. 642) so he might be framed more positively by right wing newspapers than by left wing newspapers. The second hypothesis therefore is that right wing newspapers depict Pim Fortuyn more favorable than left wing newspapers do. It would be interesting to see how other countries, Britain in this case, covered the news that a Dutch politician was assassinated. Where they as shocked by the news as the Netherlands? Did they see Pim Fortuyn as a threat like many Dutch people saw him? What did they think was important about Page 47

54 Chapter 2 this story? There is no literature available on how the media in other countries depicted Fortuyn, this is what this study in some small way attempts to contribute to the field of Discourse studies. Secondly, Pim Fortuyn was eventually an extreme right wing politician, but he had also been a member of the Dutch socialist party, the Partij van de Arbeid (PvdA). Does this division in right and left wing make any difference in how newspapers frame and thus people see him? Although only four articles of four newspapers from two countries were examined, the present study hopes be a starting point for analysis into how different media frame the same topic in different ways by using the proposed framework. Methods This study will review four articles from four different newspapers. There will be two divisions in these four articles: two different countries, Britain and the Netherlands, and two different sides of the political spectrum, left and right-wing, will be analyzed. Of these two countries, firstly the broadsheet newspapers with the highest circulation figures were chosen. For the Netherlands, this is De Telegraaf (Cebuco, 2012) and for Britain this is The Daily Telegraph (Media UK, 2012). These two newspapers are both considered to be conservative, right-wing newspapers (Oudenampsen, 2012 and Hartmann, Husband and Clark, 1974, p. 105). Secondly, two newspapers from the opposing side of the political spectrum were chosen. The Volkskrant is a Dutch left-wing newspaper (Persgroep Nederland, 2012) and The Guardian is a British, left-wing newspaper (Williams Camus, 2009) and therefore these were both included in the analysis. It has to be acknowledged that the sampled newspapers are not in the same way conservative, left, or right-wing. Moreover, newspapers try to be as objective as possible and might not be consciously aware of framing in their articles (G. Newkey-Burden, personal communication, November 21, 2012). Having chosen the newspapers, the articles had to be selected. The database Lexis Nexis with the search term Fortuyn was used on the day after the assassination, this is 7 May The biggest articles (based on word count) on this day about Fortuyn were used. The biggest article was chosen because this includes most information and will thus give most opportunity to say something about the content. Firstly, of each sampled newspaper article the wh-questions were answered. These answers are displayed in tables per article (see tables 2-5). 48 P age

55 2 C hapter Secondly, the highlighted aspects per article were examined, see section In this section, it was investigated which parts of the story are given most attention by the journalist. Thirdly, the words used in the article were divided in three categories: positive, negative and neutral. The neutral words are left out in this analysis and the positive and negative words are displayed in tables per article (see tables 6-9). For each positive and negative word, the context is explained to make it clear why the words are valued as either positive or negative. Some of the words are not positive or negative without their actual context, see appendices I-IV for the full articles to place the words back in their context. Fourthly, the opinions quoted by the journalists are examined, see tables These opinions are also divided into two categories, either positive or negative. Once all data was collected, the comparisons could be made. The first comparison was between the British and Dutch newspapers and the second between the left and right wing newspapers. Newspapers De Telegraaf was founded in 1893 and is owned by the Telegraaf Media Nederland (Telegraaf Media Group Nederland, 2012). De Telegraaf is the Dutch newspaper with a hardcopy readership number of , which is the highest in the Netherlands (Cebuco, 2012). De Telegraaf is considered to be a popular newspaper instead of a quality newspaper (Bakker and Scholten, 2009, p ) and on the conservative right of the political spectrum (Oudenampsen, 2012). The Volkskrant was founded in 1919 (Volkskrant, 2012). This newspaper has a hardcopy readership of (Cebuco, 2012). The Volkskrant is owned by De Persgroep Nederland, which also publishes the AD, Trouw, and Het Parool. It is a left wing newspaper (Persgroep Nederland, 2012). The Daily Telegraph is currently read by adults, this is 2,8% of the British adult population. The Daily Telegraph is owned by Press Holdings, which also owns the magazines Apollo, The Spectator and the Spectator Business and the newspapers The Sunday Telegraph and the Weekly Telegraph (Media UK, 2012). The Daily Telegraph is part of the rightwing conservative press (Hartmann, Husband and Clark, 1974, page 105). The Guardian was founded on 5 May 1821 under the name The Manchester Guardian and is currently owned by the Guardian Media Group. The Guardian Media Group owns many other newspapers but not The Daily Page 49

56 Chapter 2 Telegraph, so there will not be any bias on this point. The Guardian has a total readership of per week. The Guardian is a left wing newspaper (Williams Camus, 2009). Analysis In this section, the different aspects of the framework will be analyzed for each article. Afterwards, the findings will be compared to the other articles. Framework This part of the analysis focuses on how different newspaper articles frame Pim Fortuyn. This is divided in the answers to the wh-questions, highlighted aspects of the story, whether honorific or pejorative language is used to describe Fortuyn and his assassination, and which and whose opinions are quoted. This combination gives an idea of how the newspapers see Fortuyn, either in a positive, neutral or negative way. Wh-questions. Table 2. Wh-questions De Telegraaf What happened? This question is not answered directly in this article. Although the first part of the headline is Fortuyns grote angst werd waarheid (free translation: Fortuyn s biggest fear became truth, dramatic end to the fear of Binnenhof ) and the first sentence of the second paragraph is Het is mijn grote angst dat er voor de verkiezingen mij wat overkomt (free translation: It is my biggest fear that something will happen to me before the elections ). So the article shows that something happened to him, but it is not explicitly mentioned that he was assassinated. Who was murdered? Where did the murder take place? When was he Pim Fortuyn, this is stated very clearly, immediately in the headline. The article is a summary of Fortuyn s political life. The reader cannot miss the article is about Pim Fortuyn. The article explains who he is, what Fortuyn was like and some of his ideas. No, this is not mentioned in the article. There are hardly any facts about the murder itself. Not mentioned. 50 P age

57 2 C hapter murdered? How was Fortuyn murdered? Why was he murdered? No, not explained either. This is not explicitly mentioned in this article, but throughout the article the author mentions features of Fortuyn that may have led to his assassination, although it is not mentioned that these were reasons for his assassination. Table 3. Wh-questions Volkskrant What happened? Pim Fortuyn was killed. Who was murdered? Where did the murder take place? When was he murdered? How was Fortuyn murdered? Why was he murdered? Pim Fortuyn. This is not clear from the headline but it becomes clear in the first couple of paragraphs. Later on in the article, the author elaborates on his ideas and career. On the parking lot of the media-park in Hilversum. Monday night (the article was published on a Tuesday), after a radio interview for Radio 3. This is not specified, although the article says it was a gewelddadige dood (free translation: violent death ). The article also says De spiegel waarin hij zichzelf en zijn grote ambitie steeds duidelijker weerspiegeld zag, werd maandagavond in Hilversum aan gruzelementen geschoten (free translation: The mirror in which he saw himself and his ambitions more and more clearly, was smashed into pieces in Hilversum Monday night ). If the reader knows that Fortuyn was shot, he/she might interpret the words smashed to pieces as an allusion to this. Not mentioned, although it was mentioned that he received hate mail and threatening calls because of his ideas. Page 51

58 Chapter 2 Table 4. Wh-questions The Daily Telegraph What happened? Pim Fortuyn was assassinated. This is answered in the headline Obituary of Pim Fortuyn [ ] and in the first sentence of the article Pim Fortuyn, who has been murdered at Hilversum aged 54 [ ]. Although it is mentioned that he is murdered, it is not explained what exactly happed, apart from that is was a prominent political assassination. Who was murdered? Where did the murder take place? When was he murdered? How was Fortuyn murdered? Why was he murdered? Pim Fortuyn, mentioned in headline and in first sentence of the article. In the first paragraph it is explained who he was and his main ideas are explained. Later in the article some biographical facts such as his date of birth and career are given. In Hilversum, but it is not specified where in Hilversum it was. This is not mentioned in the article. The article says he was shot after leaving a radio interview. It was not explained why he was murdered although it was mentioned that it was a political murder. The article mentions negative aspects of Fortuyn, for example that he has pungent, intolerant views, that he had increasingly inflammatory claims or that he had uncompromising stance. In the article, these aspects are not said to correlate with the assassination. Table 5. Wh-questions The Guardian What happened? Pim Fortuyn has been assassinated. The headline starts with obituary and in the first sentence of the article it is said that the far right Dutch politician Pim Fortuyn has been assassinated. Who was murdered? Pim Fortuyn. In the first paragraph, some descriptive words about him are given and later in the article his ideas and career are further explained. 52 P age

59 2 C hapter Where did the murder take place? When was he murdered? How was Fortuyn murdered? Why was he murdered? Not mentioned. The last sentence of the article says that he died on May 6, Not mentioned. Not mentioned. Which aspects of the story are highlighted? To start with, De Telegraaf describes Fortuyn s fear that something will happen to him before the elections. This is to connect the article with the title Fortuyns grote angst werd waarheid; Dramatisch einde voor schrik van Binnenhof (free translation: Fortuyn s biggest fear became truth, dramatic end to the fear of Binnenhof ). Moreover, the article gives an outline of Fortuyn s career, this also includes his political career, his dismissal from the LN, and the start of his own party LPF. Furthermore, the article highlights two books written by Fortuyn. The first book, Tegen de islamitisering van onze cultuur (free translation: Against Islamicisation of our culture ), is said to be very pressing after the events of 9/11. The article says that Fortuyn feels strong and supreme. The second book is called De puinhopen van acht jaar Paars (free translation: The ruins of eight years Purple in which purple refers to the previous governments with coalitions between parties from different sides of the political spectrum together). The book is described by the author of this article as legendary. Additionally, the author describes his radical ideas about the health care system, immigration, and Islam. Finally, the author tips on Fortuyn s lonely private life, and claims that he did not make many friends, with politicians nor journalists. The Volkskrant starts with a situation sketch of a demonstrator throwing a pie in Fortuyn s face and continues with where and how he was assassinated. The article carries on with the idea that Fortuyn had that he would only die after accomplishing his goals in life. Furthermore, the enormous development of Fortuyn as politician is explained. Moreover, the author states that Fortuyn was threatened and that this limited him in his life. The author also gives a subjective description of his life. Throughout the article many provocative quotes of Fortuyn are given. Page 53

60 Chapter 2 The Daily Telegraph starts off with a description of who Fortuyn is, what his most important ideas are, and how well his party is doing in the polls. The article continues with some one-liners confirming the just outlined ideas. Furthermore, the author outlines Fortuyn s life and career. The article ends with when and how he was murdered. The Guardian begins with a small comparison between Fortuyn and Jean Marie Le Pen in the French presidential elections. Secondly, Fortuyn s main ideas are given and the possibility of Fortuyn winning the elections is described. Thirdly, the part of his career from the moment he started as leader of LN until his death is described. Fourthly, the importance of Fortuyn s gayness is explained. Finally, the author outlines Fortuyn s life from the moment he was born until his death. Which words are used? Tables 6, 7, 8, and 9 give an overview of the positive and negative words used in the articles. Unless otherwise mentioned, the words are used by the journalist. Some of the words in these tables are not positive or negative without their context, see appendices I-IV for the full articles to place the words back in their context. Table 6. Words used in De Telegraaf Positive words Free translation and explanation uiterst tevreden veel gevraagd als spreker op symposia mediageniek very satisfied This refers to founding of the public transportation card by Fortuyn often asked as speaker at symposia media-genic This is used to describe Fortuyn. Negative words want van de meeste was hij al lid geweest dat aanbod werd genegeerd dreigde Free translation and explanation from most parties he had already been a member Fortuyn has been a member of many different political parties. that offer was ignored This concerns Fortuyn s application to become CDA s party leader. threatened This refers to Fortuyn threatening to start his own party from the 54 P age

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62 Chapter 2 opinion of the author, and shows the light in which the article was written. In De Telegraaf, there are a number of words which portray Fortuyn positively. The author describes Fortuyn as unbeatable in debate, content-wise very strong and a dream-candidate. However, there are more occasions in the article that say something negative about Fortuyn. The author for example states that he has radical ideas, extreme proposals and that no one wanted to cooperate with him. Table 7. Words used in the Volkskrant Positive words Free translation and explanation briljante wijze waarop hij de media bespeelde Populairste politicus de bravoure van Fortuyn Describing Pim Fortuyn: actieve leerling Describing Pim Fortuyn: politiek geinteresseerd the brilliant way in which he influenced the media the most popular politician the bravura of Pim Fortuyn Describing Pim Fortuyn: active student Describing Pim Fortuyn: politically interested Negative words hoogmoedswaanzi n van een politieke clown ernstig rekening moest worden gehouden amper serieus genomen open zenuw had getroffen grootste weerzin Free translation and explanation pride of a political clown seriously taken into consideration People should seriously take into account there is a possibility that Pim Fortuyn can win the elections. barely seriously listened to touched a raw nerve biggest aversion Zijn ogen stralen alles uit wat hij in zich draagt: [ ] eruditie, intellect, His eyes emit everything that is him: erudition, intellect, love. diepste haat deepest hate 56 P age

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64 Chapter 2 nodig. Hij is diep vereenzaamd geraakt, zoekt liefde, erkenning, applaus, publiek, maar van de vele zielen in zijn borst verliest steeds de compromisgezinde, de harmonieuze. Pim Fortuyn: Ik wordt 87 jaar. Hij werd 54. sunglasses. He has become extremely lonely, is looking for love, approval, applaud, audience, but from all souls in his breast the compromising, harmonious one loses every time. Pim Fortuyn: I will be 87 years. He only reached the age of 54. The Volkskrant uses some positive phrases to describe Fortuyn, but significantly more negative ones. The negative words used are in general more negative than the words used in the other newspapers. An example is that Fortuyn was compared with De Winter and Berlusconi, caused deepest hate and biggest aversion, and was described as having the pride of a political clown. Table 8. Words used in The Daily Telegraph Positive words Negative words Describing Fortuyn: flamboyant pungent, intolerant views attracted considerable support in his home country Describing Fortuyn: gloried once voted the best-dressed man in Holland He was careful, too, to recruit members of ethnic minorities to his cause. nothing daunted This is used by the author to describe Fortuyn after being fired as party leader of LN. instantly overtook his old party in the polls he made increasingly inflammatory claims Fortuyn s uncompromising stance populist he had hardly taken the helm This is used by the author to describe the situation after being fired as party leader from LN. The Daily Telegraph is also ambiguous in its opinion on Fortuyn. Positive words as flamboyant are used and it is described how nothing daunted him after being fired as leader of the LN and how he instantly 58 P age

65 2 C hapter overtook his old party in the polls. On the other hand, it was said that he has pungent, intolerant views and made increasingly inflammatory claims. He is described as a populist with an uncompromising stance. Table 9. Words used in The Guardian Positive words Describing Fortuyn: outspoken Describing Fortuyn: flamboyant Describing Fortuyn: highly articulate take the Dutch politics by storm Negative words Describing Fortuyn: Confrontational Fortuyn was in a furious mood send shock waves After Fortuyn said close the borders, shock waves were sent through the country. fears that his party could edge the Liberals out of the second place kingmaker Used by the author to describe the possible role for Fortuyn in the next government. In The Guardian, not many outspoken negative words are used. The only explicitly negative statement used in this article is that after Fortuyn said he wanted to close the borders for immigrants, this caused shockwaves throughout the country. Multiple positive words as outspoken, flamboyant and highly articulate were used to describe him. Furthermore, it was mentioned that Fortuyn took the Dutch politics by storm and that he could be the kingmaker in the next Dutch government. Which opinions are quoted? Tables 10, 11, 12, and 13 give an overview of the positive and negative opinions quoted in the articles. Some are direct and some are indirect quotes. If it is not clear whether the quote is direct or indirect, or why an opinion is valued as either positive or negative, see appendices I-IV for the full articles to place the opinions in their context. Table 10. Opinions quoted in De Telegraaf Positive opinions Pim Fortuyn: Het is mijn grote angst dat er voor de verkiezingen Free translation and explanation Pim Fortuyn: It is my biggest fear that something will happen to me Negative opinions Campaign leader LN Van der Linde: Pim ging gewoon zijn Free translation and explanation Campaign leader LN Van der Linde: Pim followed his own Page 59

66 Chapter 2 mij wat overkomt. Maar ik zie dit als mijn opdracht. Dit moet ik doen. Ik wist niet dat ik zo sterk was om hier aan te beginnen. Maar ik laat mij niet klein krijgen. Pim Fortuyn: Let op, ik word de nieuwe premier van Nederland. Pim Fortuyn: A hell of a job, maar we gaan het doen. before the elections. But I see this as my duty. This is what I have to do. I did not know that I was so strong to start this. But I am not giving up. Pim Fortuyn: Mark my words, I will be the new prime minister of the Netherlands. This was after he heard he was fired as leader from LN. Pim Fortuyn: A hell of a job, but we are going to do it. eigen weg. Hij was de baas. Maar het ging allemaal te ver. Campaign leader LN Van der Linde: Wij kozen voor de inhoud. Dit kon niet meer. plan. He was the boss. But he just went too far. Campaign leader LN Van der Linde: We chose for the content. We had to stop this. This refers to the firing of Fortuyn after his interview about the antidiscrimination law. Pim Fortuyn: Het gaat tussen mij en Melkert. Pim Fortuyn: Zie je wel dat er met mij valt samen te werken. Pim Fortuyn: It will be between me and Melkert. This refers to who is going to win the national elections. Pim Fortuyn: You see, cooperation with me is possible after all. He said this after the coalition in Rotterdam was established. The only quotes in the article which say something positive about Fortuyn are quoted statements by Fortuyn himself. Two quotes of the campaign leader of the LN, Van der Linde, are given and they are both negative about Fortuyn and his role in the LN. 60 P age

67 2 C hapter Table 11. Opinions quoted in the Volkskrant Positive opinions Pim Fortuyn: Ik ben voorbestemd in een positie te komen waarin ik Nederland mag helpen moderniseren. Free translation and explanation Pim Fortuyn: I was born to be in the position to help the Netherlands to modernize. Negative opinions Pim Fortuyn: Die taart is niet zo erg. Maar als je die haat in de ogen van die mensen ziet. Dat is beangstigend. Free translation and explanation Pim Fortuyn: The pie is not that bad. But if you see the hate in the people s eyes. That is frightening. Pim Fortuyn: Vergis je niet, ik word ministerpresident. Pim Fortuyn: Don t be mistaken, I will be prime minister. Fortuyn s butler and driver Herman: Aanstaande zaterdag moeten we het huis uit van de politie. Linkse actievoerders komen hier dan alle ruiten ingooien. Pim Fortuyn: Er zijn no-go area s in Rotterdam. [ ] Daar trappen ze me zo in elkaar. Volkskrant 1997: Al sinds zijn geboorte heeft hij het gevoel niet welkom te zijn [ ] niet op de wereld. De wereld moet hem niet, weet geen raad met hem, maakt hem tot een zonderling. Fortuyn s butler and driver Herman: Coming Saturday, we have to leave the house by orders of the police. Left wing protestors will come to ruin the house. Pim Fortuyn: There are no-go area s in Rotterdam. They will beat me there easily. Volkskrant 1997: From the moment he was born he has had the feeling not to be welcome in the earth. The world doesn t want him, doesn t know what to do with him and makes him a singular. Page 61

68 Chapter 2 The Volkskrant even accomplishes in framing the quotes by Fortuyn in such a way that they seem negative as well. The Volkskrant also quotes from its own article from 1997 in which it states that Fortuyn had the feeling that he was not welcome in the world. In addition, Fortuyn s butler and driver is quoted as saying they had to leave the house because people were coming to vandalise the place. Table 12. Opinions quoted in The Daily Telegraph Positive opinions Negative opinions Pim Fortuyn: I will borrow that handbag from Margaret Thatcher, bang it on the table and say I want my money back. Only one quote, from Fortuyn himself, is given and shows that he wants to stand up for his country. In this quote he says he will act as Margaret Thatcher. The fact that the British include this in their article can have as goal to put Fortuyn in a positive light for Telegraph readers, but it can also be to bring the article closer to the British. Table 13. Opinions quoted in The Guardian Positive opinions Negative opinions Pim Fortuyn said he had not advocated sending immigrants home. He was a civilized man, he went on, and Holland was a civilized country, and everyone who was in the country could stay. Indeed, the Dutch had a duty to such people. Pim Fortuyn: Close the borders Pim Fortuyn: I won t accept a ministerial post, I want to be prime minister, nothing less. 62 P age

69 2 C hapter Pim Fortuyn: I have gay friends who have been beaten up by young Moroccans in Rotterdam. We need to integrate these people; they need to accept that, in Holland, gender equality and tolerance of different lifestyle is very, very important to us. Pim Fortuyn: There are always death threats against me, I asked the prime minister for protection, but he won t pay. If I die, it is on his head. As in the Daily Telegraph, the only opinions quoted were from Fortuyn himself, which put him in a positive light most of the time. Comparisons In this section, the answers to the wh-questions will first be compared as this will give a general overview of the differences in content of the articles. Then the other three aspects of the framework highlighted pieces of information, words used to describe Fortuyn, and opinions quoted will be contrasted. Within this second part, first the British and Dutch newspapers and secondly the left and right-wing newspapers will be compared. Wh-questions. Although it is not equally clear from each article, all articles describe what happened: Pim Fortuyn was killed. The Daily Telegraph and the Volksrant also mention where this happened, namely in Hilversum. Furthermore, The Guardian and the Volkskrant say that this happened Monday night May 6. Only The Daily Telegraph mentions Fortuyn was shot. Although all articles give negative aspects of Fortuyn, none of the articles goes into depth on the possible reasons of why he was killed. Framing. Britain and The Netherlands compared. De Telegraaf starts with a dramatic headline: Fortuyn s grootste angst werd waarheid: Dramatisch einde voor schrik van het Binnenhof (Free translation: Fortuyn s biggest fear became truth: Dramatic end to the fear of Binnenhof ). This biggest fear is explained in the first paragraph of the article. After this, Fortuyn s career is outlined. Two of his books are described in a positive way in the article, they Page 63

70 Chapter 2 are not mentioned in the article from The Daily Telegraph. De Telegraaf emphasizes the radical ideas of Fortuyn more than The Daily Telegraph does. The Daily Telegraph is much more descriptive than De Telegraaf. It outlines who Fortuyn is, what his ideas are, and his career. This includes how well his party is doing and that this is due to Fortuyn. Finally, De Telegraaf focuses in the end of the article on Fortuyn private life and that he did not make many friends, The Daily Telegraph does not write anything about this. De Telegraaf and The Daily Telegraph are both positive and negative in their portrayal of Fortuyn. De Telegraaf however, has more emphasis on the negative aspects. Next to quotes from Fortuyn himself, De Telegraaf also includes quotes from the campaign leader of the LN, Van der Linde, which makes the article more negative than the article in The Daily Telegraph. The Guardian concentrates more than the Volkskrant on making a link between the Dutch story on Fortuyn on the one hand, and Europe and Britain on the other. Both articles describe his main ideas and his life. This way, the articles are rather similar. Although the Volkskrant mentions that Fortuyn is gay, they do not explain why this is important as much as The Guardian does. Both articles mention the threats that Fortuyn receives. The Guardian is much more positive about Fortuyn than the Volkskrant. In the article from The Guardian, there is only one very negative frame, which is about Fortuyn wanting to close the borders and therefore causing shock waves through the country. The other three negative frames are not that explicitly negative. Additionally, the only opinions quoted in the article are from Fortuyn. Most of these quotes portray Fortuyn even more positively. In the Volkskrant, some positive descriptions are used, but the negative frames dominate throughout the article. The Volkskrant also uses quotes by Fortuyn, but in such a way that they are negative after all. Left and right wing newspapers compared. Both the Guardian and the Daily Telegraph describe who Pim Fortuyn is, his career, his ideas, and how well he is doing. There are not many differences between the two newspapers. The Guardian is somewhat more detailed with regard to Fortuyn s gayness and the comparison to Jean Marie Le Pen. Surprisingly, The Guardian is more supportive towards Fortuyn than The Daily Telegraph. In The Guardian, hardly any obviously negative frames are used whereas in The Daily Telegraph, both positive and negative words are used. Both newspapers only use quotes from Fortuyn, which both depict him in a positive way. 64 P age

71 2 C hapter Throughout the article, the Volkskrant highlights many more the negative aspects, such as pies thrown in Fortuyn s face and the threats he receives. De Telegraaf appears more objective because it shows both the positive and negative sides of Fortuyn. Additionally, De Telegraaf describes both Fortuyn s books in a complimentary way. The Volkskrant omits this. Compared to the Volkskrant, De Telegraaf uses many more favorable words to describe Fortuyn. With regard to opinions quoted, De Telegraaf uses both quotes from Fortuyn and from Van der Linde, which gives a combination of positive and negative opinions. The Volkskrant, on the contrary, only uses quotes from Fortuyn, but in such a way that they are negative after all. Conclusion and Discussion This study aimed to answer the research questions What are the differences in how the British and Dutch newspapers framed the assassination of Pim Fortuyn? and What are the differences in how left and right-wing newspapers framed the assassination of Pim Fortuyn? The proposed framework consisting of the answers to the whquestions, the highlighted aspects of a story, the words used, and the opinions quoted contributes to the field of Discourse Analysis in that it attempts to construct a framework to analyze the way a person is portrayed in the media. The so-called journalistic wh-questions (Harcup, 2009) have been used as a starting point in the analysis, to establish a basic idea of the article. The answers to the wh-questions did not lead to any significant differences between the newspapers. It can thus not be concluded whether this is in line with the conclusions on the framing of Fortuyn. For finding out how a person was portrayed in the article, the answers of the wh-questions proved to be not be of vital importance. It gave, however, a useful summary of the article. Entman (1993) proposed a definition of framing which was used for the part of the framework in which the different highlighted aspects of the story were analyzed. This important part of the framework showed which pieces of information had an increase in salience. Because Corbett and Connors (1999) said that the words used to describe a person are crucial in how audiences perceive him/her, this was used in the framework as well. This has proven to be useful as it gives an overview of how positive or negative the author is about the person, in this case Pim Fortuyn. Brokerhof (2011) also contributed to this framework, as she points out how important quoted opinions in an article are. By analyzing the different opinions quoted, it became clear whether different Page 65

72 Chapter 2 parties were represented in the article. These four elements together can give an overview of how a person was portrayed in the media. This is important as this shapes the public perception (Semetko and Valkenburg, 2000, p. 94). The first comparison was between the British and Dutch newspapers. Compared to the Daily Telegraph, De Telegraaf was slightly more negative in describing Fortuyn and the events around his assassination. In the comparison between The Guardian and the Volkskrant it turned out that The Guardian frames Fortuyn in a much more positive way than the Volkskrant does. This means that the answer to the first research question is that British newspapers framed the assassination of Pim Fortuyn in a more positive way than the Dutch newspapers. These findings are in accordance with the hypothesis Britain depicts Fortuyn in a more positive way than the Netherlands do. Whilst this could possibly be related to the shared views of Fortuyn and Britain on Euroscepticism, this cannot be stated conclusively because there might also be other factors which can influence the British opinion on Fortuyn. For example, the bigger distance between the British and Pim Fortuyn compared to the Dutch or that Pim Fortuyn had other ideas which the British can associate with, for example immigration or Islam. Secondly, the right and left-wing newspapers were compared. For the British newspapers, The Guardian, considered to be a left wing newspaper, is much more positive towards Fortuyn than The Daily Telegraph. This in not in line with the hypothesis Right wing newspapers depict Pim Fortuyn more positively than left wing newspapers do. For the Dutch newspapers, the findings are in accordance with the hypothesis. The Volkskrant is indeed much more negative in framing Fortuyn than De Telegraaf is. This means that the answer to the second research question is not as straightforward as the answer to the first one. In Britain, the left wing newspaper is more positive but in the Netherlands, the right wing newspaper is more positive towards Fortuyn. The limitations of this study have to be acknowledged. Firstly, only one article per newspaper was examined. This is not enough to generalize to all articles written in these newspapers. Moreover, only two newspapers per country are analyzed. Again on this count generalizing to all British and Dutch broadsheet newspapers is not possible. Secondly, all analysis is the result of subjective analysis by the author. The results might therefore differ when done by someone else. Thirdly, if the criteria for selecting the articles were different, this might change the results of this analysis. Therefore, further studies using a greater sample of articles would be welcome in order to generalize to the 66 P age

73 2 C hapter articles in a newspaper as a whole. Moreover, more newspapers will have to be analyzed to be able to generalize to all Dutch and British newspapers. Arguably, if the analysis were to be done by more people, the analysis and therefore results could become more objective. Moreover, further research needs to be carried out in order to conclude what factors contributed to the slightly more positive opinion of the British compared to the Dutch newspapers. Page 67

74 Chapter 2 References Bakker, P., & Scholten, O. (2009). Communicatiekaart van Nederland: Overzicht van media en communicatie (7th ed.). Amsterdam: Wolters Kluwer Business. Bosman, J., & d'haenens, L. (2008). News reporting on Pim Fortuyn: Framing in two Dutch newspapers. Media, Culture and Society, 30(5), Brokerhof, I. (2011). Rhetoric in Dutch newspaper articles: A case study on how De Telegraaf and NRC Handelsblad reported the Nyfer research results on the costs of Non-western immigration in the Netherlands. Unpublished manuscript. Cebuco: Het marketingplatform van NDP nieuwsmedia. (2012). Retrieved 23/11/ 2012, from Corbett, E. P. J., & Connors, R. J. (1999). Classical rhetoric for the modern student (4th ed.). Oxford: Oxford University Press. Du Pré, R., & Wagendorp, B. (07/05/2002). Net als Kennedy. Volkskrant Entman, R. (1993). Framing: Toward clarification of a fractured paradigm. Journal of Communication, 43(4), Fortuyn, P. (1997). Zielloos Europa: Tegen een Europa van technocraten, bureaucratie, subsidies en onvermijdelijke fraude (1st ed.). Utrecht: Bruna. George, S. (2007). Britain: Anatomy of a Eurosceptic state. Journal of European Integration, 22(1), doi: / Harcup, T. (2009). Journalism: Principles and practice (2nd ed.). London: Sage Publications. Harmsen, R., & Spiering, M. (2004). Introduction: Euroscepticism and the evolution of European political debate. In R. Harmsen, & M. Spiering (Eds.), Euroscepticism: Party politics, national identity and European integration. (1st ed., pp ). Amsterdam: Rodopi. 68 P age

75 2 C hapter Hartmann, P., Husband, C., & Clark, J. (1974). Race as news: A study in the handling of race in the British national press from Paris: UNESCO. Iyengar, S. (1987). Television news and citizens' explanations of national affairs. American Political Science Review, 81(3), Koopmans, R., & Muis, J. (2009). The rise of right-wing populist Pim Fortuyn in the Netherlands: A discursive opportunity approach. European Journal of Political Research, 48(5), Lang, K. (08/05/2002). Pim Fortuyn: Maverick Dutch rightwinger poised for success. The Guardian Media UK: British tv, radio, newspapers and magazines. (2012). Retrieved 23/11/ 2012, from O'Hara, S. (2012). Monsters, playboys, virgins and whores: Rape myths in the news media's coverage of sexual violence. Language and Literature, 21(247), doi: / Otjes, S. (2011). The Fortuyn effect revisited: How did the LPF affect the Dutch parliamentary party system? Acta Politica, 46(4), doi: /ap Oudenampsen, M. (2012). De roep van het volk: Populisme en de ruk naar rechts. In Blom, van Hoogenhuijze, Lukkezen, Oudenampsen, Petterson and Van der Steen (Ed.), Kritiek 2010: Jaarboek voor socialistische analyse en discussie (pp ). Amsterdam: Aksant. Paradijs, S. (2002, 07/05/2002). Pim Fortuyns grote angst werd waarheid. De Telegraaf. Persgroep Nederland. (2012). Retrieved 11/23, 2012, from Pim Fortuyn. (07/05/2002). The Daily Telegraph Page 69

76 Chapter 2 Richardson, J., E. (2007). Analysing newspapers: An approach from critical discourse analysis. New York: Palgrave MacMillan. Semetko, H., & Valkenburg, P. (2000). Framing European politics: A content analysis of press and television news. Journal of Communication, 50(2), doi: /j tb02843.x Telegraaf Media Group Nederland. (2012). Retrieved 11/23, 2012, from Van der Veer, P. (2006). Pim Fortuyn, Theo van Gogh, and the politics of tolerance in the Netherlands. Public Culture, 18(1), doi: / Van Holsteyn, J. J. M., & Irwin, G. A. (2003). Never a dull moment: Pim Fortuyn and the Dutch parliamentary election of West European Politics, 26(2), doi: / Vollaard, H. (2012). Accommodating Eurosceptic parties: The test case of the Netherlands. Exchanging Ideas on Europe, Volkskrant. (2012). Retrieved 23/11/ 2012, from Williams Camus, J. T. (2009). Metaphors of cancer in scientific popularization articles in the British press. Discourse Studies, 11(4), doi: / P age

77 2 C hapter Article De Telegraaf Appendix I Fortuyn s grootste angst werd waarheid; Dramatisch einde voor schrik van het Binnenhof "Het is mijn grote angst dat er voor de verkiezingen mij wat overkomt. Maar ik zie dit als mijn opdracht. Dit moet ik doen. Ik wist zelf niet dat ik zo sterk was om hier aan te beginnen. Maar ik laat mij niet klein krijgen", vertelde hij twee maanden geleden op het strand in Noordwijk, terwijl we een wandelingetje maakten met zijn twee hondjes. Pim Fortuyn maakte op 21 augustus 2001 bekend dat hij de politiek in wilde. Jarenlang schreef hij zijn politieke columns voor Elsevier en daarvoor was iedereen uiterst tevreden over zijn belangrijkste klus in het bedrijfsleven, de oprichting van de OV-studentenkaart. Fortuyn, veel gevraagd als spreker op symposia, vond dat het tijd was dat de handen uit de mouwen gingen. Niet bij een bestaande partij, zoals de PvdA, want van de meeste was hij al lid geweest. Zo heeft hij een paar jaar geleden zich nog gemeld als kandidaat-voorzitter van het CDA, maar dat aanbod werd genegeerd. Maar nu was het menens: Fortuyn wilde de gevestigde orde op het Binnenhof een lesje leren. Zijn eerste voorkeur ging uit naar een eerste plaats bij Leefbaar Nederland, maar Fortuyn dreigde al meteen met de oprichting van een eigen partij. Jan Nagel, voorzitter van Leefbaar Nederland, zat aanvankelijk in zijn maag met het spontane aanbod van Pim. Maar het succes lonkte. Fortuyn, mediageniek, onverslaanbaar in het debat en inhoudelijk ijzersterk was een droomkandidaat. Probleem was alleen het verkiezingsprogramma. Fortuyn wilde een grens aan het aantal asielzoekers: zou het maximum aantal vluchtelingen moeten zijn. De top van Leefbaar Nederland, voor een groot deel afkomstig uit PvdAkringen, moest slikken maar Fortuyn werd op zondag 1 oktober 2001 toch officieel gekroond tot lijsttrekker. Fortuyn voelde zich sterk, oppermachtig zelfs. Zijn boek uit 1997 'Tegen de islamitisering van onze cultuur' was actueler dan ooit na de aanslag in New York op 11 september. Ook in andere boeken trok hij ten strijde tegen 'Ons Soort Mensen', de politieke elite van Nederland. De samenwerking met Leefbaar Nederland werd gaandeweg steeds moeizamer. Er kwamen onderlinge irritaties tussen Fortuyn, campagneleider Kay van der Linde en het bestuur. De eerste campagnebijeenkomsten in onder meer Bergen en Leiden werden desondanks een groot succes. "Pim ging gewoon zijn eigen weg. Hij was de baas. Maar het ging allemaal te ver", aldus Van der Linde gistermiddag enkele uren voor de dood van Fortuyn. Klap op de vuurpijl was een interview in De Volkskrant, waarin hij artikel 1 van de Grondwet ter discussie stelde. "Wij kozen voor de inhoud. Dit kon niet meer", zegt Van der Linde. De top van Leefbaar Nederland kwam bijeen aan de Hilversumse Neuweg in de woning van Van der Linde. Het zou de Nacht van Fortuyn worden. Fortuyn werd letterlijk en figuurlijk op straat gezet. Vanuit zijn Jaguar riep Fortuyn: "Let op, ik word de nieuwe premier van Nederland." A hell of a job Fortuyn verzamelde alle moed en werd door vrienden overgehaald om zijn eigen lijst op te zetten. "A hell of a job, maar we gaan het doen." Maar die weken ging het ronduit slecht met Fortuyn. Hij viel kilo's af, sliep slecht en had behoefte om naar zijn huis in Noord-Italie te vertrekken. Fortuyn verzamelde al zijn krachten en ging aan de slag. Relaties uit het vastgoed regelden kantoorruimte en de organisatie werd opgetuigd. Page 71

78 Chapter 2 Fortuyn was niet meer van de televisie te slaan. Hoogtepunt was het lijsttrekkersdebat in de nacht van 6 maart na zijn 'verovering' van Rotterdam, waarin PvdA'er Melkert gruwelde van 'professor Pim'. Melkert zou later toegeven dat hij zich van zijn slechtste kant had laten zien. Op 13 maart 2002 kwam zijn legendarische boek 'De puinhopen van acht jaar Paars' dat met veel bombarie in het perscentrum Nieuwspoort gepresenteerd. Fortuyn kreeg taarten, gevuld met kots en stront, naar zijn hoofd gegooid. "Ik houd minister-president Kok verantwoordelijk voor de campagne tegen mij. U bent ook mijn minister-president", riep Fortuyn toen, die erover klaagde dat hij door zijn tegenstanders werd gedemoniseerd. In de opiniepeilingen ging het inmiddels bergopwaarts voor de Lijst Pim Fortuyn, die inmiddels was opgericht. Van 17 zetels naar 25, 26 zetels en in campagneteams van de grote partijen werd er de afgelopen weken serieus rekening gehouden met dat Fortuyn wel eens de grootste zou kunnen worden. "Het gaat tussen mij en Melkert," beloofde Fortuyn vorige week. Fortuyn, die van meet af aan een kruistocht voerde tegen de media, had een aantal radicale ideeen. De gezondheidszorg, het onderwijs en justitie moesten op de schop. Extra uitgaven waren de eerste twee jaar taboe want "dat geld dat is er na 15 mei niet meer, meneer" en vooral de inflatie zag hij als grote vijand voor de Nederlandse economie. Maar de extreme voorstellen werden door Fortuyn ook nog wel eens ingeslikt of verzacht. Zo wilde hij de wao aanpakken, waardoor werknemers alleen verzekerd zouden zijn tegen beroepsziekten. Kankerpatienten zouden dan buiten de boot vallen. Maar later koos hij toch weer voor het voorstel van de sociale partners. Aanvankelijk wilde Fortuyn een stringent beleid tegen buitenlanders, maar vorige week verraste hij vriend en vijand door te stellen dat een generaal pardon zou moeten komen voor de naar schatting 5000 illegalen die al vijf jaar of langer verblijven in ons land. De enorme overwinning op woensdag 6 maart in Rotterdam sterkte Fortuyns zelfvertrouwen. Een VVD-CDA-Leefbaar Rotterdam coalitie kwam vlotjes tot stand. "Zie je wel dat er met mij valt samen te werken", zei hij apetrots. Fortuyn leidde na een verbroken relatie prive een eenzaam bestaan. Hij zei afgelopen weekeinde in het programma De Waarheid van zanger Gerard Joling dat hij nog steeds verliefd was op een jongere man, maar dat die liefde niet meer werd beantwoord. "Maar ik ben een gelukkig man", aldus de nieuwkomer in de politiek. Vrienden Veel vrienden heeft Pim Fortuyn niet gemaakt aan het Binnenhof. Niemand zag iets in samenwerking met Fortuyn. Na het laatste debat afgelopen zondag voor Radio 1 aten de lijsttrekkers samen een broodje; Fortuyn ontbrak vanwege een andere afspraak met een Duitse verslaggever. Zijn relatie met verslaggevers die hij niet kende, was beneden peil. Vorige week gooide hij nog tv-ploegen uit zijn tuin en brak hij een interview met een sterverslaggever van de BBC abrupt af. Elke aanval nam hij persoonlijk op. Ook wilde hij niet in de hoek van extreemrechts worden gedrukt. "Ik heb niets met Haider en Le Pen. Ik ben een democraat, geen racist", aldus Fortuyn, die altijd woedend werd als hij hiermee werd geconfronteerd. In juli vorig jaar was Fortuyn in restaurant De Beukenhof in Oegstgeest gedecideerd over zijn toekomst. We spraken bijna vier uur met elkaar. Ik ontraadde hem zijn overstap naar het Binnenhof. "Mijn besluit staat vast. Ik heb de oplossingen voor Nederland", zei Fortuyn, die zich al 'bewoner' waande van het Catshuis. "Ik ga de politiek in. Omdat ik niet anders kan..." 72 P age

79 2 C hapter Appendix II Article the Volkskrant Net als Kennedy Toen een demonstrant begin dit jaar een taart in zijn gezicht gooide, zei Pim Fortuyn: 'Die taart is niet zo erg. Maar als je de haat in de ogen van die mensen ziet...' Maandagavond werd hij in Hilversum vermoord. 'Ik word oud', zei hij kort daarvoor op Radio 3. 'Ik word 87 jaar.' De diepe overtuiging te zijn voorbestemd voor grootse daden, de opvatting in de wereld te zijn gezet om een beslissende draai aan de geschiedenis te geven: een mens kan bedrogen worden door zichzelf, zijn ideeen en vooral door de weerbarstigheid van het leven en de dood. Pim Fortuyn stierf maandagavond op een parkeerterrein op het Mediapark in Hilversum - gruwelijker symboliek was niet denkbaar in de dood van de man die de afgelopen maanden groter werd dan wie ook had kunnen denken, vooral door de briljante wijze waarop hij de media bespeelde. Een paar minuten eerder had hij op de radio zijn laatste interview gegeven, waarna hij naar zijn Jaguar liep, op weg naar een verkiezingsbijeenkomst in Leeuwarden. Hij had, zei hij in 1993 in Hervormd Nederland, het idee pas te zullen sterven 'als ik mijn doel heb bereikt'. Zijn doel, hij sprak liever van 'een opdracht', was 'Nederland te hervormen'. 'Ik ben voorbestemd in een positie te komen waarin ik Nederland mag helpen moderniseren.' Pim Fortuyn was 45 toen hij zijn missie formuleerde, en op dat moment een van de weinige Nederlanders die ook daadwerkelijk geloofde ooit tot uitvoering ervan te kunnen overgaan. Zelfs toen hij in februari aan de kant werd geschoven bij Leefbaar Nederland, herhaalde hij het nog maar eens: 'Vergis je niet, ik word minister-president.' Ook toen zagen de meeste Nederlanders dat nog als de hoogmoedswaanzin van een politieke clown. Maar op de dag waarop hij werd vermoord, nog geen drie maanden later, maakte het onderzoeksbureau Intomart bekend dat ernstig rekening moest worden gehouden met de mogelijkheid dat de Lijst Pim Fortuyn bij de verkiezingen van 15 mei als grootste uit de bus zou komen en dat Pim Fortuyn de volgende premier van Nederland zou worden. In die ongelooflijke ontwikkeling, van amper serieus genomen eenzaat tot populairste politicus van het land, maakte Fortuyn krachten en emoties los die in de Nederlandse politiek nooit eerder te zien waren geweest. In een land waar de politiek toch vooral een sudder-activiteit was, sloeg door Fortuyn plotseling de vlam in de pan. Het leek alsof hij in de Nederlandse samenleving een open zenuw had getroffen, waarvan tot zijn komst niemand zich had gerealiseerd dat hij bestond. Hij verzette zich in zijn politieke opvattingen tegen de heersende bestuurscultuur, maar dat was het niet waarmee hij de grootste weerzin en de diepste haat opriep. Zijn oproep dat Nederland eerst de integratie van alle nieuwkomers maar eens degelijk ter hand moest nemen, en tot die tijd de grenzen moest sluiten, plus zijn omschrijving van de islam als 'een achterlijke cultuur', brachten hem voor menigeen in het kamp van verdachte politici als De Winter en Berlusconi. Page 73

80 Chapter 2 Fortuyn kon hoog of laag springen; hij kon er one-liners op loslaten ('Gesproken met moslims? Ik ga zelfs met ze naar bed!'); hij kon vorige week zelfs met het voorstel komen voor een generaal pardon voor illegalen: van het stempel van een rechtse volksmenner wist hij zichzelf niet meer te bevrijden. Hij noemde het de demonisering door 'extreem-links' en waarschuwde er meermalen voor dat die voor hem persoonlijk zware consequenties kon hebben. Hij wist dat hij met vuur speelde, hij wist dat tegenover zijn explosief gegroeide populariteit ook een navenant in kracht toegenomen haat stond en dat hij die nooit helemaal zou kunnen controleren. Hij wist dat hij wind zaaide. Toen hij in maart zijn boek De puinhopen van acht jaar Paars presenteerde in Nieuwspoort in Den Haag, kreeg hij een paar taarten in zijn gezicht. 'Die taart is niet zo erg', zei hij, 'maar als je de haat in de ogen van die mensen ziet. Dat is beangstigend'. Eind februari had hij al besloten te stoppen met de straatcampagne van Leefbaar Rotterdam, vanwege de bedreigingen die hem ten deel vielen. Ook ontving hij veel haatmail en dreigtelefoontjes. Hij was bang de laatste tijd, doodsbang bij tijd en wijle. Hij hield zich vast aan de overtuiging dat geen mens gaat voor het zijn tijd is, zei hij vorige week in het tv-programma van Ivo Niehe in Rocca Jacoba, zijn naar zijn moeder vernoemde tweede huis in Italie. Het werd er de laatste weken niet beter op. 'We worden aan alle kanten bedreigd hier', zei zijn butler/chauffeur Herman vorige week nog in Fortuyns huis in Rotterdam, het Palazzo di Pietro. 'Aanstaande zaterdag moeten we het huis uit van de politie. Linkse actievoerders komen hier dan alle ruiten ingooien.' De politie zei van niets te weten. Zondag deed hij er in het lijsttrekkersdebat op Radio 1 nog een schepje bovenop. 'Er zijn no-go-area's in Rotterdam.' In elk geval voor hem, wist hij. En daarom wilde hij niet met Paul Rosenmoller die wijken in. 'Dan trappen ze me zo in mekaar.' Maar de angst weerhield hem er niet van de jolige branieschopper te blijven uithangen, letterlijk tot het laatst. 'Zal ik je je studio uitschoppen? Dat is pas mooie radio', zei hij maandagmiddag tegen Ruud de Wild van 3FM. Fortuyn zoals Nederland hem het afgelopen halfjaar leerde kennen: provocerend, hondsbrutaal en vaak met een ondertoon van ironie in zijn stem. 'Wat is dit een slecht programma zeg', was zijn laatste boodschap aan De Wild. De bravoure van Fortuyn was on-nederlands, zeker voor een Nederlandse politicus. Het was zijn handelsmerk. Vanaf de middelbare school al, schreef hij in zijn verkapte autobiografie Babyboomers, was hij een actieve leerling, politiek geinteresseerd en al op 16-jarige leeftijd in driedelig pak. En toen al eenzaam. Klasgenoten herinnerden zich hem nauwelijks, bleek uit de zoektochten naar 'de vroege Pim Fortuyn'. Hetzelfde geldt voor zijn studententijd in Amsterdam, die volgens hemzelf 'kort maar krachtig' was en waarin hij zijn homoseksualiteit ontdekte. Zijn periode als universitair hoofddocent in Groningen, later die van directeur van de OVstudentenkaart en die van bijzonder hoogleraar aan de Erasmus Universiteit in Rotterdam: het leken allemaal fasen in de speurtocht naar de ware Pim Fortuyn. 'Ik moet gewoon Pim Fortuyn worden, en dat is niet eenvoudig', zei hij in 1995 tegen de Volkskrant. In Babyboomers nam hij een portret op dat in 1997 van hem verscheen in de Volkskrant: hij herkende zichzelf. Ook in woorden als de volgende: 'Zijn ogen 74 P age

81 2 C hapter stralen alles uit wat hij in zich draagt: spotzucht, ironie, zelfvoldaanheid, eruditie, intellect, liefde en achterdocht, arrogantie. Die ogen zijn onontkoombaar en desnoods dodelijk. Wie met hem in debat gaat, heeft een zonnebril nodig. Hij is diep vereenzaamd geraakt, zoekt liefde, erkenning, applaus, publiek, maar van de vele zielen in zijn borst verliest steeds de compromisgezinde, de harmonieuze.' Maar toen hij in de herfst van 2001 door Leefbaar Nederland werd gevraagd om lijsttrekker te worden, leek het erop dat Pim Fortuyn Pim Fortuyn eindelijk had gevonden en dat hij de zielen in zijn borst eindelijk eenstemmig kon laten zingen: de zoeker keek in de spiegel en zag een premier. Hij zag hem steeds duidelijker en langzaam maar zeker begonnen anderen het beeld te herkennen. Met een bijna onvoorstelbare energie, soms vier televisie-optredens op een avond, stortte hij zich in de verwezenlijking van een droom die lange tijd absurd leek. Hoewel hij verklaarde journalisten te verachten, leek het erop dat hij nog uitsluitend sprak in interview-vorm: zijn hele optreden had een dramatisch hoog nu-of-nooit gehalte: Fortuyn zag dat hij de wereld versteld kon doen staan, dat steeds meer seinen op groen sprongen en dat een verbijsterend verkiezingsresultaat steeds waarschijnlijker werd. Zijn huis in Italie had hij gerestaureerd in de geest van zijn overleden moeder, zei hij in september vorig jaar tegen Hugo Camps van Elsevier, het blad waarvoor hij jarenlang actief was als columnist. 'Mijn moeder', zei Fortuyn, 'heeft altijd een soort Kennedy-achtig idee van mij gehad. Ze was bang dat ik overhoop zou worden geschoten. Nu ik in de politiek ga, ben ik blij dat ze er niet meer is. Ze zou het daar moeilijk mee hebben gehad.' In zijn Rotterdamse werkkamer hing, naast Joop den Uyl, een foto van John F. Kennedy. 'Al sinds zijn geboorte heeft hij het gevoel niet welkom te zijn', las hij in 1997 in de Volkskrant - kennelijk met instemming. 'Niet op de wereld. De wereld moet hem niet, weet geen raad met hem, maakt hem tot een zonderling.' Misschien waren het ook zijn laatste gedachten. 'Ik word oud', zei hij maandag in het radio-interview op 3FM. 'Ik word 87 jaar.' Hij werd 54. De spiegel waarin hij zichzelf en zijn grote ambitie steeds duidelijker weerspiegeld zag, werd maandagavond in Hilversum aan gruzelementen geschoten. Pim Fortuyn heeft in zijn leven Nederland niet hervormd. Maar met zijn gewelddadige dood maakte hij Nederland definitief tot een ander land. Pim Fortuyn: 'Mijn moeder was bang dat ik overhoop zou worden geschoten.' Page 75

82 Chapter 2 Appendix III Article The Daily Telegraph Obituary of Pim Fortuyn Flamboyant Right-wing politician who opposed immigration but defended permissiveness in the Netherlands PIM FORTUYN, who has been murdered at Hilversum aged 54, was a flamboyant, shaven-headed, homosexual, former Marxist professor of sociology who attracted considerable support in his home country for a political programme which rejected multi-culturalism, socialism, and Muslim immigration. Recent polls suggested that his Leefbaar ("Liveable") Rotterdam movement, which took 17 of 45 seats in the city's elections in March, might gain around 20 per cent of the vote in national elections on May 15. Fortuyn gloried in his dandyish, gadfly approach. In a nation where debate is generally conducted by consensus among bland Centre-Left liberals, Fortuyn - once voted the best-dressed man in Holland by Esquire magazine - adopted a deliberately controversial, mincing stance. Usually wearing a pin-stripe suit, and accompanied by his two spaniels (Kenneth and Carla) and a butler, Fortuyntravelled around the country in a chauffeur-driven Daimler, smoking Cuban cigars. His time as a newspaper columnist and television commentator made him wellknown for his pungent, intolerant views; but his publications indicated that he was not content simply to be a controversialist - the Netherlands' answer to Professor David Starkey, perhaps. Instead, he made increasingly inflammatory claims - that Islam is a "backward culture"; that "16 million Dutchmen are about enough - this is a full country" or declaring: "Moroccan boys never steal from Moroccans. Have you noticed that?" Last week, he told The Daily Telegraph that Tony Blair's moralistic foreign policy was "a danger to world peace". Titles such as Soulless Europe; Suffocating Netherlands; The '60s: Wunderkind or Total Loss? and Against the Islamicisation of our Culture did not disguise Fortuyn's uncompromising stance. But while he argued for an end to immigration, he did so from a peculiarly Dutch perspective. Fortuyn singled out fundamentalist Islam as a threat to homosexuals, sexual permissiveness, women's rights and casual drug use - all of which he was happy to defend. Like Jean-Marie Le Pen, whose success in reaching the final round of the French presidential elections boosted Fortuyn's own standing in the polls, he took a dim view of the EU, although in high-camp rather than nationalistic language. "I will borrow that handbag from Margaret Thatcher, bang it on the table and say I want my money back," he announced, referring to the Dutch contribution to the EU budget, proportionately the largest of any member state. He was careful, too, to recruit members of ethnic minorities to his cause. A coloured businessman from the Cap Verde islands was number two on the Fortuyn list. Fortuyn vehemently rejected suggestions that he had anything in common with Austria's Jorg Haider or Le Pen as "intolerable", but he shared much of their 76 P age

83 2 C hapter rhetoric, railing against rising crime, deteriorating public services, immigration and asylum seekers - and, above all, the established political class. Pim Fortuyn was born on February at Velsen, a conservative, Catholic area on the Noordzeekanaal in the north-west of the Netherlands. After leaving school, he went to the Universiteit Nyenrode (The Netherlands Business School) in Breukelen, where he studied History, Sociology, Law and Economics, graduating in Fortuyn went on to study at the University of Amsterdam, where he became involved in the student movement; in 1971 he received a doctorate in Sociology. He then went to study at the faculty of Sociology at the Rilksuniversiteit Groningen, receiving a further degree in 1972, and in 1980 received his doctorate in Social Sciences. In 1986 he took a part-time job at the Social and Economic Council (SER), the main advisory board of the Dutch government on national and international social and economic policy. In 1989 he took a post at the OV Studentenkaart BV company, before being appointed professor at Erasmus University in Rotterdam the following year. Around this time, he began to appear regularly in print and other media and shed his undergraduate Marxism in favour of a populist controversialism - saying, his supporters claimed, what many people in the Netherlands thought but dared not express. In 1992, he set up Fortuyn BV, an "advice bureau", and began to publish more. Against the Islamicisation of our Culture appeared in 1997, and in 2001 Fortuyn announced his intention of reshaping the politics of his home country. The Leefbaar Nederland movement, which had begun in the late 1990s, elected him their leader in August last year; he had hardly taken the helm, though, before the party was compelled to disown him in February of this year, after he had called for an end to Islamic immigration and the repeal of the first section of the Dutch constitution, which outlaws discrimination. Nothing daunted, the politician simply set up his own Lijst Fortuyn, which under the Leefbaar Rotterdam banner, instantly overtook his old party in the polls. Fortuyn was the only Dutch politician besides the prime minister to have employed bodyguards. He had to be escorted to the polls in Rotterdam, and several weeks ago was attacked with custard pies laced with urine. He was shot leaving a radio interview; his murder was the most prominent political assassination in the Netherlands since that of William the Silent in Page 77

84 Chapter 2 Appendix IV Article The Guardian Obituary: Pim Fortuyn: Maverick Dutch rightwinger poised for electoral success I met the far right Dutch politician Pim Fortuyn, who has been assassinated at the age of 54, just after Jean Marie Le Pen's stunning success in the first round of the French presidential elections. Outspoken, flamboyant, confrontational and highly articulate, Fortuyn was in a furious mood. Journalists, he said, kept ringing him up asking him if he was happy. There was nothing the effete, former sociology professor hated more than being cast in the same mould as the burly, former French paratrooper. He jabbed his finger at me, and said he had not advocated sending immigrants home. He was a civilised man, he went on, and Holland was a civilised country, and everyone who was in the country could stay. Indeed, the Dutch had a duty to such people. But what Fortuyn did say was "Close the borders", and those words have been enough to send shock waves through a country that has prided itself on the stability of its political system. There was the Labour party, the Liberal party, between them the Christian Democrats, and, further on the left, the D66 party, with, around them, a cluster of smaller parties. Since 1994, a "purple" coalition of leftist Labour and the rightwing Liberals, under Wim Kok's leadership, had ruled Holland - until its resignation last month, in the wake of the report into Dutch culpability for the Srebrenica massacre. Until recently, the assumption was that, when Kok went, either a Labour or Liberal leader would head a new coalition. But in the country's local elections, Fortuyn, openly gay and proud of it, then proceeded to take Dutch politics by storm. With the general election next week, on May 15, there were fears that his party could edge the Liberals out of second place. Had he lived, it is quite possible that Fortuyn could have ended up either as the leader of the opposition, or kingmaker in a new centre-right government. "I won't accept a ministerial post," he told me. "I want to be prime minister, nothing less". It was only last November that Fortuyn became leader of the small, supposedly radical Leefbaar (liveable) Nederland party. He guided the party towards the right, slamming bureaucracy in public services, challenging long-established Dutch political norms. But his relationship with Leefbaar Nederland was to be a shortlived; in February, he was ejected for suggesting that the Dutch constitution's article one, banning discrimination, should be changed. Two days later, he set up his own party, List Fortuyn, which contested the March local elections, capturing 17 of Rotterdam city council's 45 seats. He got 35% of the vote in a city that Labour had ruled for more than 50 years. Fortuyn's open gayness was fundamental to understanding his politics. His belief was that Muslim immigration undermined the society he cherished. For him, Muslims were people who hated gays, and thought women were second- 78 P age

85 2 C hapter class citizens. He told me: "I have gay friends who have been beaten up by young Moroccans in Rotterdam. We need to integrate these people; they need to accept that, in Holland, gender equality and tolerance of different lifestyle is very, very important to us." Fortuyn was born in Velsen, a town in north Holland, one of many children of a conservative, middle-class, Roman Catholic family. Even as a small boy, he voiced that ambition to become prime minister. After secondary school, in 1967 he went to the Free University in Amsterdam to study sociology. There he was active in leftwing politics. He continued his studies with postgraduate work at Groningen University, where his PhD was in social and economic development in the Netherlands from 1945 to 1949, and where he lectured in Marxist sociology. He also joined the Dutch Labour party - and developed a taste for chauffeur-driven cars, and portraits and busts of himself. Research jobs with the government followed, in the education ministry and on the Dutch railways. In 1990, Fortuyn had a one-day-a-week professorial post teaching social sciences at Erasmus University, Rotterdam. There, it was said, he lived up to what had become known locally as "Fortuyn's Law"; wherever he worked, he left in controversy and acrimony - on this occasion, in By then, he was writing a weekly, socio-economic column for the newspaper, Elsevier. His politics had moved to the right, and his social network was beginning to take in the business community. In 1997, he published his first major book, Against The Islamicisation Of Our Culture. But he still kept portraits of Marx and Lenin hanging in his basement kitchen. Increasingly, Fortuyn went everywhere in a chauffeur-driven Daimler with his two beloved King Charles spaniels, Kenneth and Carla, sitting on the front seat. He had a butler called Herman, who was always fussing over him. The day I visited, Herman came rushing into the garden to tell him that the police were on the phone. "They say there has been a death threat against you". Fortuyn waved him away. "There are always death threats against me," he said. "I asked the prime minister for protection, but he won't pay. If I die, it is on his head," and then he tossed his head back and laughed. Wilhelmus Simon Petrus 'Pim' Fortuyn, politician, born February ; died May 6, Page 79

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87 3 The Invisible Other - The Underrepresentation of Women on Front Pages of Newspapers: A Comparative Analysis by Monique Kil Introduction & Literature Review According to Johnson (2007) the Western world is a patriarchal society. He defines it as a society in which both men and women participate, but in which male privilege is promoted by being male dominated, male identified, and male centered. The oppression of women is one of its key aspects. This leads to symbolic annihilation a term coined by Gerbner (1972) and expanded on by Tuchman (1978), who describes it as either condemnation, trivialization or absence of some group of people in the media. Tuchman wrote specifically on the symbolic annihilation of women by the mass media, something which, 40 years later, is still prevalent in the Western world. A study conducted by Women in Journalism (WiJ, 2012) examined the contemporary underrepresentation of women in one particular medium: newspapers in the United Kingdom and specifically the front pages of these newspapers. The findings demonstrate that women are still subject to symbolic annihilation. This is problematic, as this constant distortion tempts us to believe that there really are more men than women and, further, that men are the cultural standard (Wood, 2012: 231). This research paper uses the WiJ study as a starting point to determine whether women are likewise underrepresented on front pages in the United States and the Netherlands. In general, the framework of the WiJ study is adhered to, although it deviates at some points from its methodology in striving to create a more in-depth study. The research done by WiJ was published in October For a randomly chosen period of four weeks (Monday 16 April to Sunday 13 May, inclusive), the front pages of the major national dailies and Sunday newspapers in the United Kingdom were examined. The analysis of the Sunday newspapers was excluded from the results, as WiJ judged that just four editions of each Sunday paper (because the research was restricted to a fourweek period) was not a big enough sample to draw meaningful conclusions about them as a separate category (WiJ, 2012: 4). The mode of analysis was Page 81

88 Chapter 3 divided into three categories: byline count, content analysis of lead story, and analysis of photographs. The WiJ methodology is critically looked at and discussed in the next section. One of the findings of the WiJ research is that, taking all newspapers from the sample into account, on average 78% of bylines is male, as compared to 22% of bylines that is female. Similar, yet slightly more positive results are found in the 2010 report of the Global Media Monitoring Project (GMMP), a group that has been documenting the denial of women s voices in the world s news media since 1995 (Who Makes the News?, 2010). On one chosen date, assigned media monitors over the world filled out specially developed coding sheets to collect quantitative and qualitative data. The United Kingdom is recorded as having 68% male bylines and 32% female bylines (N=348). Different from the WiJ study and this research, the analysis was not restricted to the front pages. The reliability of the report might be questioned as the period of analysis was one day only and, despite the coding sheet, the media monitors from around the world could have had different interpretations on how to code collected data. Still, a general trend appears persistent: male reporters outnumber female reporters. It thus seems reasonable to use this data in defense of the underrepresentation of women in newspapers in the Western world. 1 In the GMMP report, the examined newspapers of the United States contain 69% male bylines and 31% female bylines (N=86), whereas the Netherlands was reported to have 84% male bylines and 16% female bylines (N=80). In light of the number of male and female journalists in the United States and the Netherlands these results seem plausible. The American Society of News Editors (ASNE) newsroom census of 2012 claims a 62% and 38% division between respectively male and female journalists. In the Netherlands, seemingly 64.3% of journalists is male and 35.5% is female (Hermans, Vergeer & Pleijter, 2011). 2 The results lead to the formulation of the first hypothesis for 1 Neither the WiJ study nor the GMMP report refer to the actual sex division of journalists in the United Kingdom. Their findings in the byline analysis might be a reflection of reality, i.e. that there are more male than female journalists. This would mean that women are not so much underrepresented in newspapers as in the world of journalism 2 Regardless of the discrepancy between the GMMP percentages and the actual percentages of male and female journalists in the Netherlands, GMMP results are 82 P age

89 3 C hapter this particular research project into newspapers from the United States and the Netherlands: Hypothesis 1: There are significantly fewer female than male bylines on the front pages of newspapers in both the United States and the Netherlands The second category of the WiJ study examines the content of the lead story. The first person mentioned or quoted in the lead story was counted. The results show that 84% of the people mentioned/quoted are male, in comparison to 16% female (N=668). A study conducted by the Pew Research Center selected four newspapers from the United States. Its findings include that print stories tend to use at least one or more male source 88% of the time, whereas the use of at least one or more female source was restricted to 19% (Pew Research Center, 2005). The aforementioned GMMP report documents that there were 77% male subjects (persons mentioned/quoted in articles) and 23% female subjects in the newspapers from the United States on the day of their analysis (N=146). In much the same fashion, 73% male subjects and 27% female subjects are recorded in Dutch newspapers (N=89) (2010). The mere existence of an online community to find female experts to be mentioned/quoted by journalists further attests to the overwhelming discrepancy between the use of male and female sources in newspapers ( 3 The following hypothesis for this research paper is inferred from the available evidence: Hypothesis 2: Women are quoted or mentioned significantly less often than men on the front pages of newspapers in both the United States and the Netherlands The third part of the WiJ study announces the percentages of photographs featuring men and women. It was concluded that out of a total of 808 photographs featuring people, men account for 50%, and women for 36%, whereas the remaining 14% feature either mixed groups or people of whom the sex is unclear. A study by Matud et al. (2011) on randomly selected Spanish denoted plausible as they show a general tendency for women s bylines to appear less often than men s 3 The website is an initiative of the Women s Media Center. It was founded in Its main aim it to increase the visibility of women in the media Page 83

90 Chapter 3 newspapers verifies that in Spain women are also significantly less featured than men when it comes to photographs. Four hypotheses were proposed and tested with a coding protocol and additional chi-square and ANOVA tests. A total of 3206 articles and 854 advertisements were analyzed. Of the 1203 photographs coded, 62.3% feature men only, as opposed to 14,5% that solely feature women. The remaining percentages feature either both men and women or no people. Even though the study included advertisements in its analysis and did not exclusively focus on the front page of the Spanish newspapers, the results do, once again, suggest that women are represented less than men in Western print media. A similar analysis of photographs on the front pages and on the sports section of three Californian newspapers determines that women and minorities are disproportionately represented relative to Californian population and gender ratios: of the 378 photographs analyzed, 339 depict men and 39 depict women (DeLouth, Person, Hitchcock & Rienzi, 1995). Although the research is somewhat outdated, its conclusion that women are underrepresented in newspapers photographs stills seems valid. The GMMP report account for 64% of photographs featuring men and 36% of photographs featuring women in the United States newspapers (N=33). The Dutch newspapers show a discrepancy of 56% of male photographs and 44% of female photographs (N=32) (GMMP report, 2010). It should be taken into account that all sections of the newspapers were included for analysis, and it should be stressed that the period of analysis was one day. Even so, it is reasonable to propose a third and final hypothesis: Hypothesis 3: Women are featured significantly less often than men in photographs on the front pages of newspapers in both the United States and the Netherlands None of the literature indicates that there are significant differences to be expected between the underrepresentation of women on the newspapers front pages from the United States and the Netherlands. However, the in 2010 developed Gender Inequality Index, introduced by the United Nations Development Program in their Human Development Report, put the Netherlands in 2 nd place on its 2011 list, while the United States ranks 47 th out of 187. Whilst the focus of this Gender Inequality Index is not on media, it is feasible to suggest that the lower gender disparity in the Netherlands is reflected in its newspapers, something that deserves investigation. Although 84 P age

91 3 C hapter the reviewed literature does not indicate this, it is analyzed nonetheless whether there is a significant difference between the United States and the Netherlands in the (under)representation of women on the front pages of its newspapers. Methodology Of all forms of mass communication, newspapers were chosen as the medium of analysis. For a four-week period, the front pages of three newspapers from the United States and three newspapers from the Netherlands were analyzed. The four-week period was randomly chosen: Monday 21 January until Friday 15 February, although it was attempted to avoid events that might skew the findings. 4 Another measure that was taken in order to prevent distorted data was that during the month frequently occurring persons as well as events were counted separately (e.g. the inauguration of president Obama in the United States and the people associated with it like Barack Obama). Newspapers in print used to have considerable authority over their audience: politically, economically, and socially (Straubhaar, LaRose, Davenport & 2011). Due to the Digital Age and the growing importance of the Internet, circulation numbers have fallen (Harcup & Cole, 2009). However, newspapers are still prominent providers of news; for one because they are easily accessible. Many have adapted to the digitizing world by creating online news communities (Li, 2006). As newspapers have a great readership, they are a meaningful tool for shaping gender notions and if their pages represent women significantly less often than men, this has ramifications. The analysis of this study is restricted to the front pages of newspapers. The front page is the first thing people see when looking at a newspaper and it is expected to cover the most important news. It is therefore a good reflection of what is deemed important in society, and what deserves the most prominent 4 The author conducted similar research for the time period Monday 17 September until Friday 12 October The results are documented in an unpublished study. The former study was carried out in a slightly different manner than this study, yet very comparable results were found. An attempt has been made to solve all flaws of the first research project Page 85

92 Chapter 3 spot. 5 If women are truly underrepresented on the front page, it could arguably mean that society be it consciously or subconsciously values women less than it does men. This viewpoint is in accordance with the characteristics of a Western patriarchal society and has far-reaching implications for both men and women (Johnson, 2012). The conclusion and discussion will delve deeper into this notion. The United States and the Netherlands were chosen as the countries to be examined because of their shared Western identity. The reviewed literature shows that there were no significant differences between the representation of women in U.S. and Dutch newspapers. Yet, as discussed earlier, the United States ranks 47 th on the Gender Inequality Index, whereas the Netherlands ranks 2 nd. While analyzing the data, it is surveyed whether this ranking is evident in the results of the representation of women on the front pages of the newspapers. It should be noted that the choice of the United States and the Netherlands was partly based on the language too: the proficiency in the English language and the native Dutch language of the author gave no translation problems and did not lead to misinterpretations. The selected newspapers from the United States are USA Today, Los Angeles Times (LA Times) and Bluefield Daily Telegraph. From the Netherlands De Telegraaf, Algemeen Dagblad (AD), and Provinciale Zeeuwse Courant (PZC) were selected. The national, daily newspapers USA Today and De Telegraaf have the highest numbers in print circulation in the United States and in the Netherlands respectively. According to the Audit Bureau of Circulations USA Today had a print circulation of 1,627,526 in September 2012, while HOI, Institute of Media Auditing, calculated that De Telegraaf had a print circulation of 588,809 in the second half of When comparing these circulation numbers, they should naturally be held against the population numbers of the United States and the Netherlands. Since these newspapers reach the largest audience they were included in the analysis. The national dailies LA Times and AD were quite randomly chosen, although both have relatively high circulation numbers (LA Times 454,498 in 5 It should be noted that the journalists, so-called gatekeepers, get to decide on what news articles appear on the front pages. They may not accurately represent what society deems important. Gatekeepers usually have their own agenda (Tuchman 1978; Harcup 2009) 86 P age

93 3 C hapter September 2012 and AD 415,241 in the second half of 2012; both rank 4 th in circulation numbers). These two newspapers are also located in a different geographical area than USA Today and De Telegraaf: USA Today has its headquarters in the state of Virginia, on the East Coast, whereas the headquarters of LA Times are located in the state of California, on the West Coast. De Telegraaf finds its headquarters in Amsterdam, the capital in the North-West of the Netherlands, compared to AD, whose headquarters are in Rotterdam, a city more towards the South-Western Netherlands. In addition to the four national newspapers selected, two regional newspapers one from each country were randomly chosen. The regional newspaper picked for the United States was Bluefield Daily Telegraph. It distributes its newspapers from its headquarters in West Virginia. For the Netherlands, the PZC was chosen, its headquarters located in the province of South-Western Zeeland. Coincidentally, both headquarters are located in the so-called Bible Belts (Nationale Atlas Volksgezondheid, 2012; Grammich et al., 2012). 6 The people living in these areas are generally considered to be conservative Protestants. It is possible that the religious ideology of the regions are expressed in Bluefield Daily Telegraph and the PZC when it comes to the coverage of men and women. Although worth mentioning, this is in all honesty a tenuous connection. The national newspapers are compared to the regional newspapers to see if there are any differences between them when it comes to the representation of women. The possible divergences are not covered in-depth, since there is no theoretical framework available to base assertions on. The Dutch newspapers were analyzed in print in the local library and in one case at the paper s official archive (PZC). The newspapers from the United States were accessed via the Internet on the website a product from NewspaperDirect that exhibits front pages of newspapers worldwide. The Saturday edition was excluded from the investigation due to practical reasons: not all U.S. newspapers had their Saturday editions digitized. This might be a limitation, but no evidence was found that the front pages during the week differ greatly if at all from the front pages on 6 One way to determine which regions fall within the Bible Belt in the Netherlands is to count the number of voters for the Reformed Political Party (Dutch: Staatkundig Gereformeerde Partij) Page 87

94 Chapter 3 Saturday. Additionally, the Sunday edition was excluded, since most newspapers lacked one. Thus in sum, the Monday to Friday editions were analyzed. The process of analysis was largely determined by the Women in Journalism study. Likewise, the analysis of this research paper is divided into three broad categories: byline count, content analysis, and analysis of photographs. The counting and analysis was done by the author alone, though each newspaper was analyzed twice to avoid things such as missed bylines and typos. Sometimes the methodology of WiJ was adapted. The main weaknesses of the WiJ study are that it does not provide any theoretical background and that it does not in detail explain its choices for making certain decisions. A statistical analysis of the data was found lacking and would have been desirable in order to make more authentic conclusions. This research tries to address the limitations of the WiJ study. Bylines The number of bylines was counted on each front page. The bylines were separated in male and female categories. Every byline appearing on the front page was placed in either one of these classifications. When a name was of ambiguous sex, it was looked up on the Internet. The website of the newspaper in question usually asserted whether a male or a female author was concerned. When it could not be traced if the author was male or female, the byline was excluded. The WiJ research additionally recorded the sex of the journalist writing the lead story on each front page. With this separate analysis they wished to see how many times female journalists secured the most prestigious spot on the front page. The separate analysis of the lead story was not imitated in this research project because it was not clear from every newspaper what the lead story was. Admittedly, some newspapers did have a clear lead story (e.g. cover story written above the headline). However, the newspapers without a clear lead story, when the author would have had to determine what the lead story was, would have resulted in inconsistent data. Also, the front page as a whole contributes to the representation of women, and all articles should therefore be equally assessed. Corresponding to the research by WiJ, bylines containing more than one name were included in the count. However, the method of the WiJ study, counting the first name that appears in the byline and disregarding any other 88 P age

95 3 C hapter name(s), seemed inappropriate. It cannot be known if the names in the byline are listed in order of importance, in alphabetical order, in order of who contributed most to the article, or in any other order. It is therefore fallacious to count the first name only, as it is not necessarily the most valuable one. As a result, no conclusions can be drawn about the either more or less representation of female journalists as opposed to male journalists. It was thus decided to count and to classify every name in multiple-authored bylines. Content Analysis It has already been mentioned that there would not, contrary to the WiJ research, be a separate analysis of the lead story byline. In examining the content of the articles on the front page, the focus was, likewise, not restricted to the lead story. As a consequence, the content analysis was conducted differently in this research project. Every article on the front page of the U.S. and Dutch newspapers was studied, with the exception of the banner and the 2-3 line pieces that preview articles inside the paper. In total, 508 articles were analyzed. 7 It was counted how many times a female and how many times a male was quoted or simply mentioned in an article. The study by WiJ included in its count the first name mentioned or quoted in each lead story only. This limitation is acknowledged, yet WiJ believes that: [ ] the results are still indicative of the different roles ascribed to men and women in much news coverage. (What s more, these findings tally with the initial analysis that we did of the first three people quoted in lead stories, which suggests they are representative of the wider picture.) (WiJ, 2012: 8) While this might be true, a larger sample is considered to be more indicative and more representative; hence all people quoted or mentioned throughout an article were counted. When the same person was referred to more than once in an article, only the first mention of the name would be counted. It was additionally decided to allocate the quoted or mentioned person to one of the categories defined below. These categories were copied from the WiJ research that used them to register the role the quoted/mentioned person played in the 7 Of these 508 articles, 245 articles are from the U.S. newspapers and 263 articles are from the Dutch newspapers Page 89

96 Chapter 3 article. For the purposes of this research project, the expert category was altered to include subcategories. Definition of Categories 1. Expert. Anyone speaking/mentioned in their professional capacity, i.e., politicians, sports pundits, health professionals, business executives, and so on. 1A. Politician. Anyone mentioned in their professional capacity as politician. 1B. Spokesman. Anyone mentioned in their professional capacity as spokesman or spokeswoman 8. 1C. Expert. Anyone mentioned in their professional capacity who does not opt for 1A or 1B, but still adheres to the general definition of expert. 2. Victim. Which could be of a love rat, of crime, injustice, illness, accident or misfortune, etc. 3. Family member. Which could be the parent, sibling or friend of a celebrity or crime victim, etc. (i.e., someone quoted/mentioned solely because of their connection with someone else). 4. Perpetrator/aggressor. Ranging from major and minor criminals, to a badly behaved train passenger, or a noisy (or nosy) neighbor, and so on. 5. Celebrity. Anyone mentioned/quoted because they are famous, so would range from Pippa Middleton, to Cheryl Cole, to Alan Sugar. 6. Other. If none of the above categories fitted, researchers could opt for Other and were asked to specify what capacity a named person had been quoted/mentioned. These categories were thus chosen by the WiJ research who state: These seemingly eclectic categories were arrived at after conducting detailed dummy runs using different newspapers and seemed to capture most of the examples we came across during the research proper. (WiJ, 2012: 5). 8 Spokesman will be used throughout to provide a consistent terminology, yet it should be acknowledged that a female spokesman is officially called a spokeswoman both a man or a woman could also be referred to as spokesperson 90 P age

97 3 C hapter The subcategories under expert chosen for this U.S.-NL. study, and deviating from the WiJ research, seemed necessary as statistics by the Inter- Parliamentary Union show that women are underrepresented in politics to begin with (2012). In the United States, women constitute 17% of both the Lower House and the Senate. In the Netherlands there are more female politicians in the central government, yet they are still a minority compared to their male counterparts: 38.7% of the seats are occupied by women in the Lower House and 36% in the Upper House. It is for this reason to be expected that women are less frequently quoted or mentioned as politicians in the newspapers. The results could be seriously skewed if the expert category had not been subdivided. Spokesman, subcategory 1b, is regarded to be an appropriate division since spokesmen are not necessarily legitimate experts in a field anymore. Over the years, PR management with its increasing influence has taken over part of the tasks of people knowledgeable about specific fields (Davies, 2009). It would be wrong to call all spokesmen experts. When someone could be placed in either category (e.g. Michelle Obama could be a celebrity, as well as an expert depending on what the article was about), the judgment was left to the author as to which category seemed most suitable in relation to the content of the article. Photographs Similar to the bylines, the photographs on each front page were divided into a male and a female category. Every time a man was featured, a point would go to the male category, whereas every time a female was featured, a point would be given to the female category. Photographs were only included when they clearly depicted a person. If two or more men were shown in one photograph, this would be counted as one. The same can be said for the photographs that included more than one female. If a photograph featured both a man and a woman, they were excluded from the count. Large groups of which the sex was unclear were excluded to the author s judgment. In the end, generalizations were made as to the nature of the female photographs and the male photographs. This category was quite open to interpretation and only compelling observations are discussed. Appendix I displays the forms that were used to collect the data. The three categories, byline count, content analysis, and analysis of photographs Page 91

98 Chapter 3 were subsequently analyzed. The acquired data was afterwards placed into Microsoft Excel sheets to make observing more convenient. Results & Analysis To present the results from the byline count and the photo analysis, the newspapers from the United States and the Netherlands were placed into separate tables to clearly show the differences between them. A third table on each category combines the two countries to provide a general overview of the findings. For the content analysis, data from both countries is collected in one table. Chi-Square tests were performed to calculate whether findings were significant (P<0.05). For a more detailed version of the obtained data, separated per newspaper and separated per week, appendix B can be consulted. Appendix C has an overview of all tables. The results will be looked at following the division of the analysis in the three categories: bylines, content analysis, and photographs. Bylines On all front pages, both in the United States and the Netherlands, the male bylines outnumbered the female bylines. There is not a significant difference between the United States and the Netherlands (0.2843>0.05). It is important to stress that not all newspapers used bylines for every news article on the front page. LA Times and Bluefield Daily Telegraph in almost all instances did mention bylines, as can be seen from the total number of bylines in the four-week period of analysis (see table 1; N=154 and N=77). The Dutch newspapers, on the other hand, less frequently used bylines. Especially the PZC used few bylines on its front pages (see table 2; N=21). De Telegraaf tended to write from our reporter instead of giving an actual name in the byline. The percentages of male and female bylines were calculated and added to the table to create the possibility of comparing and contrasting the United States with and to the Netherlands. The national newspapers can moreover be compared and contrasted to the regional ones. When looking at the United States newspapers, the least female bylines are found in the USA Today. The two other newspapers, however, have almost similar divisions in the percentages of male and female bylines. In total, the discrepancy between male and female bylines in the three United States newspapers combined is significant (66.4% male bylines and 33.6% female bylines). 92 P age

99 3 C hapter The Dutch newspapers did not yield too different results from the United States newspapers when looking at the total. Approximately two/thirds of bylines are male when adding up all Dutch newspapers. It should be noted, however, that AD has an almost equal number of male and female bylines (20 and 17, respectively). Even though AD does not have significantly more male than female bylines, De Telegraaf, having up to 90.2% male bylines, and the PZC, of which 61.9% of the bylines are male, still outweigh AD. It needs to be born in mind that the sample of bylines in the PZC is in essence too small to base statistical analyses on. Comparing the regional United States Bluefield Daily Telegraph and the Dutch PZC is problematic. Again, due to the low number of bylines in the latter newspaper (21 in the PZC as opposed to 77 in BDT), no sound conclusions can be drawn about the percentages of male and female bylines in regional newspapers in the United States and the Netherlands, nor about the difference between the regional and the national newspapers. As a consequence, this additional comparing with and contrasting of is excluded from further analysis when it comes to male and female bylines. In general, the period of analysis does not show a great difference between the use of male and female bylines in the United States and the Netherlands (see table 3). In both countries, males account for about two/thirds of bylines, while only one/third of bylines is female. This division is relatively similar to the amount of journalists in the newspapers industry in the United States and in the Netherlands. As discussed in the literature review, there is a 63.1% and 36.9% male and female division in the number of journalists employed in the United States, and a 64.3% and 35.5% division between respectively male and female journalists in the Netherlands (ASNE, 2012; Hermans, Vergeer & Pleijter, 2011). Therefore, arguably it is not surprising that this labor market division is reflected. Content Analysis The inauguration of president Obama was underway in the United States, and in the Netherlands the abdication of Queen Beatrix had just been announced in the period of analysis. Conceivably, this would have impacted on the data. For that reason frequently mentioned persons (i.e. president Obama and Queen Beatrix) were counted separately, to avoid misinterpretations in the end (see tables 4 and 5). The categories are discussed one by one, using the same order as in which they were defined in the methodology section. Tables Page 93

100 Chapter 3 are used when findings showed significant differences between the sexes and/or between the two countries. When a category did not yield extensive, significant, and/or compelling results, a table was omitted. Again, the appendices can be consulted for a more detailed account of each category. 1. Expert. 1A. Politician. It comes as no surprise that males in both U.S. and Dutch newspapers outnumber females in this category (see table 6). Statistics have shown that there are more male politicians than female politicians, especially in the United States (Inter-Parliamentary Union, 2012). Still, the discrepancy between male and female politicians quoted or mentioned on the front pages is extreme in the United States (N=135 of which 91.1% is male!) and not reflective of the Inter-Parliamentary Union numbers, which indicate a split of 83% of men and 17% of women in the Lower House and the Senate. 9 The fact that there are more female politicians in the Netherlands than in the United States is derivative in the data: the percentages of female politicians quoted or mentioned is not significantly different from the percentage of females in the Dutch government (25.6% in the newspapers and 37.4% in the government). 10 Yet, the 25.6% is reached mainly due to the relatively high number of female politicians quoted or mentioned in the PZC, and due to the regular mentioning of Queen Beatrix. Another remark that should be made is that the Inter-Parliamentary Union percentages are on politicians in the central government, while the news articles referred to provincial, regional, and/or local politicians as well. The regional newspapers of both the United States and the Netherlands less often mentioned politicians on their front pages than the national newspapers with the largest circulation. The national politicians who were mentioned or quoted included Obama for the U.S. newspapers and Queen Beatrix for the Dutch newspapers. Further, and not surprisingly, local 9 Note that of the 123 male politicians mentioned, Obama accounts for 27.6%. Excluding him from the count results in a slightly lower percentage of male politicians: 88.1% 10 Note that of the 119 female politicians mentioned, queen Beatrix, who officially forms part of government, accounts for 14.3%. Excluding her from the count results in a lower percentage of female politicians: 16.8% 94 P age

101 3 C hapter politicians as opposed to national politicians were quoted or mentioned more often in the regional newspapers than in the national newspapers. 1B. Spokesman. Out of twenty-two spokesmen quoted or mentioned on the front pages of newspapers from the United States, only five were spokeswomen (22.7%). A spokesman was rarely quoted or mentioned in the Dutch newspapers. Out of the six spokesmen who did get quoted or mentioned, three were spokeswomen (50%). The sample did not produce enough data to base conclusions on. 1C. Expert. The general pattern of the expert category is that women are, once again, significantly less frequently quoted or mentioned than males on the front pages of newspapers from both the United States and the Netherlands (see table 7). These results are roughly similar to the findings of a study conducted by Craft, Wanta, and Lee, which found that women represented 15% of the experts in the 1,102 expert sources analyzed (2003). Once again, the Netherlands fares better with respect to the representation of women: females were more likely to be quoted or mentioned as experts in this country than in the United States (18.7% and 17.1% respectively). It is remarkable how much more experts the United States quoted or mentioned in its newspaper articles as opposed to the Netherlands (205 experts in total versus 75 experts in total respectively). When analyzing the articles in the U.S. newspapers, it was observed that it was not unusual to quote or mention up to five, six experts in one article, whereas the Dutch newspapers regularly quoted or mentioned only one or two experts throughout an article. It would appear that, in this period of analysis at least, the U.S. newspapers seemed fond of quoting or mentioning multiple experts, which led to the high frequency of experts found on their front pages. 2. Victim. It is commonly argued that the following equation exists: males are criminals and females are victims (Greer, Francis, & Davies, 2007). It was therefore to be expected that women would be quoted or mentioned more often as victims and men more often as perpetrators or aggressors. The last part of this notion, the category perpetrators and aggressors, is discussed hereafter. The WiJ study found that 19% of the women were quoted or mentioned in the capacity of victim, while hardly any men were denoted victims (2%). The results of this research project are strikingly different: newspapers from both the United States and the Netherlands in fact quoted or mentioned more male victims than female victims. On the front pages of the Page 95

102 Chapter 3 Dutch newspapers the number of male victims is even up to 75.7% (see table 8). In Bluefield Daily Telegraph, there were significantly more male victims (62.5%) than female victims (37.5%). Taking the other two newspapers into account, USA Today and LA Times, Bluefield Daily Telegraph hardly seems to be the exception to the rule. USA Today had an equal number of male and female victims quoted or mentioned, and in LA Times the difference between the sexes of the victims was negligible. The Dutch newspaper Algemeen Dagblad did not quote or mention any female victims at all: 100% was male. De Telegraaf and the PZC also had a higher number of male than female victims. On the front pages of De Telegraaf, 71.4% of the victims is male, and in the PZC 64.3% of victims is male. These findings acknowledge that victims in newspaper articles are not more likely to be female. Of course, a sample of different newspapers and/or another time period could yield contrasting results. 3. Family member. On the front pages of both the U.S. newspapers and the Dutch newspapers, female family members were quoted or mentioned more often than men. However, the distinctions were not significant (46.9% of men and 53.1% of women in the U.S., and 41.5% of men and 58.5% of women in the Netherlands). In the WiJ study, 5% of females counted were quoted/mentioned in the capacity of family member, in contrast to 6% of males. The difference between this research project and the WiJ study can thus be considered marginal when it comes to the representation of women in the capacity of family member. Nonetheless, one should remember that the WiJ concentrated on the lead story only, and solely included the first name quoted or mentioned. 4. Perpetrator/aggressor. Contrary to the victim category, men clearly outnumbered women when it came to being quoted or mentioned as a perpetrator or aggressor. On the front pages of all newspapers, both from the United States and the Netherlands, the number of men in this category is higher than the number of female perpetrators or aggressors; ranging from 68% (BDT) to 100% (USA Today) of perpetrators or aggressors being male (see table 9). The equation of Greer, Francis, and Davies males are criminals seems to be confirmed in this particular study (2007). 5. Celebrity. Generally speaking, neither the U.S, nor the Dutch newspapers reported regularly on celebrities on their front pages, with the exception of LA Times (N=27 of the total of 38 celebrities on U.S. front pages; 96 P age

103 3 C hapter N=6 in Dutch newspapers). When the newspapers did make reference to a celebrity on its front pages, this was mostly a male. In the national Dutch newspaper AD and in the regional newspapers, Bluefield Daily Telegraph and the PZC, celebrities are mentioned/quoted the least. The lack of celebrities might seem surprising, as celebrities tend to pervade the world of mass communication (Leslie, 2011). Even in national news, celebrities often make the headlines, as an infamous clip from the Morning Joe show reveals: Paris Hilton and her release from jail are, much to the protest of a female reporter, the lead story (MSNBC, 2007). The WiJ study reports that 9% of the people quoted or mentioned on the front pages of their UK sample fell within the celebrity category. However, most of these celebrities were recorded in the tabloid newspapers The Sun and Daily Mirror. The better quality newspapers did not show the tendency to include stories on celebrities on its front pages. Likewise, it could be suggested that the particular newspapers chosen for this sample have a higher literacy audience, and, for this reason, do not feature many celebrity stories. This might change in the future, as the infotainment industry grows and as a process of tabloidization affects the higher quality newspapers (Sparks & Tulloch, 2000; Thussu, 2008; Zelizer, 2009). 6. Other. The final category is comprised of people quoted or mentioned that did not fit either of the above categories. These people were quoted or mentioned in a capacity ranging from regular locals, to opinion givers, to spectators. The males on the front pages of the newspapers from the United States and the Netherlands usually outnumbered the female others, expect in the case of the BDT, where males and females are equally represented (20 to 20). The data shows that the United States, for a change, quoted or mentioned more others that are female than the Dutch newspapers (31.3% as opposed to 17.2% respectively; see table 10). For the Netherlands, the high percentage of men in the other category resulted from the extreme discrepancy in De Telegraaf: 61 out of 67 persons quoted or mentioned was male. Photographs The number of photographs featuring women on its front pages was with no exception in every newspaper outnumbered by photographs featuring males. It was observed that the men in the photographs on the front page were mostly politicians or sportsmen, whereas the women in the Page 97

104 Chapter 3 photographs on the front page were mostly celebrities. There was a difference in this respect between the United States and the Netherlands: the Netherlands featured more female politicians in photographs than the United States newspapers. This may well be due to the fact that the Netherlands has more female politicians than the United States, as the statistics previously discussed have accounted for (Inter-Parliamentary Union, 2012). It should not be forgotten that the United States was in the middle of officially (re)installing its president, thereby regularly featuring president Barack Obama and, occasionally, his family. Another aspect that deserves attention is the way in which men and women were generally depicted in the photographs. It was observed that there was a tendency to depict men as being serious and active. They were often photographed in the workplace. Women, on the other hand, were depicted as being passive almost docile. The focus was frequently on the clothes and make-up they were wearing. Looking at table 11, the United States newspapers range for featuring females on photographs lies between 13.0% (LA Times) and 35.8% (USA Today). The study conducted by DeLouth et al., who analyzed the front pages and sports section of three Californian newspapers, found that only 10.31% of photographs featured women (1995). With this in mind, some progress seems to have been made over the years. Yet, the 27.8% of all photographs that depict women is largely disproportionate when looking at the amount of women living in the United States: women account for 51.5% of the total population of the United States. From the 313,847,465 people living in the United States, approximately 161,631,444 are female (CIA World Factbook, 2011). It might be said that the Netherlands are doing slightly better when it comes to featuring women on their front pages. Especially PZC, in comparison to De Telegraaf and AD, has a relatively high percentage of female photographs. However, when looking at the wider picture of photographs on the front pages of newspapers from the Netherlands, it is evident that men are featured significantly more often than women (see table 12). The percentages of male and female photographs on the front pages of the regional newspapers (Bluefield Daily Telegraph and PZC) do not differ greatly when compared to the national counterparts of their country. When comparing the newspapers from the United States and the Netherlands in its totality, it appears that women are featured less on the Dutch front pages than on the U.S. front pages (see table 13). This difference is 2.4%, which, though 98 P age

105 3 C hapter being a difference, is not indicative enough to state conclusions on the extent to which women are underrepresented more in the United States than in the Netherlands when it comes to newspaper photographs. A bigger sample would be needed to support such a statement, as well as a longer period of analysis. The current sample and four-week period do not suffice. Another remarkable thing to notice is that the newspapers with the highest circulation in the United States and the Netherlands, USA Today and De Telegraaf respectively, have the highest number of photographs on their front pages. It is debatable whether the amount of photographs on a front page helps selling a newspaper. This is merely a speculation, and no conclusions can be drawn from a four-week period of analysis only, yet it might be an interesting topic on which to pursue research. Conclusion & Discussion With the Women in Journalism study as its framework, complemented with other studies and statistics on the (under)representation of women in newspapers, this research project set out to prove three hypotheses: Hypothesis 1: There are significantly fewer female than male bylines on the front pages of newspapers in both the United States and the Netherlands Hypothesis 2: Women are quoted or mentioned significantly less often than men on the front pages of newspapers in both the United States and the Netherlands Hypothesis 3: Women are featured significantly less often than men in photographs on the front pages of newspapers in both the United States and the Netherlands The front pages of three newspapers from the United States and three newspapers from the Netherlands were analyzed over a four-week period (21 January 15 February 2013). The analysis was, similar to the WiJ research, divided into three parts: byline count, content analysis, and analysis of photographs. In general, the results show that women are underrepresented on the front pages of the six newspapers from the sample. The bylines, content, and photographs of men all outnumber women, when looking at the average. There is no significant difference between the newspapers from the United States and the Netherlands, despite the lower ranking of the United States on the Page 99

106 Chapter Gender Equality Index when compared to the Netherlands. The findings from the national newspapers and the regional newspapers from both countries deviate at times, yet the conclusion that women are underrepresented on the front pages of newspapers prevails. The results from this research project are largely similar to the previously conducted studies by DeLouth et al. (1995), Pew Research Center (2005), Matud et al. (2011), Who Makes the News (2012), and WiJ (2012). In addition to these studies, the existence of various activist groups that aim at strengthening the role of women in the media further testifies to the current lack of women. Examples of these organizations are: Women in Media and News ( works to increase women's presence and power in the public debate ), the New Media Women Entrepreneurs ( a unique initiative addressing opportunity and innovation, recruitment and retention for women in journalism by spotlighting their ingenuity and entrepreneurial abilities), and the International Women s Media Foundation ( a vibrant organization dedicated to strengthening the role of women journalists as a way to further worldwide freedom of the press ). It can be stated that the underrepresentation of women on the front pages of U.S. and Dutch newspapers is indisputable. The question that should be addressed is what implications this symbolic annihilation has. In her influential book Making News: A Study in the Construction of Reality, Tuchman asserts that: News is a window on the world. Through its frame, Americans learn of themselves and others, of their own institutions, leaders, and life styles, and those of other nations and their peoples (1978: 1). This statement reveals the core of the problem. If the front pages do not accurately mirror society, this same society learns that men are present and visible, whereas women are absent and invisible. It trivializes women in both newspapers and real life, and it marginalizes their voices. The quote of Wood used in the introduction is again relevant here. She said that the presence of many men and few women in the media gives people the idea that men in reality outnumber women and that the former are the cultural standard (2012). This links in with the notion that you can t be what you can t see (Miss Representation, 2011). If women only see men portrayed as journalists (in the bylines), as politicians, and as experts, it is arguable that women will believe these occupations are reserved for men, and that they themselves cannot be journalists, politicians, and experts. Men come to assume the same 100 P age

107 3 C hapter thing, and they regard their domination as journalists, politicians, and experts as natural. After all, they do not see it depicted differently in the media. In turn, this ideology can seriously repress the aspirations of women. While this research project particularly sought to uncover the underrepresentation of women in newspapers, the female sex is either underrepresented or misrepresented in other forms of media as well. The phenomenon of symbolic annihilation is global and omnipresent. People do protest against this all-pervasive phenomenon (Ross, 2010; Wood, 2012). One of the most notable contributions comes from feminist author, speaker, and filmmaker Jean Kilbourne. She heavily critiques the depiction of women in advertisements in her catching documentaries Killing us Softly (Kilbourne, 1987, 1979, 2000, 2010). On governmental level protest groups are evolving as well. The United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) has a special division for gender inequality, which promotes gender equality and women s empowerment. They recently published a Gender- Sensitive Indicators for Media tool to facilitate their goals of achieving gender equality and women s empowerment (UNESCO, 2012). Although baby steps are being taken and improvements are under way, a real drastic change in attitude is needed to end the symbolic annihilation of women in the media. Patriarchal society with its characteristics of male domination, male identification, male centeredness, and the oppression of women should shift to a gender equal society. This is a long and complicated process, and in order for such a thing to be accomplished, it is important for people to realize that there is a problem in the first place. This research project hopes to contribute towards raising awareness of symbolic annihilation of women in one medium: the newspapers and specifically their front pages. Future studies could look further into the underrepresentation of women in other forms of media, or examine the representation of women in other countries. All would hopefully awaken people and help making the invisible visible, making their voices heard, and making women believe that they can be whatever they want to be. The ultimate goal? The news as an accurate window of the world, with women no longer being the invisible other. Page 101

108 Chapter 3 References American Society of News Editors. (2012). ASNE Newsroom Census Employment of Men and Women by Job Category. Columbia: Reynolds Journalism Institute. Audit Bureau of Circulation. (2012). Average Circulation at the Top 25 U.S. Daily Newspapers. Illinois: Neal Lulofs. Davies. N. (2009). Flat Earth News. London: Vintage DeLouth, T.B., Person, B., Hitchcock, D., & Rienzi, B.M. (1995). Gender and Ethnic Role Portrayals: Photographic Images in Three Californian Newspapers. Psychological Reports 76(2), Central Intelligence Agency. (2011.) The World Factbook. Craft, S., Wanta, W., & Lee, C. (2003, July). A Comparative Analysis of Source and Reporter Gender in Newsrooms Managed by Men Vs. Women. Paper presented at Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication, Kansas City. Gerbner, G. (1972). Violence in Television Drama: Trends and Symbolic Functions. In Comstock, G.A. & Rubinstein, E.A. (Eds.), Television and Social Behavior: Reports and Papers, Volume I: Media Content and Control (pp ). Washington: U.S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. Grammich, C., Hadaway, K., Houseal, R., Jones, D.E., Krindatch, A., Stanley, R., & Taylor, R.H. (2012) U.S. Religion Census: Religious Congregation and Membership Study. Kansas: Association of Statisticians of American Religious Greer, C., Francis, P., & Davies, P. (2007). Victims, Crime, and Society. Thousand Oaks: SAGE. Harcup, T., & Cole, P. (2009). Newspaper Journalism. California: SAGE. 102 P age

109 3 C hapter Hermans, L., Pleijter, A., & Vergeer, M. (2010). Nederlandse Journalisten in 2010: Onderzoek naar de kenmerken van de beroepsgroep, professionele opvattingen en het gebruik van digitale media in het journalistieke werk. Nijmegen: Radboud Universiteit Nijmegen. HOI, Instituut voor Media Auditing. (2012). Oplage Dagbladen via Opvraagmodules. Amstelveen: HOI, Instituut voor Media Auditing. Inter-Parliamentary Union. (2012). Women in National Parliaments. Geneva: Inter-Parliamentary Union. Johnson, A. (2007). The Gender Knot: Unraveling Our Patriarchal Legacy. Delhi: Pearson Education India Kilbourne. J., & Jhally, S. (Producers). (1987, 1979, 2000, 2010). Killing us Softly (1, 2, 3, 4): Advertising s Image of Women. [Videotape]. Northampton: Media Education Foundation. Leslie, L.Z. (2011). Celebrity in the 21st Century: A Reference Handbook. Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO. Li, X. (2006). Internet Newspapers: The Making of a Mainstream Medium. London: Routledge Licht, C. (Director). (2007, June 26). Morning Joe [Television Broadcast]. New York: MSNBC. Matud, M.P., Rodríguez, C., & Espinosa, I. (2011). Gender in Spanish Daily Newspapers. Sex Roles, 64(3-4), Nationale Atlas Volksgezondheid. (2012). SGP-Stemmers Tweede Kamer Verkiezingen Bilthoven: Rijksinstituut voor Volksgezondheid en Milieu. Newson, J.S. (Director & Producer). (2011). Miss Representation. [Videotape]. Chicago: Oprah Winfrey Network Documentary Club. Pew Research Center s Project for Excellence in Journalism. (2005). The Gender Gap: Women are Still Missing as Sources for Journalist Newspapers. Washington: Project for Excellence in Journalism. Page 103

110 Chapter 3 Ross, K. (2010). Gendered Media: Women, Men, and Identity Politics. Lanham: Rowman and Littlefield. Sparks, C.S., & Tulloch, J. (2000). Tabloid Tales: Global Debates over Media Studies. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield. Straubhaar, J.D., LaRose, R., & Davenport, L. (2011). Media Now: Understanding Media, Culture, and Technology. Stamford: Cengage Learning. Thussu, D.K. (2008). News as Entertainment: The Rise of Global Infotainment. California: SAGE. Tuchman, G. (1978). The Symbolic Annihilation of Women by the Mass Media. In Crothers, L. & Lockhart, C. (Eds.), Culture and Politics: A Reader (pp ). New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Tuchman, G. (1978). Making News: A Study in the Construction of Reality. New York: Free Press. United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization. (2012). Gender-Sensitive Indicators for Media: A Framework of Indicators to Gauge Gender Sensitivity in Media Operations and Content. Paris: UNESCO. United Nations Development Programme. (2011). Human Development Report New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Who Makes the News? (2010). Global Media Monitoring Project London: World Association for Christian Communication. Wood, J.T. (2012). Gendered Lives: Communication, Gender, and Culture. Stamford: Cengage Learning. Women in Journalism (2012). Seen but not Heard: How Women Make Front Page News. Online: Zelizer, B. (2009). The Changing Faces of Journalism: Tabloidization, Technology, and Truthiness. London: Taylor & Francis. 104 P age

111 3 C hapter Appendix A BYLINES Newspaper: Date of analysis: Week 1 Bylines No of articles 21-01/25-01 Male Female Monday Tuesday Wednesday Thursday Friday Total Week 2 Bylines No of articles 28-01/01-02 Male Female Monday Tuesday Wednesday Thursday Friday Total Week 3 Bylines No of articles 04-02/08-02 Male Female Monday Tuesday Wednesday Thursday Friday Total Week 4 Bylines No of articles 11-02/15-02 Male Female Monday Tuesday Wednesday Thursday Friday Total Total no of articles: Total no of male bylines: Total no of female bylines: Page 105

112 Chapter P age CONTENT Newspaper: Date of analysis: Week 1 Politi c. Spoke s Exper t Victi m 21-01/25-01 Male Femal e Male Femal e Male Femal e Male Femal e Mond ay Tues day Wedn esday Thurs day Frida y Total Wk 1 Fam. Per/ A Cele b Othe r Male Fema le Male Fema le Male Fema le Male Fema le Speci fy M Tu W Th F Tot. Week 2 Politi c. Spoke s Exper t Victi m 28-01/01-02 Male Femal e Male Femal e Male Femal e Male Femal e Mond ay Tues day Wedn esday Thurs day Frida y Total

113 3 C hapter Wk 2 Fam. Per/ A Male Fema Male le M Tu W Th F Tot. Fema le Cele b Male Fema le Othe r Male Fema le Speci fy Frequently mentioned/quoted person Amount Week /08-02 Mond ay Tues day Wedn esday Thurs day Frida y Total Politi c. Male Femal e Spokes Male Femal e Exper t Male Femal e Victi m Male Femal e Wk 3 Fam. Per/ A Male Fema Male le M Tu W Th F Tot. Fema le Cele b Male Fema le Othe r Male Fema le Speci fy Page 107

114 Chapter 3 Week /15-02 Mond ay Tues day Wedn esday Thurs day Frida y Total Politi c. Male Femal e Spoke s Male Femal e Exper t Male Femal e Victi m Male Femal e Wk 4 Fam. M Tu W Th F Tot. Male Fema le Per/ A Male Fema le Cele b Male Fema le Othe r Male Fema le Speci fy Total no of male politicians: Total no of male spokesman: Total no of male experts: Total no of female victims: Total no of male family members: members: Total no of male perp./agg.: Total no of male celebrities: Total no of male others Total no of female politicians: Total no of female spokesman: Total no of female experts: Total no of female victims: Total no of male family Total no of female perp./agg.: Total no of female celebrities: Total no of female others: 108 P age

115 3 C hapter PHOTOGRAPHS Newspaper: Date of analysis: Week 4 Photo Who? Specifics 11-02/15- Male Female Male Female 02 Monday Tuesday Wednesd ay Thursday Friday Total Week 1 Photo Who? Specifics 21-01/25- Male Female Male Female 01 Monday Tuesday Wednesd ay Thursday Friday Total Week 2 Photo Who? Specifics 28-01/01- Male Female Male Female 02 Monday Tuesday Wednesd ay Thursday Friday Total Week 3 Photo Who? Specifics 04-02/08- Male Female Male Female 02 Monday Tuesday Wednesd ay Thursday Friday Total Total no of male photographs: photographs: Total no of female Page 109

116 Chapter 3 Appendix B Content Politician Spokesman Expert Victim Family member Perpetrator/aggress Celebrity Other Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Week Week Week Week Total Figure 1. USA Today; byline count, content analysis, and analysis of photographs subdivided in weeks Bylines Male Female Week Week Week Week4 7 7 Total Photographs Male Female Week Week Week Week Total Content Politician Spokesman Expert Victim Family member Perpetrator/aggress Celebrity Other Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Week Week Week Week Total Figure 2. LA Times; byline count, content analysis, and analysis of photographs subdivided in weeks Bylines Male Female Week Week Week Week Total Photographs Male Female Week Week Week Week4 7 1 Total P age

117 3 C hapter Content Politician Spokesman Expert Victim Family member Perpetrator/aggressoCelebrity Other Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Week Week Week Week Total Figure 3. Bluefield Daily Telegraph; byline count, content analysis, and analysis of photographs subdivided in weeks Bylines Male Female Week Week Week Week Total Photographs Male Female Week Week2 5 3 Week3 6 4 Week4 9 3 Total Content Politician Spokesman Expert Victim Family member Perpetrator/aggress Celebrity Other Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Week Week Week Week Total Figure 4. De Telegraaf; byline count, content analysis, and analysis of photographs subdivided in weeks Bylines Male Female Week1 9 2 Week2 6 1 Week Week Total 46 5 Photographs Male Female Week Week2 8 5 Week Week Total Page 111

118 Chapter 3 Content Politician Spokesman Expert Victim Family member Perpetrator/aggressoCelebrity Other Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Week Week Week Week Total Figure 5. Algemeen Dagblad; byline count, content analysis, and analysis of photographs subdivided in weeks Bylines Male Female Week1 4 6 Week2 5 3 Week3 5 5 Week4 6 3 Total Photographs Male Female Week1 7 6 Week2 9 1 Week Week Total Content Politician Spokesman Expert Victim Family member Perpetrator/aggress Celebrity Other Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Week Week Week Week Total Figure 6. Provinciale Zeeuwse Courant; byline count, content analysis, and analysis of photographs subdivided in weeks Bylines Male Female Week1 4 3 Week2 2 1 Week3 4 2 Week4 3 2 Total 13 8 Photographs Male Female Week1 4 2 Week2 3 5 Week3 4 4 Week4 6 1 Total P age

119 3 C hapter Appendix C Table 1. The number of male and female bylines on front pages of newspapers from the United States Male Female Total Frequency Percent Frequency Percent Frequency USA Today LA Times Bluefield Daily Telegraph Total Table 2. The number of male and female bylines on front pages of newspapers from the Netherlands Male Female Total Frequency Percent Frequency Percent Frequency De Telegraaf AD PZC Total Table 3. The total number of male and female bylines on front pages of newspapers from the Netherlands and the United States (in percentages). Male Female United States The Netherlands Page 113

120 Chapter 3 Table 4. Frequently mentioned person on the front pages of newspapers from the United States Obama USA Today 13 LA Times 15 Frequency Table 5. Frequently mentioned person on the front pages of newspapers from the Netherlands Beatrix De Telegraaf 3 AD 7 Frequency Bluefield Daily T PZC Total 7 17 Total Table 6. Male and female politicians quoted/mentioned in the both the United States and the Netherlands Male Female Total Frequency Percent Frequency Percent Frequency USA Today LA Times Bluefield Daily T Total U.S. De Telegraaf AD PZC Total NL P age

121 3 C hapter Table 7. Male and female experts quoted/mentioned in the both the United States and the Netherlands Male Female Total Frequency Percent Frequency Percent Frequency USA Today LA Times Bluefield Daily T Total U.S. De Telegraaf AD PZC Total NL Table 8. Male and female victims quoted/mentioned in the both the United States and the Netherlands Male Female Total Frequency Percent Frequency Percent Frequency USA Today LA Times Bluefield Daily T Total U.S. De Telegraaf AD Page 115

122 Chapter 3 PZC Total NL Table 9. Male and female perpetrators/aggressors quoted/mentioned in the both the United States and the Netherlands Male Female Total Frequency Percent Frequency Percent Frequency USA Today LA Times Bluefield Daily T Total U.S. De Telegraaf AD PZC Total NL Table 10. Male and female others quoted/mentioned in the both the United States and the Netherlands Male Female Total Frequency Percent Frequency Percent Frequency USA Today LA Times Bluefield Daily T Total U.S. De P age

123 3 C hapter Telegraaf AD PZC Total NL Table 11.The number of photographs featuring males and females on front pages of newspapers from the United States Male Female Total Frequency Percent Frequency Percent Frequency USA Today LA Times Bluefield Daily Telegraph Total Table 12. The number of photographs featuring males and female on front pages of newspapers from the Netherlands Male Female Total Frequency Percent Frequency Percent Frequency De Telegraaf AD PZC Total Table 13.The total number of male and female photographs on front pages of newspapers from the Netherlands and the United States (in percentages) Male Female United States The Netherlands Page 117

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125 4Guns, Tears and Broken Windows: A Content Analysis of Foreign News by Yvette Lanting Introduction and Literature Review This research will analyze the content of foreign news. Williams discussed the changing role of the foreign correspondent in current society (2010, 172). Due to the introduction of new technology it is said that the role of the foreign correspondent has diminished. Simultaneously, citizen journalists who with the means of this technology are capable of reporting are criticized for not having the knowledge or capability to ask the right questions. In that respect there is a need and desire for a foreign correspondent to explain to a domestic audience back home what has happened abroad (Williams, 2010, p ). News values and the culture of one s domestic audience influence how a foreign correspondent reports the news. In an era of increasing globalization, which Williams notes is experienced only by the elite class, it is interesting to look at the role of the foreign correspondent within news programs (2010, p ). One could try to evaluate the role of the foreign correspondent by seeing the extent to which local and national values are important in reporting the news. Galtung and Ruge were among the first to hypothesize about news values. They suggested twelve important news values, among which is unexpectedness (Galtung and Ruge, 1965, p ) 1. The news value of meaningfulness involves whether or not news is relevant to the audience of a medium. According to Galtung and Ruge relevancy has much to do with cultural proximity, something which Harcup confirms (2009, p. 43). Both authors suggested that news relating a publisher s/broadcaster s domestic audience to a happening in a remote country, is more relevant to this audience 1 All the news values of Galtung and Ruge are: frequency, threshold, unambiguity, meaningfulness, consonance, unexpectedness, continuity, composition, reference to elite nations, reference to elite people, reference to persons and reference to something negative. Page 119

126 Chapter 4 than reporting on something more major but unrelated to its audience. Relevance is therefore regarded as an important news value. However assessing relevance would be too broad a topic for this smallscale study. Instead, this study will focus on the role of the foreign correspondent in a Dutch and British news program, using content analysis of foreign news items by means of framing analysis. In the following section the important literature on framing will be reviewed, as framing allows the researcher an opportunity to analyze the content of foreign news items. While focusing on framing, it is important to establish a common definition of what is meant by this. Entman in his Framing: Toward Clarification of a Fractured Paradigm, defines frames: To frame is to select some aspects of a perceived reality and make them more salient in a communicating context, in such a way as to promote a particular problem definition, causal interpretation, moral evaluation, and/or treatment recommendation for the item described. (Entman, 1993, p. 54). Entman writes about how frames work, that their typical functions are that they define a problem, investigate the causes, comment on the causes and prescribe a solution and/or treatment (1993, p. 52). Simultaneously, frames have different locations within the communication process. Not only the communicator, but also the text, receiver and culture are important in forming and interpreting frames. Entman argues that this is very important for political power, as public reactions depend on the way a story is framed. Entman suggests to identify frames on the basis of content analysis, instead of looking only at terms that give away either positive or negative value (Entman, 1993, p. 57). He actually argues that frames are patterns of individual framing elements that come back regularly either in articles or in spoken media. These frames should be clearly identified by means of a framing paradigm, so that each academic discipline has a shared definition of a frame (Entman, 1993, p. 56). Entman defines frames as follows: Entman was one of the first to come up with a definition of frames and other works on framing have been built on Entman s study. The connection between framing and content analysis makes his work even more relevant for this paper. At the same time, while Entman gives guidelines for the development of frames, he does not really present frames. His work is therefore 120 Page

127 4 C hapter really important to establish a common perception of framing and frames, but other framing systems also need to be considered. Iyengar had tried to frame television news a few years before Entman s 1993 work. To do so, he made a distinction between episodic and thematic news (Iyengar, 1991, p. 14). It is, however, very hard to distinguish between news reports that exclusively belong to either one of these frames. Many news items seemed to be a combination of both frames. Even though Iyengar admits this, he argues that most news stories fit in his framing system (1991, p.14). The generality of these frames however, makes it hard to conclude something from them, so it is questionable whether they are useful for framing analysis. Semetko and Valkenburg analyzed the content of press and television news and thereby developed different frames (2000, p ). The fifth, a new frame which they list as their first, is the responsibility frame. (Semetko and Valkenburg, 2000, p. 96). 2 Four of the frames used by Semetko and Valkenburg were all earlier described by Neuman in 1992 (2000, p ). These four are: human interest, conflict, morality and economic frames. The responsibility frame is a way of presenting news by which responsibility is given to a group in society or the government. This framework, which in the research of Semetko and Valkenburg was focused on television, stimulates the explanation of certain problem in the light of the individual instead of taking into account the social, cultural context (2000, p. 96). A synonym I have come up for the purposes of this research is broken windows, as found in the title. 3 Broken windows symbolizes the question who is responsible for the action, it therefore quickly summarizes the content of the responsibility frame. The human interest frame is concerned with reporting on people bringing a human face or an emotional angle to the presentation of an event, issue or problem (Semetko and Valkenburg, 2000, p. 95). This is the so-called tears frame. In light of the commercial interests, it is very important to bring a news product that is appreciated by the audience. A way to capture the attention of an audience is by means of personalizing and dramatizing the news. 2 There have been previous attempts for example by Iyengar to implicitly measure a responsibility frame, but he then specifically focused on news concerning poverty. 3 Also tears (human interest) and guns (conflict) are synonyms for frames I came up with. Page 121

128 Chapter 4 The third frame named in the study of Semetko and Valkenburg is the conflict frame. Within this frame it is important to focus upon conflict(s) between people or institutions. Research shows that this frame is most frequently used in the US, especially with regard to reports on presidential election campaigns (Semetko and Valkenburg, 2000, p. 95). The conflict frame could also be called the gun frame. Fourthly, there is a morality frame. Focusing upon presenting an issue or problem within the context of moral and religious rules, this frame tries to convey a certain moralistic message. As journalists have to stay objective, they try to refer to others to get this moralistic message across. The last frame used in this study is the economic consequences frame. As the title already describes, this frame reports on the consequences of economic measures for society, a specific group of people etc. (Semetko and Valkenburg, 2000, p. 96). A major drawback of this study is that both Neuman and Semetko and Valkenburg used this framework to analyze political news. It is unclear whether their framework applies to any other categories of news. De Vreese used the frames of Semetko and Valkenburg to analyze news about the introduction of the euro in Britain, Denmark and the Netherlands (2005, p. 57). 4 For every country de Vreese used the two networks that were most frequently watched (2005, p. 57). 5 It appeared that this news was either presented as the introduction of the euro framed in the economic consequences frame or it was presented by means of politically/economically- oriented stories, framed conflict. In Denmark there was a slightly higher focus on the economic consequences frame, while the British instead focused on the conflict frame. The Dutch made use of both frames (De Vreese, 2005, p. 58). In addition de Vreese concluded that all countries made use of the conflict frame to put forward their national interests which conflicted with the euro interests. The political and economic stories fit perfectly well in the conflict frame. In political stories, domestic and European, we like to focus on tension between two sides. We have a bipolar, very confrontational Parliament, and that is the structure we use for our political stories (De Vreese, 2005, p. 58). De Vreese therefore showed that 4 The first introduction of the euro currency took place in January 1999, this was therefore the research period chosen by the Vreese. 5 This included both NOS and BBC, whose news programs are used in this study. 122 P age

129 4 C hapter there are differences between countries in using frames, while on the other hand they all apply the conflict frame on political stories. De Vreese s research however, is very specific and based on television news from Moreover, as critical de Vreese is about the methods of others, his own method does not get much attention either. Assuming that he used the methods of Semetko and Valkenburg to come up with his conclusions, this would suggest that the frames of Semetko and Valkenburg are also applicable economic news. Wolter researched the factors influencing the newsworthiness of foreign news items, focusing on newspapers (2006, p. 60). She identified those determinants as the event-oriented perspective, the context-oriented perspective and some individual and organizational determinants. Additionally, she splits up the organization of the news in three different levels: macro, mezzo and micro (Wolter, 2006, p. 61). Despite Wolter s effort of uniting all these different factors influencing news, she is unable to link them to each other. Many of the factors are still really different from each other, due to which she is unable to create a coherent framework (Wolter, 2006, p. 67). Matthes and Kohring discuss the different framing systems that have been developed and used over time (2008, p ). Overall they divide them in five categories: a hermeneutic approach, linguistic approach, manual holistic approach, computer-assisted approach and a deductive approach. In addition they present their own framing system, in which they define framing as a way to emphasize certain bits of information and leave out others, to get the message across. Important in getting this message across, is the way one (counter) phrases this message (p. 274). They apply the framing elements of Entman 6 and use hierarchal cluster analysis to identify frames (Matthes and Kohring, 2008, p. 264). Some major drawbacks of this method are that the analysis of frame elements does not guarantee reliability. It is unknown to what extent these frame elements really correlate with each other, or belong to one framework. Moreover, it is not clearly expressed how and what determines this correlation; Matthes and Kohring never address this (Matthes and Kohring, 2008, p. 276). Moreover, they increase the difficulty of framing analysis by adding cluster analysis to it. As this method is not applicable to greater amounts 6 The framing elements identified by Entman are: problem definition, causal interpretation, moral evaluation, and treatment recommendation (Entman, 1993, p. 52). Page 123

130 Chapter 4 of texts, it is not very useful. Most importantly, their framing analysis is focused on texts, while this research focuses on television news. It is not clear whether their framing method is also applicable for other media. An and Gower however found, in accordance with Semetko and Valkenburg, that the responsibility frame was most frequently used while the human interest frame and conflict frame were only in third or fourth place (2009, p ). Their field of study was crisis news and they based their outcomes on three American newspapers. This is, just as Semetko and Valkenburg, not the focus point of this study. This study looks at foreign news coverage, not at crisis news coverage. Secondly it focuses on framing analysis in newspapers, which differs significantly from framing analysis for television. Moreover, the research area of An and Gower is America, while this study compares two European countries with each other (2009, p. 109). The outcomes of this study therefore, do not have to correspond to the outcomes of studies that focus on something completely different. Harcup mentions that news values do not explain why editors have chosen an item to display, but do provide information about how stories are reported (2009, p. 41). News values could therefore be another way to frame the news. He actually defines news frames as a way for journalists and foreign correspondents to simplify the news so the domestic audience is able to follow it (Harcup, 2009, p. 45). A problem with framing analysis based on news values is that it becomes very hard to generalize because there are too many subcategories. Harcup and O Neill alone have identified nine news values, and then there are also additional or alternative news values (2001, p. 279). Galtung and Ruge before them constructed twelve hypothetical news values (1965, p ). Richard Sambrook made the distinction between firemen reporters and specialist subject reporters. Sambrook defines firemen reporters as those...who flew in and flew out to address moments of crisis or acute interest... (Sambrook, 2010, p. 7). Specialist subject reporters are the opposite of firemen reporters: they are knowledgeable and produce foreign news with a context (Sambrook, 2010, p. 18). One of the developments in foreign news correspondence is the replacement of specialist subject reporters by firemen reporters (Sambrook, 2010, p. 18). It is important to look at this phenomenon, as it is yet another way to look at the role of the foreign correspondent. Framing analysis reveals much about the way news items are presented, but making the 124 Page

131 4 C hapter distinction between a subject specialist reporter and a fireman reporter is a more direct way to assess the role of the foreign correspondent. With regard to the several framing methods discussed, the most applicable method for this research is the framing categories presented in the work of Semetko and Valkenburg (2000, p. 93). It will be investigated whether the British and Dutch news programs make use of a specific frame while presenting foreign news. Semetko and Valkenburg have analyzed both Dutch television and Dutch newspaper news. Consequently, the results of this study can be compared with the Semetko and Valkenburg part that also looks into Dutch news.. Moreover, the boundaries of each category are very clearly set, which makes it an easy-to-use system. The frames provide the researcher with clear guidelines to evaluate the way foreign news is presented by foreign correspondents. With these frames it is possible to distinguish whether the role of foreign correspondents is more focused on presenting something in the light of conflict, responsibility or human interest. In addition to this framing method, this study will also look into the difference between specialist subject reporters and firemen reporters. Methodology This research is a quantitative content analysis of television news items, focusing on foreign correspondents. By means of the five frames identified by Semetko and Valkenburg, every news item will be evaluated and put into one of these categories (2000, 95). The five possible frames are responsibility frame, human interest frame, conflict frame, morality frame and economic consequences frame (Semetko & Valkenburg, 2000, p. 95). The research period for this paper is from Tuesday 23 October to Monday 29 October 2012, which has been chosen for practical reasons in the context of a research seminar at university. To randomize the sample as much as possible, all the seven days of the week are included. Despite this fact, it is impossible to generalize from this research as more data should be collected and the research weeks should be selected more randomly. This research however, tries to make a start in analyzing frames in foreign news items. Semetko and Valkenburg argue that the NOS is the Dutch equivalent of Britain s BBC, which gives a good and justified basis for comparison between both news broadcasters (2000, p. 97). De Vreese moreover, executed a comparative research between British, Danish and Dutch news media, to Page 125

132 Chapter 4 investigate frames (2005, p. 57). He then compared the Dutch NOS news with the British BBC news. This already shows that there is a broader basis to compare BBC and NOS news to each other. To choose which news programs would be relevant for this research, the viewing figures of both NOS and BBC have been looked at. Concluding from this, the NOS eight o clock Journaal, and the BBC ten o clock News had the highest viewing figures. 7 Therefore, it was decided that these news programs would form the basis of this research. It is arguable that the NOS eight o clock news and the BBC ten o clock news are not completely the same as they take place in different timeslots. Both news programs are however of similar length, and as the BBC s and NOS six o clock news are not watched as frequently as the news programs included in this research, they were considered to be less relevant. In addition, the BBC does not have an eight o clock news program to comp are with the NOS. The NOS does have a ten o clock news program but this is again not that frequently watched as the eight o clock news. Furthermore, this program has a different format than a regular news program; it is a short news bulletin that is part of a larger News and Current Affairs Program that invites many specialists in addition to the broadcasted items. This program is therefore not comparable to the BBC ten o clock news. In the end the comparison between NOS eight o clock news and BBC s ten o clock news seemed to be the most representative and relevant for both countries. While watching the news programs, notes were made to list the order, amount and sort of news items; both news programs were also recorded for 7 The website of the Broadcasters Audience Research Board shows the viewing figures of several BBC programs (and other channels) over the years. Since 2002 the ten o clock news is without a doubt most frequently watched. In the years 2007, 2008, 2011 and 2012 only the Sunday six o clock or news is more frequently watched, but it is closely followed by the ten o clock news is an exception, this year the six o clock news was more frequently watched. Overall the viewing figures of the BBC news fall between 5 million viewers to 7.5 million viewers. Kijkcijfers.org shows for the NOS that the eight o clock news is most frequently watched, on a day-to-day basis it is listed in the top five most frequently watched programs, before any other news program. Even the lists that give a yearly overview of the most frequently watched programs list except in 2002 and 2005, the NOS eight o clock news as most frequently watched program, with viewing figures around three million. 126 P age

133 4 C hapter detailed frame analysis. Items concerning foreign news were highlighted, but these were only relevant for analysis if a foreign correspondent appeared in the item. Foreign news items with a voice over only and no clear mentioning of a foreign correspondent acting in it were therefore regarded as not appropriate for framing analysis. The main research question of this paper is: what is the role of foreign correspondents in NOS eight o clock news and BBC ten o clock news? In addition there are five research sub questions: SRQ 1: How often do BBC/NOS foreign correspondents appear in the news? By means of counting, an average mean for BBC separately, NOS separately and BBC and NOS together, will be calculated. From these numbers the frequency of foreign correspondents appearing in the news can be decided. By looking at the frequency by which a foreign correspondent appears in the news, its importance and role within the news program can be evaluated. The frequency of appearance does reveal information about how either the BBC or NOS ranks foreign news and how important they think that a foreign correspondent is in this. It is therefore relevant to look at the frequency of appearance of a foreign correspondent. SQR 2: What does the report of the BBC/NOS foreign correspondent entail? This sub question is one of the most important to help answer the main research question. To analyze the content of the foreign correspondent s contribution, the frames of Semetko and Valkenburg are used (2000, p. 95). Semetko and Valkenburg have come up with several yes/no questions belonging to each frame category (2000, p. 100). Only two of their twenty questions did not prove to measure the frame, so leaving these questions out, the others are used to determine to which frame a foreign news item belongs. For every item as many frame questions were tried to answer positively with a yes, so the content of the foreign correspondent s contribution could be categorized in one of the frames. Appendix III gives an overview to see which questions were answered positively for every foreign news item. Page 127

134 Chapter 4 SQR 3: Is the foreign correspondent either a firemen reporter or a specialist subject reporter? To decide to what extent the news programs of the BBC and NOS are also subject to the replacement of specialist subject reporters by firemen reporters, every reporter will be categorized as being one of the two. The definitions outlined by Sambrook are also used in this research (2010, p. 7). Important for deciding whether foreign correspondents are firemen or specialist subject reporters is their contribution to the news. A breaking news report is regarded as firemen and a contextual report about the situation of a country/institution etc. is regarded as specialist subject. Moreover, the function of every foreign correspondent appearing during the research week will be written down. Combining the information that came from the news program with the functional information, will lead to a conclusion on the fireman/specialist subject reporter question. A list of all the foreign correspondents appearing in this analysis can be found in appendix II. SQR 4: How long does the average contribution of a BBC/NOS foreign correspondent take? The foreign news items in which a foreign correspondent appears have been timed to draw conclusions about the length of the contribution. Not only the part in which the foreign correspondent himself/herself is physically present has been timed, but more importantly the whole foreign news item is taken into account. The contribution of a foreign correspondent began when the news presenter announced it in the studio, and did not end until the foreign correspondents finished the item. SQR 5: In what way do the frequency, content, function and average contribution of BBC foreign correspondents differ from those of NOS foreign correspondents? This last sub question aims to compare the findings, stemming from the abovementioned sub research questions, of the two news broadcasters, by looking whether there are similar patterns to discover. It will be answered for every section separately, but within the conclusion and discussion section, this question will come back again. 128 P age

135 4 C hapter Results During the research week a total of thirty four news items, spread over seven days andtwo news broadcasters, concerned foreign news. In other words, thirty four news items contained a foreign news correspondent and were therefore relevant to look at. For the sake of clarity, every time this paper refers to a foreign news item, it automatically implies that that item contains a foreign correspondent. Appendix I lists the number of foreign news items that were broadcasted each day by NOS and BBC. In total there were 134 news items, combining both domestic and foreign news, and broadcasters BBC and NOS during the research week. Of these 134 news items, 25,37 percent were foreign news items. As table 1 shows, BBC news had a total of 64 news items during the research week of which 22 concerned foreign news. So in 34,38 percent of the cases a foreign correspondent appears in the BBC ten o clock news. NOS had a total of seventy items (excluding the weather item, as this is not regularly displayed during the BBC news) of which twelve items concerned a foreign correspondent. Therefore, in 17,14 percent of the cases a foreign correspondent appears in the NOS eight o clock news. On average this means that there will be approximately two foreign news items starring a foreign correspondent a day during the NOS eight o clock news and approximately three such items a day during the BBC ten o clock news. This conclusion is based on the mean scores displayed in table two. The standard deviations show the amount of variance there is with regard to the above made conclusion. Combining the interpretation of table 1 and 2 suggests that the BBC overall broadcasts fewer items during a news program than the NOS. Of all these items however, it spends more on foreign news than the NOS does. Research sub question 1 concerning the frequency by which a foreign correspondent appears in a news program, concludes that the BBC displays foreign news items more often than the NOS does. This could have been the result of the domestic news agenda. Topics that were extensively broadcasted by the NOS such as the latest progress of the politicians working on a coalition agreement, and the Jimmy Savile sexual abuse scandal by the BBC have influenced the news program. The Jimmy Savile subject came back every day, either it was focused on Jimmy Savile himself or on anything relating to sexual abuse, prominent figures and its victims. As the Dutch voted in a general election on 12 September 2012, the political parties were discussing about how Page 129

136 Chapter 4 and whether to come to a coalition agreement. This was a development closely followed by the Dutch media, especially during the research week as rumors abounded that these politicians were very close to an agreement. Only on the first day of the research week, this subject was not part of the eight o clock news. These developments have clearly influenced the news agenda, therefore they also influenced the frequency of foreign news items broadcasted during the news. By carrying out research that has a larger data sample covering a longer research period, the effect of these domestic news items will be reduced. It is therefore also necessary to say that the outcomes of this research sub question are very limited. BBC NOS Total Total amount of items Foreign news items (absolute) Foreign news items ,38% 17,14% 25,37% Table 1. Frequency foreign correspondents BBC NOS Total Mean 3,14 1,71 4,86 Standard deviation 0,90 0,76 1,46 Table 2. Mean scores on frequency foreign correspondents The second research sub questions focused on content analysis of the foreign correspondents contribution. The five frames (responsibility frame, conflict frame, human interest frame, economic consequences frame and morality frame) are used to categorize the foreign news items noted down during the research week. The frames that are most frequently used by foreign correspondents of the BBC and NOS together, are the conflict frame with 41,18 percent, and the human interest frame with 35,29 percent. Many items concerning the US presidential elections, hurricane Sandy and the Syrian conflict have either been framed as conflict or human interest, depending on the angle from which the 130 P age

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139 4 C hapter The frames of the NOS appear to differ greatly from the ones used by BBC foreign correspondents. The human interest frame turned out to be the most dominant framework used by NOS foreign correspondents. This is remarkable as the human interest frame is characterized as trying to humanize the news, in other words it is the tears frame intending to personalize the news by appealing to the audience its emotions. According to the results of the study by Semetko and Valkenburg the NOS did not make much use of this frame, instead a more sensational Dutch news bulletin called Hart van Nederland (Dutch Heart) was characterized by its frequent use of the human interest frame (2000, p. 102). Semetko and Valkenburg regard NOS and Hart van Nederland as opposites. In the line of their study it is therefore not very likely to conclude that NOS foreign correspondents have made frequent use of the human interest frame. On the other hand, Semetko and Valkenburg looked at the NOS in general, they took into account the whole network, not specifically one program like the eight o clock news. As a result of this method they concluded that the human interest frame was only the third most frequently used frame by the NOS (2000, p. 102). This method could account for the differences in the frequency of the human interest frame. Moreover, Semetko and Valkenburg looked at news concerning European politics, specifically at the Eurotop meetings in Amsterdam in June 1997 (2000, p. 97). The fact that the responsibility and conflict frame were most frequently used by the NOS, is an indicator that news about the Eurotop meetings were framed in this way (Semetko & Valkenburg, 2000, p. 102). This BBC- NOS research however, aims to look much broader than only these Eurotop meetings while it focuses upon foreign news in general. That could therefore be a possible explanation for the difference in outcomes presented here. At the same time, however, the small sample in this study might be of influence on the frequent use of the human interest, while if one looks at a longer period of time this frame would be less often used. The human interest frame was especially useful to show how the citizens of New York City suffered and protected themselves from hurricane Sandy, how the trial of Berlusconi decreased his ethos and to show how Iraqi refugees that went back from Syria to Iraq suffered a great deal. In figure 3 the divisions of the frameworks are presented. Page 133

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141 4 C hapter for the morality frame. Other items also posed similar problems. Firstly, the presentation of a new tablet and operating system by Microsoft, broadcasted on 26 October during the BBC ten o clock news, was a difficult item to frame. This is much more of a public relations item and none of the frames identified by Semetko and Valkenburg include such characteristics. In the end the item is framed as a conflict frame due to the fact that Microsoft s tablet was continuously compared with the products of Apple, which were considered to be more inventive and available earlier on the market. Another BBC item that did not really fit in the categorization of frames concerned the news about the Psy Ops operation in Afghanistan, on 27 October. The news item shows how the Psy Ops believed to be a secret service, but it is not set up radio stations in Afghanistan to provide the illiterate with information on civil society. Throughout the item there are people that stress that the army wants to contribute to the construction of a stable and educated Afghanistan. It is in that sense that this item is framed as a responsibility frame, however it seems that this item does not really belong to any frame identified. The third research sub question looked at the kind of foreign correspondents appearing on the BBC and NOS news programs. They could either be a fireman reporter or a specialist subject reporter. As discussed in the literature review, it is important to evaluate the role of the foreign correspondent in a different way than only framing analysis. Instead of looking at how foreign items are presented, now the function of the foreign correspondent will be analyzed. On 24 October, BBC news consisted of one foreign breaking news item. This item was about the death of two British soldiers in Iraq. As the message just came out, Caroline Wyatt was not able to say anything more than the names of the deceased soldiers, which did not prevent her from speculating what the cause might be and where exactly on the road it took place. Caroline Wyatt could on the base of this breaking news be categorized as a fireman journalist, however, she was already stationed in Kabul, Afghanistan and did not travel to the country to report on it. This was different for Caroline Hawley and Bridget Kendall. Caroline Hawley is a world affairs correspondent currently based in London. She appears twice during the research week, once in the studio explaining the situation in Syria on the 25 October, and once in Baghdad, on 29 October. She then reports on the Iraqi refugees who flee from the violence in Syria and return to Iraq. As Hawley is not stationed in Baghdad, there is ground to argue that she is a fireman reporter. Page 135

142 Chapter 4 On the other hand, the story that is reported on is not presented without context. Moreover, it is not that a specific one-off event has just happened, instead it seems that what Hawley reports on is a gradual process. It is also noticed that she reports more frequently from the Middle East which would make Hawley a semi-specialist of the region. It is therefore questionable to say that Hawley s contribution is that of a firemen reporter. Bridget Kendall, who is a diplomatic correspondent based in London, reported on the influence of hurricane Sandy on the U.S. presidential elections from Ohio. This foreign news item was broadcasted on 28 October by the BBC. On that day there were two items on the United States, the first being the upcoming hurricane Sandy, presented by Laura Trevelyan, followed by the item of Bridget Kendall. During the research week Mark Mardell continuously appeared as the foreign correspondent reporting on the U.S. presidential elections. On 29 October these two items were again broadcasted by the BBC, but then Kendall was replaced by Mardell. It seems Kendall in this respect was a fireman reporter who went to the presidential campaign of Romney in Ohio, an important swing state, to report on the elections at a crucial moment. It appears, however, that Kendall used to be a US correspondent and is now a diplomatic correspondent. As she does not present her story without any context, it is therefore problematic to regard her as a firemen reporter. For the NOS no firemen reporters have been noticed. Evaluating the functions of the reporters appeared to be really difficult. All of the foreign correspondents seemed to have a certain function but it was hard to actually find them. Most of the job descriptions are retrieved from twitter accounts, while the websites of the BBC and NOS were already outdated. Some BBC foreign correspondents are listed on the up-to-date BBC website, though most were not. There is no clear reason why some are listed there and others are not. For the NOS there is no information concerning foreign correspondents on their website. This begs questions such as why would none or only a few of the foreign correspondents have a page on the website of the BBC and NOS? Does this mean that there is lack of interest in foreign correspondents at both broadcasters? Is this a sign of the diminishing role of foreign correspondents? The fourth research sub question aimed to retrieve information about the length of the foreign correspondent s contribution. Table 5 shows that the contributions of foreign correspondents for the NOS were on average shorter than those by BBC foreign correspondents. On 25 October there is only one 136 Page

143 4 C hapter foreign correspondent item present in the NOS news program, while much of the attention is spent on the probability that Mark Rutte (liberal party) and Diederik Samson (labor party) will reach a coalition agreement sometime soon. There are two other items that cover foreign news, but neither have a foreign correspondent. On the same day, the BBC broadcasts three foreign news items concerning the death of two British soldiers in Afghanistan, the ceasefire in Syria and the presentation of Microsoft s new tablet and operating system. The last two subjects seem to be relevant for a Dutch audience as well, although they do not appear in their news. On 29 October there is again a large discrepancy between the time the BBC news spends on foreign correspondents items and the time the NOS spends on this. This might be due to the breaking news in the Netherlands that the two parties reached a coalition agreement. More than fifteen minutes of the twenty-five minute news program were spent on this subject. The BBC meanwhile is very much involved with the news surrounding hurricane Sandy approaching the east coast of the United States; Hurricane Sandy is the first item of the news and the BBC also chooses to finish on this item. 23 Oct. 24 Oct. 25 Oct. 26 Oct. 27 Oct. 28 Oct. 29 Oct. BBC 0:05:42 0:07:03 0:08:17 0:12:25 0:06:46 0:08:13 0:11:15 NOS 0:07:00 0:08:11 0:02:49 0:08:54 0:03:17 0:06:43 0:03:39 Total 0:06:21 0:07:37 0:05:33 0:10:40 0:05:01 0:07:28 0:07:27 Table 5. Length of contribution foreign correspondents BBC NOS Total (NOS and Mean 0:08:32 0:05:35 0:07:10 Standard deviation 0:02:27 0:02:40 0:01:51 Table 6. Mean and variance of average length contribution foreign correspondent BBC combined) On average the contribution of a BBC foreign correspondent would take between six and ten minutes. For a NOS foreign correspondent this is slightly shorter, he or she would on average have between two and eight minutes for his or her story. The first sub question concluded that the BBC had in total fewer items in its program, but spent more items on foreign correspondents. This Page 137

144 Chapter 4 fourth sub question concerning the length of a foreign correspondents contribution, stresses moreover that the BBC also spends more time on foreign correspondent items than the NOS does. Again it is very hard to draw any conclusions from this as the sample is too small to generalize from; it does, however, give an impression how long foreign news items take. Research that extends its research period beyond a week, is desirable to ascertain figures with smaller standard deviations. Lastly, there were some themes that both news broadcasters focused on in their news programs: see tables 7, 8 and 9. Examples are the hurricane threat to the east coast of the United States, the Syrian ceasefire and the U.S. presidential elections. BBC and NOS both spent two items on the hurricane threat, NOS also spent a total of two items on the Syrian ceasefire. The BBC, however, broadcasted three items concerning the Syrian ceasefire and on top of that also paid attention to other Syrian news, at least two items other than the ceasefire were in the news. Within their eight o clock news, the NOS focused twice on the presidential elections in the U.S., the BBC on the contrary, paid attention to it twice separately and twice in relation to the threatening hurricane Sandy. As table 7 shows, NOS spends slightly more time on the reports of hurricane Sandy than the BBC does. This is only a minor difference in time, so therefore it should not be overstated. BBC NOS Amount of items spent 2 2 on the subject Length in minutes Table 7. Comparative item Hurricane threat U.S. BBC NOS Amount of items spent 3 2 on the subject Length in minutes Table 8. Comparative item Syrian ceasefire 138 P age

145 4 C hapter BBC NOS Amount of items spent 4 2 on the subject Length in minutes Table 9.Comparative item U.S. Presidential elections Conclusion and Discussion This research tried to look at the role of the foreign correspondent during the NOS eight o clock news and the BBC ten o clock news. Firstly it was observed that the BBC had more items of foreign news than the NOS did. Despite the fact that the NOS broadcasted more items in a news program, they did not have the same relative amount of foreign news items as the BBC. Connecting to this is the fact that the BBC spends on average around eight minutes on foreign news, while the NOS only spends five minutes on foreign news. Moreover, the study concluded that BBC foreign correspondents are most likely to present their items through a conflict frame, while NOS foreign correspondents are more likely to do so through the human interest frame. Finally, all of the foreign correspondents appearing in this study, seemed to be specialist subject reporters. It is however difficult to conclude this, while the provision of information was very limited. When the role of the foreign correspondent is evaluated with the help of the five frames, it is clear that foreign correspondents have different functions in Britain and the Netherlands. In Britain foreign news is presented with the help of opposed parties, while in the Netherlands foreign news is presented by focusing on people their emotions and lives are zoomed in on. This can only be a very cautious conclusion as only one week forms the basis for these outcomes. These outcomes are very much influenced by the type of news that was broadcasted during that specific week. Items such as the US presidential elections and the ceasefire/conflict in Syria, are exceptionally suited for representation through the conflict frame. If these items were not broadcasted during the research week, the outcomes could have been completely different. Simultaneously, the items concerning hurricane Sandy are very much framed along the human interest frame. This of course influences the frequent use of the human interest frame. De Vreese actually argued that BBC news makes frequent use of the conflict frame, especially when they report on political stories (2005, p. 56). The BBC reports on the US presidential elections were Page 139

146 Chapter 4 framed as conflict frames, which also turned out to be the most frequent frame used by the BBC. De Vreese s research supports this outcome by showing that the British more than the Danish or Dutch use the conflict frame to present news (2005, p ). The differences in time and type of foreign news items displayed by the news programs could be explained with the help of the news value meaningfulness (Galtung & Ruge, 1965, p. 66). Harcup develops this further by renaming meaningfulness into relevance (Harcup, 2005, p. 51). He argues that the display of foreign news items has much to do with cultural proximity, so within the UK there are more stories broadcasted about the U.S. due to the similarity in language (Harcup, 2005, p. 51). Among European countries there are more stories broadcasted concerning those countries, while the UK with its euroskeptic view will rather focus on something different (De Vreese, 2005, p. 59). Taking into account this news value, it could very well explain why the BBC gave more attention to the U.S. presidential elections than the NOS did. This research focused upon the role of the foreign correspondent, nevertheless it is important to take into account the reason why certain foreign items are displayed, or are more likely to be displayed than others. The validity of this research is seriously threatened by the short research period. Due to the limitations outlined in the methodology, only seven days have been included in the sample. Of the total amount of news items collected for this research, only twenty five percent turned out to be useful. Within this twenty five percent, two thirds of the foreign news items belonged to the BBC and one third was broadcasted by the NOS. Due to this discrepancy in results it is already hard to draw conclusions as the data samples are not similar. At the same time this difference in number of foreign news items, gives the impression that the BBC spends more time on foreign news than the NOS does. Still, one needs to be careful with drawing this conclusion as the research period only covered one week, from the 23 October until 29 October, which was not randomly chosen. Extending the research period, by randomly choosing different weeks throughout a longer period up to a year or using the n-th method, whereby for example each 4 th (or 5 th or 6 th day) day is chosen for a period of 4 or more weeks, would give a more reliable picture. Another difficulty in this study is that the framing analysis is also influenced by the domestic news agenda. A large amount of time has been spent on the Dutch coalition agreement by the NOS and the sexual abuse scandal of 140 Page

147 4 C hapter Jimmy Savile by the BBC. Due to the fact that these domestic news items were so important and happened throughout the research week, it is very likely that they influenced the outcomes of this research. Again, it would be desirable to extend the research period to obtain a varied research sample that is less susceptible to such external influences. In conclusion, the role of the BBC foreign correspondent has proven to be a specialist subject reporter, appearing three times during a news program, taking approximately eight minutes and using a conflict approach to bring the news to his/her domestic audience. The role of the NOS foreign correspondent is also a specialist subject reporter, appearing twice during a news program, taking approximately five minutes and using a human interest frame. This research therefore infers from the above that there are differences between foreign correspondents of different nationalities in the way they present foreign news. This is significant information because it explains how foreign news is tried to be made relevant to domestic audiences. The way one frames foreign news influences the perception and interpretation of news. It is therefore important to investigate how foreign correspondents with different nationalities frame their foreign news, to understand how a society responds to certain news. Further research should therefore focus on framing analysis in relation to foreign correspondents, to be able to derive conclusions on the interpretation and presentation of foreign news: broken windows might be presented as guns in Britain, while they are presented as tears in the Netherlands! Page 141

148 Chapter 4 References An, S., & Gower, K. K. (2009). How do the news media frame crises? A content analysis of crisis news coverage. Public Relations Review, 35(2), Retrieved November 30, 2012, from Cappella, J. N., & Jamieson, K. H. (1997). Framing the News. Spiral of cynicism. The press and the public good. (pp ). New York: Oxford University Press. De Vreese, C. D. (2005). News framing: Theory and typology. Information Design Journal, 13(1), Retrieved November 13, 2012, from menu4/ pdf Entman, R. M. (1993). Framing: Toward Clarification of a Fractured Paradigm. Journal of Communication, 43(4), Retrieved November 26, 2012, from DOI: /j tb01304.x Galtung, J., & Ruge, M. H. (1965). The Structure of Foreign News. Journal of the Peace Research, 2(1), Retrieved October 19, 2012, from Harcup, T., & O'Neill, D. (2001). What Is News? Galtung and Ruge revisited. Journalism Studies, 2(2), Retrieved November 30, 2012, from Harcup, T. (2009). Three: What is news? Journalism: Principles and Practice (pp ). London : SAGE Publications. (Original work published 2004) Iyengar, S. (1987). Television News and Citizens' Explanations of National Affairs. The American Political Science Review, 81(3), Retrieved October 19, 2012, from P age

149 4 C hapter Iyengar, S. (1991). Framing Effects of News Coverage. Is anyone responsible? How Television Frames Political Issues (pp ). N.p. : The University of Chicago Press. Kijkcijfers.org. (n.d.). Kijkcijfers.org. Retrieved October 11, 2012, from Matthes, J., & Kohring, M. (2008). The Content Analysis of Media Frames: Toward Improving Reliability and Validity. Journal of Communication, 58(2), Neuman, W. R., Just, M. R., & Crigler, A. N. (1992). Common knowledge: news and the construction of political meaning. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Sambrook, R. (2010). Are foreign correspondents redundant? The Changing Face of International News. Oxford : Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism. Semetko, H. A., & Valkenburg, P. M. (2000). Framing European Politics: A Content Analysis of Press and Television News. Journal of Communication, 50(2), Retrieved October 17, 2012, from DOI: /j tb02843.x Weekly Top 30 Programmes. (n.d.). Broadcasters' Audience Research Board. Retrieved October 11, 2012, from Wolter, I. (2000). Determinants on International News Coverage. Researching Media, Participation and Democracy. The intellectual work of the 2006 European media and communication doctoral summer school. (pp ). N.c. : Tatu University Press. Page 143

150 Chapter 4 Appendix I 23/10 Tuesday NOS: minutes Subject Which item Which correspondent? Where? How long? Frame? Questions YES American presidential elections 9 Eelco Bosch van Roosenthal Washington4:09 Conflict: Debates are finished, now the last two weeks of campaigning. Looking back on foreign debate. 10, 11, 12 War on Terror 10 Lucas Waagmeester Pakistan 2:51 Economic: $ 1.5 billion spent on War on Terror. Results of War on Terror in Pakistan, economic downfall. Little boy is not able to go to school, has to work. No investments in infrastructure, resulting in closed factories. Printing Am. flags for demonstrations only source of income. 16, 17, 18 Other foreign news without a foreign correspondent: European Commission has to cut budget as it spent too much money over the past year. The Commission wants member states to contribute more, Dutch minister of Finances De Jager is against. BBC : minutes Subject Which Which Where How Frame? item correspondent?? long? Questions YES US presidential debate Fights in Lebanon 3 Mark Mardell Florida 2:49 Conflict: Obama accuses Romney, then vice versa. Campaigns, last debate showed. More emphasis on Obama. Nature of the race. quote Mardell. 10, 11, 12 7 Jeremy Bowen Shippoli2:53 Conflict: 10, 11, 12 (north of Beirut) Pro and anti Syrian rebels are fighting with each other. Assad wants to create unrest in Lebanon. 144 P age

151 4 C hapter 24/10 Wednesday NOS: minutes Subject Dismisses Ford Genk loose job Publication route Tour de France Which Which Where How Frame? item correspondent?? long? 3 Joris van Poppel Genk 5:40 Economic: 11 Ron Linker Alp d Huez Ford Genk fires all his employees by which in total people lose their jobs, without hope of something else. 3:31 Responsibility: Cyclists should not take doping, because it s unfair way of winning. Also tour presented. Questions YES 16, 17, 18 3, 4 Other foreign news without a foreign correspondent: The car industry in France is very bad as well, linked to Belgium. Only images, example is Peugeot. Temporary ceasefire realised in Syria to celebrate religious holiday A monument for the assassinated Sinti and Roma during WOII has been revealed in Berlin. BBC: minutes Subject Which item Which correspondent? Where? How Frame? long? Questions YES 2 British soldiers died in Afghanistan, breaking news Tour de France and drugs, especially Lance Armstrong 6 Caroline Wyatt Kabul 1:20 Human interest: Two soldiers died, grief showed, condolences. Amount of killed soldiers in Afghanistan emphasised. 7 Dan Rowan Paris 2:47 Responsibility: Responsibility for cyclists to not take drugs. Presentation 100 th Tour de France route, is all about doping. 5, 6 3, 4 Page 145

152 Chapter 4 Elections Ukraine 10 Daniel Sandford Ukraine 2:56 Conflict: Elections, three candidates: boxer, Julia Timonsjenko and president Yanokovic. Division between closer European integration or not. 10, 11, 12 Other foreign news without a foreign correspondent: David Cameron does not want prisoners to vote, although the European court of Human Right opposes this and wants to realise voting rights. Sudan accuses Israel of attacking a Sudanese military factory. These accusations have been made before and Sudan asks the UN to investigate their claims further. 25/10 Thursday NOS: minutes Subject Which item Which Where? correspondent? How long? Frame? Questions YES Chinese companies take over California s companies 11 Eelco Bosch van Roosenthal Lancaster 2:49 Economic 16, 18 Other foreign news without a foreign correspondent: Showing Genk, where the employers on 24/10 have heard that the factory will close in a year time. The high labour costs are according to the trade union the reason why companies move away. BBC: minutes Subject Which item Which correspondent? Where? How long? Frame? Questions YES The two soldiers killed in Afghanistan are named + family attention Syrian government agreed to ceasefire 4 Caroline Wyatt Kabul 2:23 Human interest: 7 Caroline Hawley Studio images from Ugarit pictures of the hometown of the killed female soldier, overview of where it happened. Who first began shooting is not yet clear. 2:12 Responsibility: Both rebels and government should not break ceasefire. 5, 6, 8, 9 1, 2, 3, P age

153 4 C hapter Microsoft has a new tablet (hard to put in category) 10 Rory Cellan- Jones Seattle 2:42 Conflict: Microsoft is late with bringing touch screen apparatus on the market, compared to Apple. Apple better and winner. Other foreign news without a foreign correspondent: Report on losing jobs at Ford in Southampton, links this development to the closing down of a factory in Genk, Belgium. 26/10 Friday NOS: minutes Subject Which item Which Where correspondent?? How long? Frame? Questions YES Berlusconi punished for his media influence (4 years) 2 Rob Zoutberg Rome 2:35 Human interest: Italians are happy about the conviction of Berlusconi, misused his powers for a long time. He is depicted as the lonely loser. 6, 7, 8, 9 Ceasefire Syria broken 4 Sander van Hoorn Beirut 3:08 Conflict: Ceasefire broken, people killed due to car bomber in Damascus. Both parties accuse each other. On the first morning of the ceasefire, it already broke down. It doesn t seem like something changed. Safe demonstrations now possible. 10, 11, 12 US presidential elections: early vote 10 Eelco Bosch van Roosenthal Reno 3:11 Human interest: (Nevada) Girls go from door to door to ask for support for Romney. Obama focuses on early voting as it can bring him a lot more votes. Mainly Obama voters are shown as early voters. 5, 6, 7 Other foreign news without a foreign correspondent: Rabobank is going to be trailed in the US as it committed fraud concerning the Libor interest rate. Other banks will probably follow. Page 147

154 Chapter 4 BBC: minutes Subject Berlusconi into jail for 1 year for tax Ceasefire has been broken Which item Which Where? corresponde nt? 3 Gavin Hewitt (EU Voice over and images of correspondent Italy, ) correspondent in studio 6 Paul Wood Amateur video of Damascus, then Aleppo How long? Frame? 2:15 Human interest: People think it s disgusting what B. did, celebrate his conviction and shows the girl with whom B. did have sex Conflict: Ceasefire broken, interviewing rebels in Aleppo. Much bombing shown. Question s YES 6, 7, 8, 9 1, 2, 4 US elections : Mitt Romney turning point in economy Military exercise Britain and France 8 Mark Mardell Ohio 2:56 Conflict: 9 Jonathan Beale Mediterranea n sea, in a British war ship Mitt Romney followed in his campaign. Early vote Obama. Romney attacks Obama on job creation. Romney lies a bit behind Obama. Brings elections to local town. More on BBC website 2:13 Economic: Military exercise, combined joined forces able to react fast and effectively anywhere in the world. Only training, no plans. Charles-de- Gaulle (operating airport on sea) of French reason for collaboration. 1, 3, 4 16, 17, 18 Other foreign news without a foreign correspondent: Jafar Panahi, Iran film director as well as lawyer Nasrin Sotoudeh, got the EU Sacharov Prize for Freedom of Thought. 148 P age

155 4 C hapter 27/10 Saturday NOS: minutes Subject Which item Which Where? correspondent? How long? Frame? Question YES Syrian people are not in favour of extremist Muslims, bridge from Al Quaida + more on conflict 9 Lex Runderkamp Sarmin (near city Idlib) 3:17 Conflict: Rebels are followed, they are against Muslim extremists. Rebels discuss at night the Syrian situation, the Muslim Brotherhood tries to fill the power vacuum nothing more. These rebels don t want a Muslim state, but as long as the int. community doesn t help, also religious organisations (Al Qaida) come into Syria. 10, 11, 12 Other foreign news without a foreign correspondent: Berlusconi will remain active in politics, moreover he will appeal to a higher co urt to get his sentence revoked. Leader Al Qaida summoned his followers in a video to kidnap more western people. Extremely dangerous situations on the road in Germany, Switzerland and France. In Germany the roads are slippery, in Switzerland full of snow and France wrestles with water. BBC: minutes Subject Whic h item Which correspondent? Where? How long? Frame? Questions YES Ethnic cleansing in Birma by own population 2 Jonathan Head Bangkok 2:29 Conflict: Muslim Rohingya are killed by Buddhist Rakine. Massive massacre. 10, 11, 12 Page 149

156 Chapter 4 Syrian army accuse rebels of violating ceasefire during religious holiday Broadcastin g radio programs in Afghanista n by radio (hard to put in category) 5 Jim Muir Beirut 2:14 Conflict: 6 Caroline Wyatt Chicksan ds Syrian army accuses rebels of breaking ceasefire, and rebels vice versa. No one willing to give up. 2:03 Responsibility: Psy Ops got the Firmim Sword of Peace Prize for them setting up radio stations in Helmand to tell the Afghani about civil society. 10, 11, 12 2, 3 28/10 Sunday NOS: minutes Subject Which item Which Where? correspondent? How Frame? long? Question YES Evacuation and state of emergence in BosWash due to Sandy In Africa obesities is getting problematic 2 Eelco Bosch van Roosenthal Washington 4:07 Human interest: 5, 6, 7, 9 Several parts of the city are evacuated, people are protecting their houses with sand bags and wooden planks. Subway is closed, no public transport anymore. Airports closed, no campaigning. 8 Kees Broere Nairobi 2:36 Human interest: Obesity affects more and more African people as the living standard gets better. There is no skinny ideal. So more and more people are doing fitness. 5, 6, 7, 9 Other foreign news without a foreign correspondent: The elections in Ukraine have been won by the sitting president Yanukovych. Gary Glitter has been arrested as a result of the sexual abuse case of Jimmy Savile. Glitter was possibly part of Savile s network. Subject BBC: minutes Which item Which Where correspondent?? How Frame? long? Questions YES 150 P age

157 4 C hapter Hurricane threat (Sandy) + influence on presidential elections 1a Laura Trevelyan New Jersey 2:53 Human interest: Storm impact on city life, its magnitude, deaths in Caribbean 5, 6, 7, 9 1b Bridget Kendall Ohio 2:43 Conflict: 10, 12 Suicide bomber in Nigeria during mass in catholic church 5 Will Ross Kaduna 2:37 Conflict: Whose campaign does Sandy influence the most? Obama cannot focus on campgain, but shows leader skills, does Romney profit or not in Ohio? Boko Haram (islamist group) is suspected to have placed a car bomb in front of a church. South Nigeria is Christian, North is Muslim. Religious conflict fuelled by politicians. 10, 11, 12 29/10 Monday NOS: minutes Subject Which item Which Where? correspondent? How long? Frame? Question YES Sandy has won in power 5 Eelco Bosch van Roosenthal At the edges of Atlantic City Human interest: The effects of Sandy are already visible in NY, south Manhattan is covered in water. Many people are evacuated, some stayed. It has some influence on the presidential elections. Worst of Sandy is yet to come. 5, 6, 7, 8, 9 Page 151

158 Chapter 4 BBC: minutes Subject Which item Which Where? How correspondent? long? Frame? Question YES Sandy is coming to land, life threatening 1a Laura Trevelyan New York City 4:32 Human interest: How people in NY try to protect themselves, the risk of the city flooding, flights cancelled, tourists feel uncomfortable. 5, 6, 7, 9 Many Iraqi refugees have to return from Syria to Iraq 1b Mark Mardell 7 Caroline Hawley Orlando 3:47 Conflict: Obama can profit from this situation because he can show his leadership. Both candidates stop their campaigns. Bagdad 2:56 Human interest: Many Iraqi refugees fled to Syria, they now return to Iraq. The country is unsafe and people haven t got anything there. Many can t sleep, or suffer from stress. 10, 11, 12 5, 6, 7, 8, 9 Other foreign news without a foreign correspondent: In the end coming back to hurricane Sandy, meteorological explanation. 152 P age

159 4 C hapter List of foreign correspondents Foreign correspondents BBC Jonathan Beale Function State Department correspondent Appendix 2 Foreign correspondents NOS Kees Broere Function Africa correspondent (also for newspaper de Volkskrant) Jeremy Bowen Middle East Editor Sander van Hoorn Israel correspondent Rojan Cellan-Jones Caroline Hawley Jonathan Head Technology correspondent World affairs correspondent based in London South East Asia corresondent Ron Linker Joris van Poppel Eelco Bosch van Roosenthal France correspondent Correspondent in Brussels United States correspondent Gavin Hewitt Europe editor Lex Runderkamp Reporter Arabic World Bridget Kendall Mark Mardell Jim Muir Matthew Price Will Ross Dan Rowan Daniel Sandford Laura Trevelyan Paul Wood Caroline Wyatt Diplomatic correspondent based in London North America editor Special correspondent Middle East stationed in Beirut Middle East correspondent based in Jerusalem Nigeria correspondent Sports news correspondent Moscow correspondent BBC s news anchor and correspondent based in New York Defence correspondent Defence correspondent Lucas Waagmeester Rob Zoutberg South-Asia correspondent Italy correspondent Page 153

160 Chapter 4 Appendix 3 Framing category Responsibility frame Framing Questions Semetko and Valkenburg (2000, p. 100) 1. Does the story suggest that some level of gov t has the ability to alleviate the problem? 2. Does the story suggest that some level of the government is responsible for the issue/problem? 3. Does the story suggest solution(s) to the problem/issue? Human interest frame Conflict frame Morality frame Economic frame 4. Does the story suggest that an ind. (or group of people in society) is resp. For the issue-problem? 5. Does the story provide a human example or human face on the issue? 6. Does the story employ adjectives or personal vignettes that generate feelings of outrage, empathy-caring, sympathy, or compassion? 7. Does the story empha[s]ise how individuals and groups are affected by the issue/problem? 8. Does the story go into the private or personal lives of the actors? 9. Does the story contain visual information that might generate feelings of outrage, empathy-caring, sympathy, or compassion? 10. Does the story reflect disagreement between partiesindividuals-groups-countries? 11. Does one party-individual-group-country reproach another? 12. Does the story refer to two sides or to more than two sides of the problem or issue? 13. Does the story contain any moral message? 14. Does the story make reference to morality, God and other religious tenets? 15. Does the story offer specific social prescriptions about how to behave? 16. Is there a mention of financial losses or gains now or in the future? 17. Is there a mention of the costs/degree of expense involved? 18. Is there a reference to economic consequences or pursuing or not pursuing a course of action? Valkenburg and Semetko, 2000, p P age

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163 5Voicing the World: Eleanor Roosevelt Educating Through Radio Introduction by Justine Feitsma There is not human being from whom we cannot learn something if we are interested enough to dig deep. - Eleanor Roosevelt, You Learn by Living: Eleven Keys for a More Fulfilling Life Currently there is much debate about the death of foreign correspondence (Williams, 2011). According to Williams, this is a paradox: we have the opportunity to travel faster and to report more reliably for every country in the world, yet the people whose responsibility this is, are disappearing (p.4). Williams claims this trend started when the Second World War ended; while then there were 2,500 US reporters overseas, that figure had dropped to only 430 in the mid-seventies (p.5). However, during this critical time period there was one American woman doing her best to provide everyone with Human Rights, to express the suffering she saw, and in short, to voice the world to the American people: Eleanor Roosevelt. When her husband, President Franklin Roosevelt, died in 1945 she was only sixty-one. She felt an obligation to champion her husband s legacy of creating peace through the United Nations. Mrs. Roosevelt was an idealist, full of hope, who dreamed of a better tomorrow for everyone. It could be argued that she was a special kind of foreign correspondent, who used the popularity she had gained with the American people during her time as first lady, to make them listen to the causes she was promoting within the U.N. Her rhetorical strategies came in many forms. She was the third most syndicated journalist in the U.S., she wrote 8336 columns, 577 articles without a ghostwriter, she gave numerous speeches, had her own interview show on television and was one of the first pioneers on radio (Black, 2010). According to Belgrade and Beasley in their article Eleanor Roosevelt: First Lady as Radio Pioneer (1985), Eleanor was one of the first women to use the medium of radio to be a news commentator (abstract). Beasley (1987) Page 157

164 Chapter 5 states that Mrs. Roosevelt was often called the First Lady of Radio because of the frequency of her broadcasts, and that she became one of the most wellknown radio performers in the United States (p.152). Beasley (1987) describes how it was in fact an advantage for Eleanor to be a radio pioneer because there were no clear guidelines yet that spelled out how a president s wife should act on the air (p.191). Mrs. Roosevelt did not just broadcast during her time in the White House. From she hosted a radio program together with her daughter Anna. In 1950 she started another program with her son Elliott, The Eleanor Roosevelt Show that lasted until It is this program that this study will focus on. The Eleanor Roosevelt Show was broadcasted during a challenging time in American history, namely the early years of the Cold War. During this time Eleanor Roosevelt was the chairperson of the United Nations Commission on Human Rights. Through this job Mrs. Roosevelt was confronted with many foreign problems and at the same time she kept close contact with president Truman about his foreign policy. Mrs. Roosevelt was therefore provided with a double perspective on foreign matters: from what she herself saw and from a capitalistic, American point of view (Lash, 1972, p ). With this in mind, it is worthwhile to examine the manner in which Eleanor Roosevelt deals with foreign news on her radio program The Eleanor Roosevelt Show. This study takes a closer look at her radio broadcasts and the way in which Eleanor Roosevelt addresses foreign issues on her show. The tapes to the radio broadcasts from The Eleanor Roosevelt Show were obtained through the Roosevelt Study Center in Middelburg. As many as possible were listened to, and from the others the topics were known through a list obtained from the website of the presidential library of Franklin Roosevelt. This paper will examine the way Eleanor Roosevelt responds to foreign news, place the discussed issues in context and relate them to Mrs. Roosevelt s background. It will do this by studying general topics of foreign news that she addresses on the show, and then look more closely at two case studies. These programs were chosen because the conversations and interviews deal with the issue of the coverage of foreign news in the media. The transcripts of these two broadcasts can be found in the appendix. The first one revolves around American newspapers; the other interview discusses the Swiss press. By limiting the research to two case studies however, it is difficult to generalize with regard to the entire program. 158 P age

165 5 C hapter Historiography Eleanor Roosevelt is remembered as one of the most prominent First Ladies in American history. Scholars have studied her as a first lady, a world humanitarian, and woman of charity. In fact, Mrs. Roosevelt herself provides historians with all the information they could need. She wrote correspondence, essays, books, and newspaper articles. The collection of books she wrote include This is my Story, The Moral Basis of Democracy, This I Remember, On My Own, India and the Awakening East, You Learn by Living: Eleven Keys for a More Fulfilling Life, Tomorrow is Now, Ladies of Courage, and Autobiography. She also reminded the world of the true meaning of Christmas with her story Christmas, The soul of generosity herself, she donated most of their profit to projects she committed to. She also faithfully kept a daily column My Day, in which she discussed matters that had come to her attention, or responded to letters she had received. Eleanor Roosevelt s most precious written work was the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which she helped shape. It is still a great step towards the formation of a universal standard of justice and world peace, and can be considered one of the greatest documents of our time. Her legacy in the United Nations is that of a wise and vigorous leader in the pursuit of Human Rights. Her other papers, at the time of her death in 1962 a total of over three million pages ("Franklin D. Roosevelt Presidential Library and Museum ), are preserved at the FDR library at Hyde Park. In general, during the decades after her death the focus of scholarly work has been on Mrs. Roosevelt s life, influence and legacy. Many biographies have been written about her, with Joseph Lash books as the most famous. He published the Pulitzer Prize winning book Eleanor and Franklin: The Story of their Relationship, Based on Eleanor Roosevelt's Private Papers in 1971, with Eleanor: The Years Alone as a sequel a year later. There was also a popular focus on her role as first lady, especially during the 1980s. Examples are from journalist and confidante Lorena Hickok who wrote Eleanor Roosevelt, Reluctant First Lady in 1980 and in 1987 by Lois Scharf Eleanor Roosevelt: First Lady of American Liberalism. Additionally in the 1980s the first book came out that focused on Eleanor Roosevelt s influence through the media. In 1987, former journalist Maurine Beasley published Eleanor Roosevelt and the Media: A Public Quest for Self-Fulfillment. Beasley herself commented that what is overlooked about Page 159

166 Chapter 5 Roosevelt is the obvious : she became such an influential woman of her time largely through the skillful use of the media. Before this, Beasley had already taken an interest in Eleanor Roosevelt s press conferences, which she examines in her 1984 article Eleanor Roosevelt's Press Conferences: Symbolic Importance of a Pseudo-Event. In 1985 Beasley examined Eleanor Roosevelt s use of radio, but limited it to her radio broadcasts from the White House in Eleanor Roosevelt: First Lady as Radio Pioneer (1985). In 2005 Maurine Beasley published another book that focused on the relationship between presidential wives and the media, First Ladies and the Press, including a chapter on Eleanor Roosevelt. The focus on Eleanor Roosevelt now began to slowly shift more towards her relationship with the media, but most often in the context of the office of the first lady, because 2005 also saw the publication of Leading Ladies of the White House: Communication Strategies of Notable Twentieth-Century First Ladies, edited by Molly Wertheimer. Beasley feels that Mrs. Roosevelt s emergence as an influential woman and her use of the media to advocate the causes she believed in has been greatly overlooked. It is precisely through the media, that Beasley argues that Mrs. Roosevelt recognized her own potential. As first lady she received an abundance of letters from American citizens venting their heartbreaking concerns and she tried to answer as many as possible (Knepper, 2004, p.xv). Yet Beasley s are the only major works addressing Mrs. Roosevelt s use of communication through media, and they are by now outdated. Additionally, Beasley hardly addresses Eleanor Roosevelt s communication through the medium of radio. Beasley only published one work on Mrs. Roosevelt s use of radio, and this covered her years in the White House. However, during her years alone, Mrs. Roosevelt travelled much for her job as delegate of the United Nations for Human Rights, and so saw and learned about different countries. She wanted to express her developing fascination with human rights and other goings-on in these countries, and one medium she used for this was radio. Several main sources have been consulted, including Eleanor Roosevelt: A Rhetorical Reconstruction of First Ladydom by Lisa Barry. Suzanna Franks who specializes in Third World representation, uncovered some of its roots in the Cold War. Weber and Rahofer are one of the few scholars to provide useful information that concerns the history of the environment of the media in Switzerland with From Tri-Linguality to Tri- 160 P age

167 5 C hapter Mediality? (The Possible Future Of) Cross-Media Journalism in Switzerland. Wenger and Neunlist then put this into perspective in the Cold War period in their article A 'Special Case' between Independence and Interdependence: Cold War Studies and Cold War Politics in Post-Cold War Switzerland. The Eleanor Roosevelt Program During the post-war years, Americans longed for a society that was stable and secure. They were focused on the home, because within a home they could create such a stable environment. America shaped the image of what is now known as the nuclear family : a happy family consisting of father as the breadwinner, mother as the homemaker and children that are obedient. They live in the suburbs, drive a convertible and can enjoy many of the perks of capitalism (May, 2008, p.19-24). It was in the federal government s best interest to create an image of a controlled and civilized society to uphold the impression of the superiority of capitalism with regard to communism. Brands and Leffler (1993) describe how the tension between communism (the Soviet Union) and capitalism (the United States), kept increasing. Government propaganda convinced Americans that communism was dangerous and had to be stopped. Citizens were forced to live their daily lives in fear of communists and the atomic bomb. The Cold War started immediately after the Second World War (p ). Truman set up the Marshall plan in 1947 in order to tie European Nations to capitalism. After the victory of Mao Zedong in China in 1949 Truman established the containment policy, i.e. a policy that allowed for U.S. interference to prevent the spread of communism abroad. For the year 1950 this meant that the U.S. had to enter the Korean War (p ). Therefore, during the two years of The Eleanor Roosevelt Program, issues such as communism, the atomic bomb, Russia and the Korean War were very prominent concerns in American society. Many of these fears and concerns about foreign policy are addressed on The Eleanor Roosevelt Program. The program is mostly twofold, where one part features Elliott and Eleanor Roosevelt reading and discussing letters from listeners. The other part is often an interview with one or more prominent guests. Communism is a regularly discussed topic in the broadcasts from 1951 and mostly as a response to letters from concerned citizens. Eleanor Roosevelt takes their anxieties very seriously. She often answers by agreeing there is a threat but that she supports the measures taken by the federal government. Mrs. Roosevelt therefore aids president Truman in gaining support for the Page 161

168 Chapter 5 containment policy. For instance, in program 113 from March 1951 she argues that the Soviet police state is very unlike a democratic nation where citizens must prove themselves by good examples and deeds. Communism pierced through and created fear in all levels of society, something generally referred to as the Red Scare, which characterized fear for the influence of communism on America. Senator McCarthy was especially known for making accusations that people were communists or sympathizers. Primary targets of these allegations were government officials, people from the entertainment industry, teachers and union activists. It is not surprising then that the debate about McCarthyism continues in Mrs. Roosevelt s radio programs. On one occasion she interviews Mr. Hope, an author and mayor. Together they discuss communism in the theatrical world ( Program 114 ). This discussion reflected the branding of artists from the entire entertainment industry as communists (McGilligan and Buhle, 1997, p.21). Mrs. Roosevelt often addresses issues that she comes across in her job as delegate for the United Nations. These are usually not the popular contemporary issues. Thus, by addressing subjects that the UN and UNESCO are involved with, she educates the public about issues other than U.S. foreign policy in relation to the Cold War. In program 184 from June 1951, Elliott creates awareness by discussing an International School that has just opened in Mexico with the help of UNESCO. Together they also raise attention for foreign aid, not just in the shape of the Marshall Plan, but also for Africa. Moreover, after dedicating a whole program to domestic re-armament Mrs. Roosevelt takes a moment to shift her listeners attention to human rights in other countries beside their own. She does this by reading from the Courier, a monthly magazine by UNESCO that deals with the problems of blind people in foreign countries ( Program 200 ). Eleanor Roosevelt officially only had symbolic importance when she was a first lady, yet when she worked for the United Nations she obtained a position with actual authority. Through the media she conveys all that interests her. She makes it her mission to show the citizens of her home country all she learns and sees, to raise awareness of issues that according to her are underrepresented. Next, two radio programs from The Eleanor Roosevelt Program are analyzed as case studies to generate a more in depth impression of the manner in which Eleanor Roosevelt treats foreign news. Both programs are interviews with editors of large newspapers. One is an 162 P age

169 5 C hapter American paper, the other a Swiss. Both guests discuss with Mrs. Roosevelt in what manner they deal with foreign news in their papers. Through Mrs. Roosevelt s comments an impression can be obtained concerning her thoughts on the foreign news that is covered. Case Study 1: program 208 On July 27, 1951 Eleanor Roosevelt had Lester Markel as a guest on her show. Markel was Sunday Editor of The New York Times from 1923 to He conjured the idea of a Sunday version of the daily paper that would go more in depth on issues and material. He is called a legend in his profession; he was constantly critical, brainstorming, and improving the Times ( Lester Markel, , 1977). Markel s main interest was the opinion section in the newspaper, and his aspiration was to educate and inform his readers. What you see is news, he said, What you know is background, what you feel is opinion (Markel, 1972). In 1950 he founded the International Press Institute: a global network of editors, executives and journalists. Therefore, when he appears on the show in 1951 the project of the International Press Institute has just taken off. The IPI is an institute with four goals that Markel describes in the radio program and are also still available on the website. We are dedicated to the furtherance and safeguarding of press freedom, the protection of freedom of opinion and expression, the promotion of the free flow of news and information, and the improvement of the practices of journalism. (International Press Institute: About Us ) First, the broadcast starts with Markel s announcement how happy he is to be here. Many of the guests on Mrs. Roosevelt s show express their delight and honor to be a guest. Markel feels they are both engaged in trying to solve the problem in the world of understanding.1 This is a quote that sums up Eleanor Roosevelt s objectives in the world clearly. Her goals were to improve human rights globally, but also to make the United States understand the importance of their role in this. In a speech she gave in 1954 at Brandeis University she said It is the acceptance of individual responsibility by each 1 From this point every reference to the interview with Lester Markel conducted by Eleanor Roosevelt comes from this source: Roosevelt, Eleanor. "Program 208." The Eleanor Roosevelt Program. NBC Radio. 27 July Radio. Page 163

170 Chapter 5 one of us that actually will make the United Nations machinery work ( ) we may well fail, but it lies in our hands (Roosevelt, 1954). Mrs. Roosevelt inquires about the purpose of the International Press Institute. With this, Markel declares it is easier for him to read the preamble of the institute. Mrs. Roosevelt s tone indicates that she is a bit thrown off by his apparent inability to put his institution s purpose into his own words and she is not sure how to respond: Well, that's a very, interesting, list of purposes. The discussion then focuses on the responsibility of editors in deciding which issues to cover and which to leave out. Markel argues that it is of great importance that editors make valid decisions because the understanding of the reader depends on it. Citizens will only know as much as they are presented, he feels. Editors are in this capacity often dubbed gatekeepers, a term associated with David M. White. White writing about this phenomenon in 1950 explains that what information is published can either be chosen by impartial rules or by gate keepers who possesses the power to decide between in and out. White concludes that based on the reasons for rejecting news stories supplied by agencies it demonstrates how highly subjective news content is, with it being based on the gatekeeper s own values, attitudes, experiences and expectations of what news is (p.63). Mrs. Roosevelt is skeptical of Mr. Markel s International Press Institute. She bluntly asks him how it exactly is that he is going to improve understandings between nations. Markel feels that the community in general must help in what is a great crusade. He feels that the International Press Institute can bring together editors from all nations to discuss this problem. Mrs. Roosevelt agrees that improving understanding between nations is of great importance in society. One can argue that globalization rapidly advanced during the post-war decade. Between 1949 and 1959 the number of American households with a television set increased from 8% to 83%. According to Suzanna Franks (2005) we see a journalistic paradox of globalization: the world has become smaller and it is simpler to report the story for which there is a great need, yet there is less inclination to do it. Franks feels that during the time of the Cold War there was more coverage of international news, simply because it was a matter of life and death to be updated about the state of government of countries (p.92). Tom Kent, former international editor of the Associated Press, echoes the sentiment that news used to be seen from a Cold War antagonistic context: In 164 Page

171 5 C hapter the past, if there had been a war between the Hutu and the Tutsi, our first question would have been, who is ours and who is theirs? (Hannerz, 2004, p.179). Therefore, during the Cold War we see a misunderstanding between nations based on a two-sided conflict: you are either the ally or the enemy. Even though there was coverage of other countries, Pippa Norris (1995) claims that the Cold War provided American reporters with a clear and simple way to select, structure and prioritize complex international news (p.359). The Cold War media therefore conjured up an image of certain countries that was not truthful. Markel and Roosevelt both recognize this problem during the fifties. Markel feels his way to improve this is by founding the International Press Institute. Mrs. Roosevelt does it by addressing this problem in her radio broadcast. In the decades after, the coverage of and the interest of U.S. citizens in Third World countries remains low and inaccurate. According to Elliott and Golding (1979), the Cold War was influential in determining why which parts of the world were covered while others were ignored. While during the Cold War the press in the Soviet Union paid considerable attention to Africa, with the collapse of communism Africa disappeared from the front pages, seeing as how there were no longer points to be scored at the expense of the capitalist West (p.175). Third World countries may be struggling, but are still not at the center of attention of the western media, especially in the United States where 5.16 billion of the U.S. government budget - equal to 1% of the entire budget is dedicated to foreign aid ("State and USAID - FY 2013 Budget."). Though this may seem like a great deal, in reality this percentage is the lowest percentage of all developed nations. Additionally, only 0.6% of this will go to povertyfocused development efforts. Americans spend even more than this amount on sodas every year ("US Foreign Assistance"). Arguably, this says something about the general interest level of the U.S. in developing nations. Perhaps if there was more and improved coverage of the Third World there would be a public outcry for more and better help. Lester Markel expresses his feeling that the responsibility should come both from bottom-up, that is from the citizens demanding to be well-informed, and top-down: that the leader of a nation is also responsible for making sure that bad press does not exist in their country. However, Mrs. Roosevelt also feels it is not solely editors as Markel claims, but also reporters that are to blame for the quality of news coverage between countries. As an example she Page 165

172 Chapter 5 recalls a United Nations discussion she had with the Saudi-Arabian representative who explained to her that he felt his nation was badly represented in the American press. He claimed that the mere fact that the U.S. is so powerful and has enough money to spend in journalism means that freedom should actually be restricted there because journalists influence public opinion with what they write, which is according to him not always accurate. Now editors can do little about that except to set a kind of standard for what reporters do according to Mrs. Roosevelt. During her years on the campaign and in the White House, Roosevelt had to deal frequently with reporters. Maurine Beasley (1987), former Washington reporter and specialist in history of women in journalism, wrote how Mrs. Roosevelt sometimes kept a distance between herself and reporters (p.102). Roosevelt was often critical of newspapers and even influenced them in any way she could. She held weekly ladies only press conferences in the White House. This way, she forced each daily newspaper and wire service to keep at least one woman on staff to report her news (Brennen, 1995, p.205). In 1957 Mrs. Roosevelt herself became a temporary correspondent for the New York Post. According to Russell Freedman (1997), she had wanted to visit Russia for a long time and the Post gave her the chance to do so. Mrs. Roosevelt insisted that she wanted to see and describe the country by looking through Russian eyes, thereby reporting as truthfully as she could. She even sat down with Khrushchev for three hours to debate all issues that came up during the Cold War (p.164). Mr. Markel brings up La Prensa, an independent daily newspaper in Argentina and the scandal that happened in March 1951, just a few months before this radio broadcast. The government suppressed the newspaper for criticizing the regime of Juan Domingo Peron. Following this repression of free press riots broke out all over the country (Keen & Haynes, 2012, p.384). Markel indicates that the International Press Institute is something that can look into these situations as an example of what might happen and how it can be prevented. Mrs. Roosevelt feels that this is of great value, to many people there is very little understanding of what that case has meant in the way of containment of freedom of the press and just the feeling that, oh well, Argentina has a dictator, and nothing can be done about it. But it should, one should be able to do something even in a dictatorship. It seems Mrs. Roosevelt is not impressed by the general level of knowledge and interest of the U.S. in foreign affairs. Her personal attitude towards problems was to 166 P age

173 5 C hapter tackle them vigorously. Eleanor Roosevelt was often called the first lady of courage because of her remarkable ability to face and overcome every challenge (Gerber, 2003, p.123). She also greatly encouraged education and learning, even writing the book You Learn by Living: Eleven Keys for a More Fulfilling Life. With the United Nations she was able to meet and speak to many people from different countries. Freedman describes that during what authors have named her years alone she travelled all around the world. When arriving in India in 1952, she tells the prime minister: I have come here to learn (Freedman, 1997, p.159). Most Americans were unaware of anxieties of peoples on the other side of the globe, something Mrs. Roosevelt makes clear she disapproves of in this broadcast. Finally in this broadcast, Mrs. Roosevelt wonders how Markel would appraise the present newspaper performance in the U.S. Markel feels that they are better than ever but still not good enough for the present need. Newspapers and other mass communication are covering too much entertainment and not enlightenment. The important issue should be made as dramatic as any of the sensational stories that these media are concerned with, according to Markel. He says that newspapers out of all of them must take the lead because no other medium is able to give multiple perspectives, background stories, more columns and for the reader the ability to read back. The1950s view of Markel is not much different to that of Harcup half a century later. In Journalism Principles and Practices, Harcup (2004) argues that the job of a journalist is to inform as well as entertain. The trick is then for the journalist to realize that when he fails to inform and through this, educate, he ceases being a journalist (p.122). Eleanor Roosevelt feels that Markel is still being kind to U.S. newspapers by and large. She believes that the U.S. has the best, but also some of the worst papers in the world, they cater to a public that had a desire for sensation, the horrors that naturally happen and in many cases the enlightenment that you desire to give is not asked for by the public, and somehow it would take extraordinary presentation to make the public read it. Again this quote demonstrates the low opinion Mrs. Roosevelt holds of Americans. Lisa Barry (2004) claims that Eleanor Roosevelt sought to educate the nation about the importance of all the people women, minorities, the underprivileged, the ill- in the development of a peaceful and equitable society (p.188). In Good Citizenship: The Purpose of Education (1930) Mrs. Page 167

174 Chapter 5 Roosevelt wrote about the ignorance of American citizens. She claims that thirty odd years ago thus around the early twentieth century- citizens hardly knew anything of government or civic duties, including herself. Very few [contemporary] children are as ignorant as I was. But there still remains a vast amount to be done before we accomplish our first objective informed and intelligent citizens, and, secondly, bring about the realization that we are all responsible for the trend of thought and the action of our times (p.95). Mr. Markel agrees and feels that readers must insist on being educated and even feels that there is a general demand for this. Martin Kriesberg studied the task of educating and informing American public opinion with regards to foreign affairs in His result was that more than 90 percent of Americans rely on either the radio or daily newspaper for their foreign news. He cites a poll that concluded that radio is the most trusted medium by a majority of Americans, of which 50 percent believed radio was less biased than newspapers. The preference of radio, according to Kriesberg, originates mostly in lower income groups, the less educated, the unskilled, the rural and the foreign born (p.60). 3 This is not surprising because these groups are more likely to be illiterate or have trouble with the printed word. Daily newspapers are also a bigger expense for the poor than radio. Eleanor Roosevelt however laughs off the claim that Americans wish to be educated and recalls an amusing experience as an example. During FDR s first campaign, he did not frequently have any press with him and yet he won. When she rode a taxi in New York, she saw a newspaper that was against her husband lying on the seat next to him. The driver said he loved my husband, so I said, why do you read that newspaper then? The driver had looked surprised and asked if the paper was indeed against her husband. Mrs. 2 This article by Martin Kriesberg was in fact published and edited by Lester Markel. 3 The author would also like to refer you to an article where Kriesberg s work is revisited and explored, comparing the U.S. to Switzerland with regard to knowledge of international affairs in: Iyengar, S., K. S. Hahn, H. Bonfadelli, and M. Marr. ""Dark Areas of Ignorance" Revisited: Comparing International Affairs Knowledge in Switzerland and the United States." Communication Research 36.3 (2009): P age

175 5 C hapter Roosevelt had told him yes and asked him why he read it then. The driver claimed: Oh I just read the comics and sports, nothing else. Case Study 2: program 168 From May 21 until June 1 Eleanor Roosevelt recorded her radio broadcasts from Geneva, Switzerland while she was there on United Nations business. The fact that she so often travelled for her job as U.N. delegate was one of the main reasons for cancelling the show. In August 1951 Elliott Roosevelt claims NBC felt that the shows emanating from Europe lost audience because of foreign accents (Beasley, 1987, p.174). This may indicate the level of interest of American citizens and radio studios in foreign affairs; a difficult accent can already eliminate any curiosity they may show. One such guest with a foreign accent was interviewed by Mrs. Roosevelt on June 1, 1951, namely Mr. Bernard Beguin. Beguin was the foreign editor of the Journal de Genève, published in the French speaking section of Switzerland. 4 Mr. Beguin says he is very honored to be on the show, and tells Mrs. Roosevelt he is at her disposal. He makes a remark about the unusualness of a journalist to be interviewed instead of doing the interviewing. Eleanor Roosevelt is surprised at how young Beguin is and is especially keen to know how he managed to become a foreign editor at only 28. It could be that she emphasizes this to raise Beguin s ethos. It would be better for the show if her guests were special and interesting. Beguin, however, is very modest about it, assuring her his career is not interesting and still in its beginning. Additionally he wishes to clarify that he is only one of the foreign editors. Roosevelt still remarks, This is quite a rapid advancement. Mrs. Roosevelt expresses an interest in knowing more about the Journal de Genève, what its character is and what it stands for. Beguin states that his paper has a great concentration on international news. This originates from the First World War and is also clearly established during the Second World War. Switzerland as a neutral country stood out as a force of democracy free to express itself, surrounded by countries occupied by German forces and Nazism. Together with their newspaper circulation during the war, their chief editor was also broadcasting from Switzerland and commenting on the 4 From here on every reference made to the interview with Mr. Beguin comes from "Program 168." The Eleanor Roosevelt Program. NBC Radio. 1 June Radio. Page 169

176 Chapter 5 international situation. Beguin feels that Mrs. Roosevelt must know how much radio broadcast had an influence on public opinion. Mrs. Roosevelt already began with radio work in 1933, according to her autobiography to earn some extra money during the bad years of the Depression. She describes how she was able to make contributions to organizations with the money she earned, but also how she could help individuals (Roosevelt, 1961, p.136). Congress was wary of the way she spent her money and even attacked her for evading income taxes by regarding a series of radio talks as benefits (p.136). In her own words she used the radio as a way to still reach people with things that it seems important for them to hear (p.416). This prompts Mrs. Roosevelt to gauge the international interest in the Journal de Genève and asks, does it still have a big circulation outside of Switzerland? Beguin briefly states that most likely the biggest circulation is outside of Switzerland. As seen, the level of interest of Americans in international news disappoints Mrs. Roosevelt. The fact that other nations were so interested in Switzerland must have surprised her and it could explain the quality of reporting of other nations in the Swiss newspapers. Mrs. Roosevelt states she has noticed that the Swiss papers indeed are very well written and condensed with foreign news. However, Beguin says that although a few papers have specialized in covering foreign affairs, the public opinion of the Swiss is focused on national and local affairs. Wenger and Neunlist (2008) who have studied Switzerland s foreign interest during and after the Cold War explain this dualism. They explain how on the one hand the Swiss are internationalists; in economic, scientific and cultural terms, Switzerland s knowledge society is highly integrated into the global economy (p.213). On the other hand the Swiss can be defined as isolationists. Switzerland is determined to maintain its political independence in the middle of an integrating Europe (p.214). The thing that unites the Swiss they argue, is their perception of being a special case an image of a Utopian republic at the heart of Europe that for centuries was haunted by nationalism, well integrated domestically and admired by the world as the model of statehood, and which, indeed, served as an early model for the European Union (p.214). Mr. Beguin shatters Mrs. Roosevelt s optimistic view about finding a nation whose people did have an interest in foreign affairs when he even states this interest may even not reach as far as Europe. He suggests that the cause may be the federalist political system that both the U.S. and Switzerland have. 170 P age

177 5 C hapter This requires citizens to vote for the central as well as the local government (Kernell and Jacobson, 2011, p.93). Beguin cynically adds that the Swiss have an interest in foreign politics only when world events have an immediate effect on their own lives. Mrs. Roosevelt feels this is surprising. She had noticed from their newspapers that Swiss people must be very well up on foreign politics. She wonders if only the foreigners then read these articles. Mr. Beguin refuses to declare that clearly, however, he says the papers with the biggest circulation within Switzerland are the ones carrying local news. Rahofer and Weber (2006) set out a number of factors that characterize the media landscape in Switzerland that support Beguin s arguments. They argue that there is a high importance of regional and local media, due to the relative smallness of the country but also, as Mr. Beguin said, due to the federal structure. Additionally, they are multi-lingual causing the media scene to literally be divided into at least German, Italian and French speaking regions (p.65). They go on to argue that in virtually no other country the multi-linguality is so prevailing and determines the media landscape so drastically. For every separate region they have different magazines, dailies, weeklies, TV program, radio stations and even news agencies (p.66). Mrs. Roosevelt wishes to know how the media in all these different regions communicates. From an American perspective the idea that such a small country s media can represent so many different interests in an efficient way must have looked interesting. America is a collection of states as well, and a country that is mostly interested in local news. A listener can hear Mrs. Roosevelt s surprise growing the more she understands that even though America is very big and Switzerland very small, the two countries are very much alike. Beguin explains that Switzerland has one national press agency, the Switzerland Telegraphic Agency (STA). It gathers and spreads news stories in all three languages, concerns itself with all the regions and additionally has correspondents abroad ("Schweizerische Depeschenagentur AG ). However, the bigger newspapers have their own correspondents abroad. Of course interested in the coverage of her home country, Mrs. Roosevelt inquires if his paper has correspondents in the U.S. Beguin does not want to offend Mrs. Roosevelt, but the problem with our paper is the cost of living in the U.S., if I may say so. Even the bigger papers are not able to afford this. Kevin Williams in his book International Journalism supports this. The post-war changing Page 171

178 Chapter 5 economic circumstances for the practice of international journalism are crucial according to him (p.169). The cost of maintaining correspondents and bureaus abroad is increasingly seen as prohibitive according to Williams (p.169). For the Journal de Genève it is even more difficult, because the general circulation of the bigger papers hardly reaches 100,000. Therefore, having even one person in a country as big and diverse as the U.S. is an expenditure they cannot afford. Mrs. Roosevelt thinks that in this case they may be able to use American journalists as correspondents. Mr. Beguin says that does happen, but very limited. There is one man in the U.S. who works for several papers in Switzerland. However, the U.S. is according to him not the best example of Swiss foreign correspondence. Their newspapers focus on the political points, i.e. where the government of a nation meets and where important decisions are made, to get the world news and station their correspondents there, cities such as London and Paris. This very much interests Mrs. Roosevelt. She expresses her delight when she read some Swiss articles about the United States and saw how the writer had such a good knowledge of her country even though America is quite complicated to understand. It s not often that you find a foreigner who does understand and I m quite interested in apparently how well it s understood in Switzerland thus Mrs. Roosevelt. This is the second time she tries to bring this up. The first time she was not specific enough and Beguin bluntly told her the Swiss are not interested in foreign news at all. Mrs. Roosevelt struggled to again put this in words, more clearly and specific this time, hoping that Mr. Beguin will respond this time. He replies that the U.S. is a country where it is easiest to get information from. He therefore compliments the Americans and not his own country, you have a way of dealing with the public information that is the most advanced and from which it is easy to get the information. This gets back to the program with Mr. Lester Markel, where he and Mrs. Roosevelt talked about the flood of information between countries and the truthful coverage that streams out of this. Mrs. Roosevelt is happy that at least her own country does well in spreading its information abroad understandably, from which truthful coverage comes more naturally. The two go on to briefly discuss the coverage of crime stories in Swiss newspapers. Mrs. Roosevelt was well aware after living all those years in the spotlight that any person could try to harm her or her husband. Yet she was 172 Page

179 5 C hapter fearless about crime and criminals in her life. In a My Day column of March 14, 1960 she writes about receiving a telephone threat I can t say that such things disturb me much (Roosevelt & Emblidge, 2001, p.282). Additionally, she often spoke out about her views on crime, especially capital punishment. In the same column she also writes about capital punishment, saying I hope many people will give it serious reflection and come to the conclusion that I have that human beings have no right to take each other s lives (Roosevelt & Emblidge, 2001, p.282). Mrs. Roosevelt learns from Beguin that the Swiss newspapers do devote space to crime. He argues that the French newspapers cover crime in greater detail and many of these are sold in the French speaking parts. Beguin does feel that there is more coverage of crime than twenty years ago when suicide would never have been mentioned, now at least they mention it. Eleanor Roosevelt also wants to get back on the topic of the Swiss preference of local news. Because of her function as delegate at the United Nations, she is particularly interested to know if Swiss newspapers also have difficulty selling news about the UN. Especially, she argues, because the European headquarters of the UN is right there in Geneva. Beguin s answer is that it is hard to sell news about a political body, because people feel that politics is the business of specialists, they do not really care about it in their day-to-day life. Surprising is how Mrs. Roosevelt does not respond to this statement, seeing how she grew up in politics. Her uncle was president Theodore Roosevelt, her husband Franklin successfully ran for presidential office three times, and she herself was a public servant as delegate to the UN. Mrs. Roosevelt most certainly had observations about citizen s participation in politics even though she does not express them in this broadcast. In her book You Learn by Living: Eleven Keys for a More Fulfilling Life she devotes a chapter to it called How Everyone Can Take Part in Politics where she talks about too many citizens not even doing the minimal requirement to serve your country: cast your vote on election day and vote intelligently. She then says and here we hit a snag: how do you acquire the ability to vote intelligently? She argues that citizens must stay informed and rely on the President to educate, but also: The great mass media of communication, newspapers, radio, television, which are, or should be, vehicles for bringing unbiased reports of news events, economic and political conditions; the commentators who are, or should be, analysts of the news of economics, of contemporary Page 173

180 Chapter 5 history, of political leaders ( ); and discussion, frank and open on men and policies with friends and neighbors. (1960, p.172) Her cynicism of the media s trustworthiness is clear from the dependent clauses or should be. This broadcast touches upon many of the same topics as she discussed with Mr. Markel, but this time she is more curious than critical, which may be the reason she did not respond to Beguin s statement about politics. The focus of the conversation lies mostly with the difficulties Beguin experiences as a foreign editor. Conclusion Overall it seems clear that there are many debatable issues that concern foreign news coverage in the early 1950s. There were significant obstacles to attain people s interest in foreign news that different media outlets had to overcome. It seems that different countries faced this same problem, because as seen, both the U.S. newspapers and those in Switzerland had to find solutions to this problem of the citizens apparent indifference to international news. Even though Roosevelt was fairly critical of the U.S. newspapers and had higher hopes of the Swiss papers, Mr. Beguin indicates that the Swiss are not significantly interested in foreign news either, despite the fact that Switzerland is a very different country than the U.S. This is one concern that seems to arise throughout both programs, and which Mrs. Roosevelt herself indicates is a very interesting and yet worrying issue. Because even though Markel s International Press Institute has four goals, three of which deal with freedom, they mainly only discuss the final goal, namely the improvement of the practices of journalism because of Mrs. Roosevelt s interest in this. She makes it clear that she is disappointed in the level of commitment of U.S. citizens with regards to the problems that she faces in her work with the U.N., in this she agrees with Mr. Markel. However, she gives the impression that she feels other parties, such as journalists, editors and the government, are to blame as well. It seems that even though she has a rich background in radio, she still does not consider herself a journalist. From a 21 st century perspective, what is most striking about these broadcasts is that many of the difficulties foreign news reporting faced then, are still prominent concerns today. Kevin Williams (2011) discusses the troubles international journalism of the 21 st century seems to face. Issues such as no money to station correspondents in different places, thereby only covering the news that reach the big cities are still a problem. Also the readers 174 Page

181 5 C hapter disinterest, with as the only solution putting a local angle on foreign news to bring it closer to their own country, and thereby get them to develop an interest. Mrs. Roosevelt herself also faces difficulties in addressing foreign issues on this radio program. She criticizes newspapers for catering to the public s desire for sensation news and even though she herself does not do this, she does concede on some levels by adhering to the public s wishes to debate the complications of the Cold War. Foreign news reporting during the Cold War was already difficult because the whole country was subject to government propaganda (McCormick, 1995, p.104). Therefore, only the countries that the U.S. had an interest in due to Cold War foreign policy were addressed in the news, but not truthfully represented. With this, the Cold War also encourages the neglect of other countries, or even entire continents such as Africa, where Mrs. Roosevelt was working hard to promote human rights. The only story anybody wishes to hear about and report on is the Cold War story. It may be because of the anxieties and fears of Americans and the popular demand that Mrs. Roosevelt covers the Cold War stories in her broadcasts. Nevertheless, Mrs. Roosevelt does bring up other stories too: the stories that go unnoticed to most Americans. Instead of a journalist it could very well be that she considers herself, especially with her function in the U.N. Human Rights Commission, an advocate for the underrepresented people. It was Mrs. Roosevelt s intention to educate the people, to discuss the issues that were ignored, to be a voice for those countries and people who could not speak out. With her United Nations work it is clear that she was the most prominent advocate of human rights of her time at least. Eleanor Roosevelt was the chairperson of the Commission on Human rights that drafted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. With it, she states, they have put into words inherent rights that countries can aim to have. Beyond that, we have found that the conditions of our contemporary world require the enumeration of certain protections which the individual must have if he is to acquire a sense of security and dignity in its own person. The effect of this is frankly educational. Indeed, I like to think that the Declaration will help forward very largely the education of the peoples of the world. ( Promise of Human Rights, 1948) This is what is extraordinary about Mrs. Roosevelt s attitude towards the world, because she did not look at it from an American perspective. She Page 175

182 Chapter 5 spoke up for African Americans, women, and so many other groups that were fighting for their rights even though the government seemed to be occupied with fighting the Cold War. Blanche W. Cook (1993) quotes a friend of Mrs. Roosevelt who told her: You could never invite her to dinner. You would never know who she would bring along Blacks, Jews, Sapphists in slacks, rude communist youths. It was so unsettling (p.1). She did everything she could for them, defying all rules and insisting on weekly ladies only press conferences. In the program examined here, she is able to be the advocate of foreign news. In the end it is clear that Mrs. Roosevelt is very much involved with, and concerned about foreign news. Her involvement in the U.N. has stimulated her even more to take on the role of press secretary of the disregarded world. She uses The Eleanor Roosevelt Program to discuss serious topics, invites serious guests and even though she can joke around a little, her questions can be critical and/or instigated by curiosity. She is interested in foreign news, treats it extensively and is curious on how other media deal with the problem of keeping citizens well informed. This conclusion is drawn based on a general analysis of the programs and only two in-depth case studies. Therefore it would be very interesting to have a more extensive study. Especially one that focuses on programs where Mrs. Roosevelt addresses foreign news items herself, whether or not they are popular, and how she tackles them. 176 P age

183 5 C hapter References Primary Sources Lester Markel, Sunday Editor of New York Times for 40 Years." (24 Oct. 1977) St. Petersburg Times. "Program 113." (16 March 1951). The Eleanor Roosevelt Program. [Radio] New York: NBC Radio. "Program 144." (30 April 1951). The Eleanor Roosevelt Program. [Radio] New York: NBC Radio. "Program 168." (1 June 1951). The Eleanor Roosevelt Program. [Radio] New York: NBC Radio. "Program 184." (25 June 1951). The Eleanor Roosevelt Program. [Radio] New York: NBC Radio. "Program 200." (17 July 1951). The Eleanor Roosevelt Program. [Radio] New York: NBC Radio. "Program 208." (27 July 1951). The Eleanor Roosevelt Program. [Radio] New York: NBC Radio. Roosevelt, E. (1930) Good Citizenship: The Purpose of Education. The Pictorial Review. Roosevelt, E., & D. Emblidge. (2001) My Day: The Best of Eleanor Roosevelt's Acclaimed Newspaper Columns, New York: Da Capo. Roosevelt, E. (1961). The Autobiography of Eleanor Roosevelt. New York: Harper & Brothers. Roosevelt, E. (1960). You Learn by Living: Eleven Keys for a More Fulfilling Life. Westminster: John Knox Press. Roosevelt, E. (17 December 1954). Speech conducted from Brandeis University, Massachusetts. Roosevelt, E. (1948). The Promise of Human Rights. Foreign Affairs. Page 177

184 Chapter 5 Secondary Sources "About Us."(n.d.). International Press Institute International Press Institute. Retrieved 26 October, 2012 from Barry, L. (2004) Eleanor Roosevelt: A Rhetorical Reconstruction of First Ladydom." Inventing a Voice: The Rhetoric of American First Ladies of the Twentieth Century. (pp ) By Molly Meijer. Wertheimer. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield. Black, A. (26 Aug.2010) "Eleanor Roosevelt and the Media." C3 History. C- Span, Television. Beasley, M. (1984). "Eleanor Roosevelt's Press Conferences: Symbolic Importance of a Pseudo-Event." Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly, 61(2), Beasley, M. (1987). Eleanor Roosevelt and the Media: A Public Quest for Selffulfillment. Urbana: University of Illinois. Beasley, M. (1985). "Eleanor Roosevelt: First Lady as Radio Pioneer." Non- Journal: Paper Presented at the Annual Meeting of the Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication, 19, ERIC. Beasley, M. (2005). First Ladies and the Press: The Unfinished Partnership of the Media Age. Evanston, IL: Northwestern UP. Brands, H. W., & Leffler, M. P. (1993) "A Preponderance of Power: National Security, the Truman Administration, and the Cold War." The American Historical Review, 98(2), Brennen, B. (1995). "Newsworkers during the Interwar Era: A Critique of Traditional Media History." Communication Quarterly, 43(2), Cook, B. W. (1993). Eleanor Roosevelt: New York: Bloomsbury. 178 P age

185 5 C hapter "Franklin D. Roosevelt Presidential Library and Museum." (n.d) History of the FDR Library. Presidential Library. Retrieved on 15 November 2012 from Franks, S. (2005) "Lacking a Clear Narrative: Foreign Reporting after the Cold War." The Political Quarterly, 76(S1), Freedman, R. (1997). Eleanor Roosevelt a Life of Discovery. New York: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt. Gerber, R. (2003) Leadership the Eleanor Roosevelt Way: Timeless Strategies from the First Lady of Courage 1. U.S.: Penguin Group. Golding, P., & Elliott, P.R.C. (1979). Making the News. London: Longman. Hannerz, U. (2004) Foreign News: Exploring the World of Foreign Correspondents. Chicago: University of Chicago. Harcup, T., & O'Neill, D. (2001) "What Is News? Galtung and Ruge Revisited." Journalism Studies, 2(2), Harcup, T. (2004). Journalism: Principles and Practice. London: Sage Publications. Hickok, L. (1980). Eleanor Roosevelt, Reluctant First Lady. New York: Dodd, Mead. Keen, B., & Haynes, K. (2012). A History of Latin America. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth. Kernell, S., & Jacobson, G.C. (2011). The Logic of American Politics. Washington, D.C.: CQ. Knepper, C. D. (2004). Dear Mrs. Roosevelt: Letters to Eleanor Roosevelt through Depression and War. New York: Carroll & Graf Publishers. Kriesberg, M. (1949). "Dark Areas of Ignorance" Public Opinion and Foreign Policy, in ed. Lester Markel. New York: Harper. Page 179

186 Chapter 5 Lash, J. P. (1971). Eleanor and Franklin: The Story of Their Relationship, Based on Eleanor Roosevelt's Private Papers. New York: W.W. Norton. Lash, J. P. (1972) Eleanor: The Years Alone. New York: Norton. "Lester Markel, " (1997, 24 October) Editorial. New York Times [New York] Obituaries sec.: 11. St. Petersburg Times. Retrieved on 21 November 2012 from Google News Archive Search. C6AB1 78BD95F438785F9 Markel, L. (1972). What You Don't Know Can Hurt You; a Study of Public Opinion and Public Emotion. Washington: Public Affairs. May, E.T. (2008) Homeward Bound: American Families in the Cold War Era. New York: Basic. McCormick, T. J. (1995). America's Half-century: United States Foreign Policy in the Cold War and after. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UP. McGilligan, P., & Buhle P. (1997). Tender Comrades: A Backstory of the Hollywood Blacklist. New York: St. Martin's. Norris, P. (1995) "The Restless Searchlight: Network News Framing of the Post Cold War World." Political Communication, 12(4), Rahofer, M., & Weber, S. (2006) "From Tri-Linguality to Tri-Mediality? (The Possible Future Of) Cross-Media Journalism in Switzerland." Tri-Medial Working in European Local Journalism. Ed. Hans Paukens and Sandra Uebbing. European Commission: Leonardo Da Vinci Pilot Projects, Scharf, L. (1987). Eleanor Roosevelt: First Lady of American Liberalism. Boston: Twayne. "Schweizerische Depeschenagentur AG." (n.d.) Kurzportrait. Retrieved on 13 November 2012 from P age

187 5 C hapter "State and USAID - FY 2013 Budget." (2012) U.S. Department of State. Retrieved on 29 October 2012 from "US Foreign Assistance." (n.d) AIDemocracy.org. CARE. Retrieved on 29 October 2012 from Wenger, A, & Nuenlist C. (2008) "A 'Special Case' between Independence and Interdependence: Cold War Studies and Cold War Politics in Post-Cold War Switzerland." Cold War History, 8(2), Wertheimer, M. (2005). Leading Ladies of the White House: Communication Strategies of Notable Twentieth-century First Ladies. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield. White, D. M. (1950). "The "Gate Keeper": A Case Study in the Selection of News." Social Meanings of News: A Text-reader. By D. A. Berkowitz. (1997) Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, Williams, K. (2011). International journalism. SAGE Publications Limited. Page 181

188 Chapter 5 Appendix -Transcriptions- Program 208: July 27, 1951 Roosevelt: I am very happy to have with me today Mr. Lester Markel, Sunday editor of the New York Times. Mr. Markel. Markel: I'm very happy to be here Mrs. Roosevelt, because I think we are both engaged in solving or trying to solve at least what seems to be the great problem in the world, the problem of understanding Roosevelt: I am glad to be included with you sir in that! Markel: Oh I know you Mrs. Roosevelt and I hope we are succeeding. Roosevelt: Now first of all Mr. Markel, what is the purpose of the international press institute? Markel: Eh, I think the purposes Mrs. Roosevelt can best be expressed if I read from preamble of the constitution of the institute adopted last summer. There are 4 purposes named. First, the furthering and safeguarding of the freedom of the press. By freedom is the press is mean: free access to the news, free transmission of news, free publication of newspapers, and free expression of views. Second, the achievement of understanding within newspapers and so people. And third the promotion of the free exchange of accurate and balanced news among nations. Finally, the improvement of the practices of journalism. Roosevelt: Well, that's a very interesting list of purposes. How is the idea for it originated? Markel: Well it came about Mrs. Roosevelt through my belief that understanding was the great problem. And editors were extremely important in helping to solve that problem. For a number of years I have been a member of the American society of newspapers in which I met editors from all over the country and I realized what personal contact would accomplish. I therefore tried to translate that in international terms. And with the help of the Rockefeller foundations we have now enough funds to bring into being the International Institute for a period of three years. After that it must be self-supporting. Roosevelt: Well, now eh, just how do you propose going about improving understanding between peoples? Markel: Well because that is a very large problem, and the newspapers is only one part of it. The radio and television are other parts. The community in general must help in what is a great crusade. So far as editors are concerned I 182 P age

189 5 C hapter think it is important that nations understand each other, and that can be done only, I believe, through personal exchanges. And it is especially important to bring about this meeting of editors and to consider their problems. Roosevelt: Well I think that is true, but now for instance to give you a concrete example: I found in the discussion that we had in the UN in committee three that one of the people who was the most bitter about American press and things was Saudi Arabia, the delegate from Saudi Arabia. Now he had the feeling that his nation had been badly represented and that the mere fact that we were so powerful in our press, in the money we had spent in our press associations and so on, meant that freedom should be curtailed for us because we could get across so many things and he felt they weren't always truthful. Now editors I suppose can do little about that except to set a kind of standard for what their reporters do. Markel: Well, I think there is a double responsibility. I think there is the primary responsibility of editor to see that our press is responsible as well as free. And then there is the responsibility of the leader who I think deserves great deal attention, who makes sure that bad press not exist in US. As for the problem of Saudi Arabia, I think that is one that the International Press Institute could well study, as to whether they are having proper news from the US [interrupted] Roosevelt: Now I'm not sure if he was right in his feeling, do you see, because I have no way of ascertaining what were the articles that he objected to and whether they were true or not, do you see Markel: Yes but I was saying Mrs. Roosevelt that I think an International Press Institute could determine whether one country was getting the proper true information about another and vice versa. Because I think our impressions of other nations are based on what we hear through the media and mass communication. Now I think an International Press Institute so far as newspapers are concerned, could inquire into the sources and the nature of information that passes between one nation and another. Roosevelt: Well now that is one of the ways that you will operate to achieve your aims as an international press institute, are there any others? Markel: Well I want to explain exactly what the organization is, there are two main branches, there is the general membership that will meet once a year to discuss interests international journalism. And there is a permanent secretary that will conduct continuous researches with headquarters at Zurich. And it is Page 183

190 Chapter 5 for the establishment of that secretariat on a rather elaborate scale that these foundation s funds have been granted. Roosevelt: I see, now who may belong to the International Press Institute? Markel: The International Press Institute will be composed of representations from any free country in the world. Roosevelt: Well now how does the conception of the institute differ from the UNESCO institute? Markel: Well, in the first place UNESCO of course included all nations. We require that all the nations of the institute shall be member of a staff of newspaper that subscribes to the principles of free press as they have been defined in the preamble, which I read at the beginning of this talk. [Coughs] In the second place we believe that any such organization ought to be free of any government affiliation, national or international, in order to avoid some of the difficulties frankly we have run into at the UN at UNESCO. And I think that Mrs. Roosevelt you have seen a good deal of that kind of difficulties. Where our conception of what a newspaper is supposed to be is quite different from that of other nations. Roosevelt: Yes we ve seen that difficulty in writing a convention on freedom of information [interrupted] Markel: which turned out [interrupted] Roosevelt: turned out to be limitation of freedom. Markel: and of which I understand we will now be, we are voting against [interrupted] Roosevelt: you would never be able to sign the present document, we couldn t possibly, we never could have stood for it. It was being written, reported every inch of the way. Markel: Even though the idea came originally from [interrupted] Roosevelt: the idea came from us originally, but we were thinking about freedom, we weren t thinking about restricting freedom. That s what it s turned out to be. [Laughs] Markel: so you can see therefore why an institute such as this kind free of any such government affiliation could do the kind of job that is impossible at the UN. And I m not saying any word disparaging the kind of work that the UN does. Roosevelt: Well now, what kind of research will your secretariat do in this instance? 184 P age

191 5 C hapter Markel: Well now, the kind of research we ve been talking about for one thing the kind of news the kind of information that flows from one nation and another. At our latest meeting these are merely four examples we decided on four media projects to be undertaken as soon as these secretariat is established. And I think if I tell you what those are briefly, it ll implicate the kind of work we can do. There was first a survey of freedom of information throughout the world. And a need of that I think is reinforced by the news the other day; a survey by the Associated Press of the way censorship and restriction was increasing all over the world. In the second place we decided to do a symposium of 500 leading editors on what they thought newspapers could contribute toward better understanding. And I think that would be an interesting publication. There were then two definite projects. One, which interests me a great deal: A seminar on the collecting and presenting news from Russia. I think that is an intensely important and interesting and complicated problem. And finally a project to study why La Prensa was suppressed, how that came about, what lessons that holds for the future. I think while the case is still fresh we can get together a great deal of information on what is one of the important cases in international journalism. Roosevelt: Now what kind of reception has the plan had among editors, Mr. Markel? Markel: I think it s had a most favorable reception! I was abroad, I ve just come back from abroad, I spent three weeks conferring with editors, before that they were very enthusiastic. And after that, I say modestly, they are more enthusiastic. Especially the London editors who are very difficult people to read in many international organizations and they have formed a committee to help us. And I m deeply gratified. Roosevelt: I think that s very gratifying. Well now, will the institute be confined to the North Atlantic countries only? Markel: It is a world institute and any free nation [interrupted] Roosevelt: any free nation? Markel: Can supply members to it. Roosevelt: Well, that s, uh, very interesting. Well now I m interested in what you think you can do about La Prensa for instance, when you do your research work. Markel: Well we can t, the adoption of resolutions will do no good, the case is over for the present at least. We can as I have indicated; study that case as an Page 185

192 Chapter 5 example of might happen and what can be done to prevent similar things in the future. Roosevelt: Yes, well that s uh, that would be of great value, because I think to a great many people there is very little understanding of eh what that case has meant in the way of containment of freedom of the press and just the feeling that oh well, Argentina has a dictator, and nothing can be done about it. But it should, one should be able to do something even in a dictatorship. Markel: Yes I think it is particularly interesting that even though there is democratic tradition in Argentina, nevertheless this did happen. Well how did it happen? Roosevelt: How did it happen? Markel: and why. Why did it happen in Germany under Hitler? Roosevelt: Well now I see we have to give our announcer a chance to say a few words. But we ll come right back as he has said his say. Roosevelt: Now we return to our interview with Mr. Markel and continue the discussion of how can United States papers can help to the better understanding between peoples. And I would like to ask you Mr. Markel if you can give us an idea of how you think our papers in the United States can make a real contribution to this understanding which is so essential to the peace of the world. Markel: Well I think the important question, the important issue always is this one, as I have stated it before, namely that it is vital in view of the fact that we have large world role to play, that the newspapers realize their responsibility their responsibility. In other words they have a tremendous responsibility in the formation of public opinion. Unless our public opinion is well informed, unless it is sound, unless it moves by reason rather than emotion, I think we are in for trouble. The newspapers must play an important part in forming that intelligent public opinion. Our, our newspapers probably, I shall say, our newspapers are, without the probably the best newspapers in the world. But I wonder whether they good enough in the present emergency? I wonder whether they are providing enough information to bring about the informed public opinion without which the world is going to be lost because the world looks to us. I ve said it in a very global, momentous way but I really mean it that way, Mrs. Roosevelt. 186 P age

193 5 C hapter Roosevelt: Well [sighs] there are a great many questions that occur to me. Uhm. And perhaps I ll have a few minutes later to ask them, but I first would like to ask you, what is your appraisal of the present newspaper performance in the United States? Markel: My present appraisal is that the newspapers are doing a better job, a considerably better job than they ever did. But that job is not sufficient for the present need. Because in too many instances I think newspapers and I say newspapers but I ought to include other media of mass communication, even radio, even television, are doing too much of a job in entertainment and not enough a job in enlightenment. And I think the problem is to make the important issue of the day as dramatic as any of sensational stories with which these media are concerned with. Now I m certain it can be done but it requires a great deal of thought. But this problem of presentation is the one that requires a study, and I think that the newspapers especially must take the lead in doing that, because they are able in a way no other medium of mass communication is able, to give perspective and background. Now that is not a reflection, I m very conscious on being on radio at this moment, that is not a reflection on radio, but on the newspapers you do have more columns, in which one column can put in its proper perspective. On the radio you announce first things first, and you get the first flash and that s the one that s registered. Now possibly in television that can be corrected but the newspaper I feel has that large responsibility and it must exercise it. Roosevelt: Well now, I think you re being rather kind to our newspapers by and large. I think we have in the United States, some, without question, some of our papers are the best papers in the world and because of the fact that we have more newsprint available they probably give more information to people than it is possible for newspapers in other parts of the world. Now the very place that you have chosen for your international press institute to have its headquarters is Zurich, which has one of the best papers in the world, but [interrupted] Markel: That is one reason it was put there. Roosevelt: [laughs] that s the reason it was put there well, I happen to have interviewed their editor while I was in Geneva and I therefore read the paper and I know the paper. But I would say that we also had some of the worst papers in the world in this country. Worse because they catered to a public, the worst in the public, that had a desire for sensation, the desire for the horrors that naturally happen in any large area of the world and in many cases the Page 187

194 Chapter 5 enlightenment that you want to give is not asked for by the public and somehow it would take I think, extraordinarily good and dramatic presentation to make the public read it. Now, how would you improve the possibility for this? Markel: Now I would like to talk for a moment first on the question of whether we have the worst papers in the world. I think we have among the worst and they probably are the worst because they could be the best [interrupted] Roosevelt: They could be without question the best. Markel: Because we do have the newsprint and the opportunity. Therefore as much as they fall down on their jobs they are the worst. But the papers, I don t think we ought to delude ourselves there are papers in other countries that are [Simultaneous]: just as bad Markel: Including those that are crying for newsprint and I think that if they had as much newsprint [interrupted] Roosevelt: They d be just as bad as ours. Markel: yes. Roosevelt: I think perhaps that is true but in many of the countries where they are at present most stirred up against us, they have only no press really because their press is subsidized by the government. As it is in India partly and was in the old days in china completely and so forth. But I think you can't compare what the coverage we have with what coverage they have in almost any part of the world. Markel: Well I don t think there is any argument on that score. What I was saying was really a footnote to come back to your main question as to what can be done to improve the newspapers here. I think it s a job that requires the effort of both the editor and of the reader. So far as the editor is concerned he must recognize his responsibility. If he is intent on putting out entertainment instead of enlightenment then I think he ought to go buy himself a movie house. I think he ought to get out of journalism because I think he has abdicated his real function. I think the increasing number of newspapers recognize that. I think there is much more demand for that kind of paper than most editors realize. And that brings me to the second point; in the United States a bad paper exists because it has readers. If the reader didn t buy it, it would wild away. Therefore the reader must insist on some of this, the reader must be educated to realize that matters, questions of Korea of the UN are matters of life and death to them. Now it s up to the editor to present it to them in that form. How it can be done is very difficult to lay down in the form of a general format. I think it has to be 188 P age

195 5 C hapter done case by case. I don t know whether I m permitted to mention the Sunday Times, but I ll try anyway. In the Sunday Times we do make an effort to present what we call the background of the news in a section that has had a great deal of acceptance namely the review of the week section, where we try to be objective and at the same time informative. And I think we come close to being a national newspaper in due of the fact that half our circulation is outside of New York. And I m not saying this for advertising purposes but merely to indicate that there is a demand for this kind of thing, and I think the newspapers will find it a help to circulation if they do it also. Roosevelt: Well I think there is demand but I always go back to something that you will probably remember. In the campaigns that my husband took part in, he frequently did not have press with him and yet he won. And I once had an amusing experience. I was talking to a taxi driver in New York, and I noticed he had one of the papers who was most sufferishly as much against my husband as it could be, lying on the seat beside him. Yet he turned around and told me how he loved my husband, so I said well why do you read that paper and he said oh is the paper against you husband? And I said well yes, what do you read the paper for? Oh well I just read comics and sports, I never read anything else. [laughs loudly] Now there s something that I think you people have got to think about. Markel: Well I think I discussed this once with your husband and I think there is a little confusion about it, because when you say the newspapers were against your husband, the majority of them, they were against him on editorial pages, but they continued to print his speeches on the first page Roosevelt: Oh yes Markel: And he always said if he got the first page for speeches he didn t give a hang about what happened on the editorial page because many more people read the first page. And I think he was quite correct and it was a very shrewd analysis of the situation. Roosevelt: Well now of course what you have said there is the value of a free press namely that no matter how much the publishers or the editors or anybody else may be against something, as long as the press story is kept factual and not slanted, you have got an informative free press. Because you're getting the facts and the person who reads must learn to look at the facts and then make up their own mind with the help of the editorial page or not as they choose. Markel: That is the great test Mrs. Roosevelt. Page 189

196 Chapter 5 Roosevelt: That is the great test, if we can Markel: keep opinions out of the news columns. That is the great test of a free and responsible press. Roosevelt: That is the great test if the news columns carry facts that are not tainted in any way by opinion. Markel: I agree fully. Roosevelt: But that is very difficult to get across to other people in other countries. Now for instance I have been through long discussions in the United Nations where they cannot understand that our press and our articles represent individuals and do not represent government. What are we to do to educate that point of view in other countries? Markel: Well I think that to come back to the beginning the International Press Institute may encourage a series of articles explaining the nature of the American press and how it differs from their conception of the press, I think is the important service. Roosevelt: You know I think that is probably one of the most important things that you could do. I have encountered for instance in Mr. Neuriago (?) in Mexico a bitterness about the American press which takes my breath away almost, and in various other places, and I think that is something that institute can do. Markel: That would be an important step toward the understanding, which we re agreed Roosevelt: between peoples Markel: Must take place. Roosevelt: Thank you so much I m sorry to say our time is up, but I want to tell you how glad I am Mr. Markel that you could be with us today. Markel: Thank you Mrs. Roosevelt. Program 168: June 1, 1951 Roosevelt: From the studios of radio Genève, the Geneva broadcasting company in Geneva, I am very pleased to present a most interesting guest. He is monsieur Bernard Beguin, Foreign Editor of the journal de Genève. A morning paper here in Geneva. You will remember a few broadcasts ago you heard Mr Schwartz who represented a paper in the German speaking section of Switzerland. So today we will hear something about journalism in the French speaking section. I am happy to introduce to you Monsieur Bernard Beguin. 190 P age

197 5 C hapter Beguin: I am very honored to be introduced to your listeners. Although I think it is a particular situation for a journalist to be asked questions, I am at your disposal. Roosevelt: I know you're more accustomed to doing the asking than having people ask you questions, so I am sure that is a little difficult for you. But you are very kind to be here and I appreciate very much your willingness to talk to our American audience. Mr. Beguin you look very young indeed to be a foreign editor. I would like you to tell our listeners something about yourself. Where you were educated and how you came so young to become a foreign editor. Beguin: Well, although I don't think there is anything of great interest in my career which is just in its beginning as you say. I am 28 years old, I studied in Geneva. I studied what we call Lettres I think you call them Art. I came to be interested in foreign politics in the war, as everybody was at that time. And I came with journal de Genève in Roosevelt: So you're already the foreign editor in a very few years. Beguin: May I say I'm one of the foreign editors. Roosevelt: You're one of the foreign editors. Well I think it's quite a rapid advancement. Now I wonder if you d define for us the character of your paper; what it really stands for. Beguin: In a few words I'd say it's mainly international. I'd say it's sort of a tradition in this paper to be mainly interested in international affairs it goes back to the First World War, a time which I don't quite remember personally. Roosevelt: [laughs] Beguin: In the Second World War too, as a matter of fact the journal reached its biggest circulation during the Second World War, especially in France. Where at a time where the rest of the press in Europe wasn't quite free to express itself. The circulation was also, add, uh, got some begging from the fact that our president chief editor was also broadcasting from this very station here to France commenting on the international situation. You know, Madame how much radio broadcast may have influence on public opinion. Therefore I think the two things have been linked in the success the paper got in France during the war. Roosevelt: Does it still have a big circulation outside of Switzerland? Beguin: Yes I should say the biggest circulation of the paper is outside Switzerland. We just have a new plus of circulation in Switzerland and Geneva. But the main part of the circulation is outside Switzerland. Page 191

198 Chapter 5 Roosevelt: Well that s very interesting. Well now I happened to have noticed that apparently the Swiss papers have a good deal of very well written, though it is condensed very often, foreign news and I wondered whether it was characteristic of the Swiss press generally to have an interest in international affairs. Beguin: All of them have but I'd say a few of them have specialized in foreign policy. You ve had Mr. Schwartz the other day I understand, and his paper is well known in Europe and America for his interest in foreign affairs. On the whole I think however that the interest of our public opinion is mainly concentrated on national and even local affairs. Roosevelt: You think that most of the Swiss people then are interested primarily in their local affairs and probably in their European politics, not so much in the broader field? Beguin: I wouldn't even think it'd be as far as Europe. You know we have a sort of federalist basis that you understand quite well and is sort of the same in the constitution of America. Our political life is concentrated on the regional units and even the commune. You may have heard these days we have local elections. The great interest is centered on these local events, politically speaking, unless the development of world affairs comes to have a direct daring on the life of our people. Then they turn out again foreign politics. Roosevelt: Well I think that being the case it is quite extraordinary that your writers give in condensed forms so much information. I have noticed that when they write of American political situations or British political situations, they write with a great deal of understanding and a great deal of apparent grasp which would lead you to think that the Swiss people in turn were not only interested, but really very well up on foreign politics. But you don't think they read those articles much, you think it's only we who are foreigners[laughs] that read these articles. Beguin: It s not for me to say that, but I have the feeling sometimes and we may talk about that later, when we talk about circulation for instance if you like, that the biggest circulation in Switzerland is reached by the paper carrying mostly local news. Roosevelt: Well, how do you get or through what channels do you get your information on foreign affairs and, I suppose local affairs too, you have to get it from all the different sections in Switzerland. 192 P age

199 5 C hapter Beguin: The bulk of the straight news comes from the Swiss telegraphic agency of which the Swiss papers are shareholders. It is a private company though it is partly subsidized by the federal government. And the STA (Swiss telegraphic agency) has corresponders abroad and mainly a kind of pool of news we writers and a French press agency the AFP. Apart from that several papers have indibed (?) subscriptions to American news agencies, the United Press and the Associated Press. But the bigger papers and that's probably the works you were referring to a moment ago, are relying on their own correspondence abroad for political information. Roosevelt: Now do you, do many of the papers in Geneva for instance have correspondents in the US? Beguin: Thee problem with our papers and the United States is the cost of living in the United States, if I may say so. The fact is that, you should understand, even the bigger of Geneva papers doesn't reach a ciculaten of a 100,000 so to have a man full time, of their own in the United States, implies an expenditure that they can't afford. Roosevelt: Now do they use Americans as correspondents sometimes don t they do that? Beguin: They do that, they have a sort of agreement, very limited, they have one man there that works for several papers here. But the problem of America is not the best example of what we can do with our own correspondence, apart from the [names a Swiss paper] who have their own there, Mr. van Hoof whom I think is well-known in Washington. We have our own correspondents mainly in Paris and London, our expeditional [talks in French]. More political points where we get the world news. Roosevelt: You get the world news in Paris and London? Then write from that? But that interests me because it seemed to me and some of the articles I've been reading, that whoever was writing them, had rather good knowledge of uh the United States, which was interesting to me because as you undoubtedly know it's quite complicated for people who are not very well accustomed to it, to understand politics in the Us and to understand the reaction of people to whatever particular thing may have happened and it's not often that you find a foreigner who does understand. And I'm quite interested in apparently how well it's understood in Switzerland. Beguin: The explanation might be that the United States is probably the country in the world from which it is the most easy to get information from. You Page 193

200 Chapter 5 have a way of dealing with public information that is the most advanced and from which it is easy to get the information. Roosevelt: I m glad to know that is the way you feel about it because I think that it is valuable to have ones information spread abroad. And particularly if it's made understandable and it definitely is, you think it is understandable. The way you get it. We must stop for one minute and let our announcer have a word and we'll be right back. Roosevelt: Now we will come back to the talk with monsieur Bernard Beguin and I'm particularly anxious to ask you about the postage you use, to advertise the papers in this country. Beguin: I'm told as a matter of fact Madame that it is not a usual practice, that you don't practice it in the United States. As far as I know, it is a practice that sort of compensates the sellers in the street who are not allowed to announce loudly what is in the papers. So if for instance in our streets you will have hear people cry the name of the paper but never what is in it. Even when the [something French] was burned the other day here the evening paper made a special edition but they would not say what was in it just, journal Genève, special edition. They never say what s in it. I think it dates back to the time of political unrest in the late thirties when there was some not riots but unrest in the streets as far as I know but I don't remember personally. Roosevelt: [laughs][mumbles] Beguin: Anyway it is an interesting practice because especially for the management of the papers, it shows us what is of interest for the man in the street. We had a funny experience a few months ago in this paper. We have usually, the journal has a political post when something happens in Korea of the United States or in Britain, we make a poster with it. As the papers in Geneva don't. You may have seen they make a poster with any kind of soccer s competition or something like that. We've tried it too, and we found for instance that when we were fist to get the news of the [French] we had in Switzerland, maybe you heard about that in the States. These poster doubled the sale in the city. Roosevelt: That s interesting. Beguin: And a few weeks afterwards we were also first to give the news of the result of the Robinson boxing match and this poster tripled the news 194 P age

201 5 C hapter circulation in the city. So even for a political paper it has effect to have human interest news. Roosevelt: [Laughs] I see that s very interesting. That just by that type of advertising you can get so much more circulation. That s really very interesting to me. Now I d like to ask you another thing. One of the things that is discussed a great deal in the United States, is how one should handle stories about crime. What do you do about that in the Swiss press? Beguin: I think I can say there is a tradition not to give too much display, you won't find as much space devoted to crime in our papers as you would see in other countries. It is a tradition that has been backed up by professional organizations, both on the side of newspapermen and publishers. Still I think there is a temptation, France is not very far away and French papers are sold in French speaking parts of Switzerland. And the French papers as you know give much greater display to that sort of news and you might see a difference in our papers now, and ten or twenty years ago. Even in my own paper if a big crime should happen in Geneva, twenty years ago at least suicide was never mentioned in my paper, it was an editorial policy. Suicide wouldn't be mentioned. Now I personally remember that somebody threw himself out of the window, we carried the news, but we don't display it. Roosevelt: You don t display it, you don t make much of it. Beguin: We just mention it. Roosevelt: And uh you what you still feel then as you said before, that the main interest in any paper is the local news. Beguin: Oh yes. my own paper for instance since the war has developed this part of the paper simply because we felt the local circulation was getting down an couldn't stand the competition with the evening paper. We had to develop it to two pages in each copy even though we had just eight pages in the journal. Roosevelt: In the whole paper, that s very interesting. Well, that leads me to ask a question which, I should think be quite problem for you, though it would seem to touch on your local news in a way. The European headquarters of the United Nations is here in Geneva and yet I suppose you have difficulty in selling news about the United Nations to your Swiss public opinion, they're not really interested in that sort of thing. Beguin: It is not quite a simple question, the answer is both yes and no. To satisfy the Geneva headquarters and talk about the UN in general it is pretty hard to sell it as a political body. Especially because in international politics but Page 195

202 Chapter 5 also national politics people have a tendency to feel that politics must be the business of specialists. They don t really care about it in their day to day life. Roosevelt: And yet they vote more than any people in the world. Beguin: This is a special subject because in this very poll we had 46% of participation to the poll which is pretty low. Roosevelt: That is pretty low, but your numbers tell me you vote on whether a road should be built. Beguin: Oh yes we vote about everything I'm afraid. I have no statistics in mind but I m sure we are called to the polls some 20 times a year. Roosevelt: Well that's a good many times Beguin: It is quite a lot yes, [laughs] that is probably why the rate is diminishing sometimes. But as far as the UN is concerned if I may go back to it we have as I say we find little interest in the political interest of success. Mr.. explained to you the other day what our position is with regards to international politics, I m not going to deal with it now. But there is something else which is more easy to sell to our people; it is the work of the specialized agencies. And here I come to the Geneva headquarters, because it has practically no political discussions so the problem dealt with a moment ago is not concerning Geneva as local news. We have in Geneva mainly technical bodies as you know and Switzerland is interested, is a member country to most of them or I think all of them Roosevelt: Yes of the specialized agencies Beguin: Of the special agencies and though it is not a member of the UN it is attending the economic commission for Europe as well. In this part there is a lot of things that interest, not maybe Switzerland as a political entity, but a lot of activities that are going on in Switzerland are concerned with the work of the specialized agencies and I think we can reach large quarters of public opinion by talking about the specialized agencies. Roosevelt: Now Switzerland is one of the highly developed countries and it must come in to these agencies with a great deal to give because princes (?) in UNESCO and WHO, Switzerland has much to offer to the other member nations particularly to the under developed countries. Beguin: We are a people that is said to be and is prone to consider itself as a teacher as an advanced country. I'm not one to preach about what we can give to the other countries, I think we have some skill that we can make available to the 196 P age

203 5 C hapter technical assistance program of old specialized agencies. But funny enough I think we can get a lot from them too. Roosevelt: That s interesting, in what particular ways do you feel that you d get? Beguin: First of all I don t think any country has developed as it can be can lived behind closed walls. It is of interest for scientists of this country to be in touch with those of your country or any other country. And I think this contact that is established through these specialized agencies, is very important for our people too, but moreover with regards to UNESCO for instance we had several fellowships granted for our people to go and study abroad. UNESCO is subsidizing organizations in Switzerland some of them are international like the [French]. Or even there is in Lausanne an institute of microbiology that is subsidized by UNESCO and there are several examples that I could quote as regard UNESCO as regard WHO is the same we were granted fellowships. The work that is being done in the fight against tuberculosis is certainly of interest to our country. Roosevelt: You have a high instance of tuberculosis Beguin: We do and we are suffering heavily from tuberculosis. All these methods that are being brought to us are of interest. Roosevelt: I d like to ask you one other question if we have time and that is, what is your special interest nigh a low? [confusion] Roosevelt: I mean your countries' interest in the international labor organization. Beguin: As regard to the conventions, the general convention I think our labor legislation practically measure to them, we don t have any improvement to bring up here except equal pay principle, that somebody else may have talked to you about. Roosevelt: That you haven't quite accepted yet is that it [laughs] Beguin: No. Roosevelt: I m sorry but we can t go on because we ve come to the end of our time, but I want to thank you very much for being with me and for answering all of these questions which I am sure were perhaps at times difficult. Thank you very much. Beguin: I thank you. Page 197

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205 6 The Story of the Surrogates: RFE/RL and the Modernization of US International Broadcasting in the Middle East by Remco Zwetsloot Introduction In 1970, the Polish government announced several economic reform measures. These came in the wake of years of unsuccessful policies and further decreases in the popularity of Wladyslaw Gomulka s Communist administration. Commentary on Radio Free Europe (RFE), the American government s surrogate radio service in Central and Eastern Europe and the most popular radio service in the country at the time, called the measures inadequate. Two months later, on December 12, the Gomulka regime announced price increases on food, clothing and other necessities, that, it said, would be balanced off by a reduction in the prices of other goods. RFE analysis warned that the political consequences of these economic measures could well be very serious. Protests and riots erupted on Poland s Baltic coast three days later. Originally, in an effort to conceal the events, no reports were made by Communist radio. A person who heard about the upheaval from a refugee friend in Sweden tipped off RFE and so it became the first news organization to cover the events. Sixteen hours later, Radio Warsaw started reporting the disorders, blaming them on hooligans and adventurers and the regime criticized RFE for pushing people to irresponsible and harmful acts. Four days later, on December 20, however, Gomulka was replaced as party leader by Edward Gierek, and party organs blamed the protests on ill-conceived conceptions of economic policy, much as RFE had been doing. RFE declared victory on behalf of workers, stating They have shown that their will and their demands must be taken into consideration by the authorities, that there are limits which no one can exceed. Enabled by America s surrogate radio station, popular opposition to the Communist Party had scored a significant victory in one of the Soviet Union s most important satellite states (Puddington, 2000, pp ). The events in Poland in 1970 were not the first or the last Cold War developments in which RFE and America s other surrogate station at the time, Radio Liberty (RL), played a significant part. As the Cold War wound down, so Page 199

206 Chapter 6 did the perception of the importance of American public diplomacy efforts. Since the events of September 11, 2001, however, public diplomacy, the process by which direct relations with people in a country are pursued to advance the interests and extend the values of those being represented (as cited in Melissen, 2005, p. 8), of which international broadcasting is a part, returned to the forefront of US foreign policy. Over the past decade, America has made several significant changes to its international broadcasting policies, involving the adoption of commercial methods as part of a process of modernization. International broadcasting is defined by Price (2003, p. 53) as a complex combination of state-sponsored news, information and entertainment directed at a population outside the sponsoring state s boundaries. A country can adopt a surrogate or a unified approach to international broadcasting. The former involves setting up a service that functions as a national station for its target audience, with a focus on local news and commentary, pursuing goals specific to the country it broadcasts to. RFE/RL is an example of this method. Services such as the BBC World Service and Voice of America (VOA) utilize a unified approach, namely a focus on objective, international news that is, in principle, not tailored to particular audiences. This paper will focus on surrogate services because the main part of the modernization process is taking place there. It will compare the most successful traditional model, represented by RFE/RL, with the new model that sprung out of the modernization process, Radio Sawa. The question underlying this research is: what is the most effective model, if there is one, for surrogate broadcasting in a modern context and a competitive media environment? This question is undoubtedly too broad to answer in this paper, but the comparison it contains does provide a solid starting point. To contrast the two models, the concepts vital to an informed discussion of public diplomacy efforts are first defined. Second, the history of RFE/RL, focusing primarily on the Cold War, is examined to pinpoint the factors that continue to make the station a successful international broadcaster. Subsequently, the much-critiqued modernization efforts of the Broadcasting Board of Governors (BBG) in the Middle East that resulted in Radio Sawa will be analyzed. This section also contains a discussion of the changes in the Middle East media environment that inspired the Board s policies, as well as information about RFE/RL s Persian station, Radio Farda, 200 P age

207 6 C hapter which combines facets of RFE/RL s traditional model and Sawa s new model. Finally, the conclusion points out several lessons Radio Sawa could learn both from RFE/RL s Cold War history and Radio Farda. It also contains several suggestions for future research that would go a long way in making it possible to better assess what surrogate model, or rather what combination of models, is most effective. To make the comparison, a combination of primary and secondary research was utilized. RFE/RL policy documents and internal memos released by the US government make up the majority of the primary sources (no Sawarelated policy memos or other documents could be found by the author). The author also conducted an interview with Mardo Soghom, RFE/RL Regional Director for Iran and Iraq, to gain some insight into the recent developments of the station and to ascertain what international broadcasting policies currently prevail in one of the world s most sensitive regions (Appendix A). Most of the secondary sources consist of literature on public broadcasting generally and RFE/RL and Radio Sawa specifically. It must be noted that most books about RFE/RL, even those considered seminal works, focus almost solely on the Cold War period. Due to the limited research time, the part of this paper concerning the post-cold War part of the Radio s history will thus be superficial. Surrogate services broadcast in the languages of their audiences, making it impossible for this author to analyze the broadcasts firsthand. Consequentially, accounts of the content are all based on secondary sources. Theory and Definitions The terminology needs further explanation before a pointed discussion of the subjects involved is possible. Specifically, soft power, which is the eventual goal of public diplomacy efforts, and related concepts require clarification. Ambiguous or wrong definitions of the concepts involved have often led to confusing discussions and misguided criticism. This can have severe consequences when the lack of clarity pervades policy circles, as when Donald Rumsfeld erroneously equated soft power with a slick PR strategy ( The war on terror, 2006). Joseph Nye (2004, 2011) is one of the foremost theorists on power and coiner of the term soft power, so this paper builds on Nye s definition and discussion of the concepts involved. The Oxford Dictionary defines power as the capacity or ability to direct or influence the behavior of others or the course of events. Many, however, Page 201

208 Chapter 6 adopt a narrower definition. For instance, Gelb (2009, p. 28) defines power as getting people or groups to do something they don t want to do. This definition of power presents it as a purely coercive force. To understand a subcategory such as soft power, then, the concept of power must first be clearly defined. Nye begins his discussion of power by pointing out it always depends on context (2011, p. 4). Some have said that power in politics is like money in economics. This is a misleading comparison: while money is a fungible resource that can be used in every aspect of economics (the housing market, an internet auction, and so forth), power is not the same across different contexts. Military power, for example, is useful in a war but not in an international conference to combat climate change. It is not possible to say that a country has power without specifying to do what (Nagel, 1975, p. 4). Scholars divide the concept of power into two components: hard power and soft power. Hard power consists of military and economic power and is usually coercive. Soft power is co-optive, and involves obtaining desired outcomes by making other people want the same thing you do, as opposed to forcing them to do what you want them to do despite their preferences. International broadcasting, simplistically put, contributes to US soft power by exposing audiences to the country s culture, values, and institutions. Policymakers assume this exposure will make audiences friendly to America and increase the support for its values (e.g. democracy, free markets) abroad. The policies that are aimed at obtaining soft power are often referred to as public diplomacy. This term is only partially appropriate, as soft power involves cultivating trust and cooperation with governments as much as it does with the public. In the case of international broadcasting, which is aimed at publics 1, however, the term public diplomacy is suitable and will thus be used throughout this paper. Power depends on context, and changes in context thus influence power. The most substantial change in world affairs over the past few decades 1 RFE and RL mostly targeted workers and farmers throughout the Cold War, but many Communist Party members also tuned in to get accurate information about events. Reformist elements of the party were also dependent on RFE for independent analysis, as Puddington (2000) records. As the radios did not constitute official government-to-government communication, though, its activities are still classified as public diplomacy. 202 P age

209 6 C hapter has been the internet. This phenomenon has lowered the barriers to participation in politics and has decentralized the flow of information, causing a diffusion of power from states to non-state actors. Governments are - mostly - unable to control what information their citizens receive and have only limited capacity to control communication within its borders. Whereas forty years ago only governments and large corporations were able to communicate on a global level, everyone with access to an internet café is now able to do so. Governments have to adjust its policies to take into account non-state actors (Nye, 2011, p. xvi; Melissen, 2005, pp. 3-4). Military might and economic threats can be used to dissuade a state from doing something, but it is hard to sanction, for example, a fundamentalist organization. In a world where popular sentiment thus plays an increasingly important role, countries need to develop soft power to avoid losing the battle for hearts and minds (Lennon, 2003). The goals of soft power and public diplomacy must also be clarified. The eventual aim must be clear before it is possible to determine the appropriate tool. Much like one needs to know whether the goal is to get a screw or a nail into a wall to determine whether a hammer or a drill should be used, then, the aims that international broadcasting can be used to accomplish must be examined. Wolfers (1962, p. 73) distinguished between possession goals and milieu goals. The former are specific and tangible, such as a trade agreement, whereas the latter are structural and intangible, such as spreading democratic values. Soft power, while it has limited use in obtaining possession goals, is more effective than hard power in achieving milieu goals; America s experience in Iraq shows the capacity of hard power to achieve cultural transformation is limited at best. The intangible nature of milieu goals and the fact they often take long to achieve if they ever are achieved has occasionally led to criticism. Niall Ferguson said of soft power that it s, well, soft (2003), and that the US cannot exert influence through this type of power. In arguing this, however, Ferguson is limiting his perspective to possession goals. Additionally, in evaluating the effectiveness of soft power tools, it is important to realize their limitations. As Nye notes, the eventual success of public diplomacy does not depend on the executor but on the receiver. Consequentially, while governments are largely in control of hard power resources such as the military, soft power is dependent on non-governmental Page 203

210 Chapter 6 actors. For example, while a government can broadcast its perspective to an audience, it cannot control how the audience responds to the message, how it is discussed among listeners, and so forth. Soft power is often hard to use, easy to lose, and costly to reestablish (Nye, 2011, p. 83). It is hard to assess whether soft power tools have been effective in achieving their aims, as causality is difficult to establish when it comes to milieu goals. Due to outside forces, an effective tool can fail to achieve its aim and a poorly designed tool s goal can be accomplished despite its ineffectiveness. Public diplomacy efforts are often called inadequate or unsuccessful when public opinion does not take a positive turn after policies are instated. Indeed, some go as far as to blame public diplomacy for downturns in opinion, as Zaharna (n.d., p. 2) did when he asked How have America s efforts to improve its public diplomacy caused a decrease in foreign public support, particularly in the Arab and Muslim world? People who take these views dramatically overestimate the importance of public diplomacy to soft power. Essentially, public diplomacy involves telling a country s story in the best way possible. If the story (policy) is bad, good PR skills cannot change that. That the US was held in low esteem in the Middle East at the start of the millennium is likelier the consequence of the unpopularity of its policies than a poor international broadcasting strategy. The History of Surrogate Success: RFE/RL Radio Free Europe was the first of the two surrogate services that were later merged to form RFE/RL. Broadcasts started on July 4, 1950, although during the first year they were of a less professional nature. The station had weak transmission equipment and programs were shipped from New York to Germany across the Atlantic, meaning they were outdated as well as of poor quality. By May 1 of the next year, though, the station had assumed full broadcast services and on that day hosted its inaugural events. Throughout the Cold War, RFE would have five main services: Hungarian, Czechoslovak (consisting of both Czech and Slovak language broadcasts), Polish, Bulgarian, and Romanian. It briefly had an Albanian service but discontinued it, and toward the end of the conflict each Baltic state got its own service. Radio Liberty, originally called Radio Liberation from Bolshevism, started on March 1, Where RFE targeted the satellite states, RL was aimed at the Soviet Union itself. Most of its audience was Russian, but it also included, among others, Ukrainians, Azeris, and Belorussians. Preceding RFE 204 Page

211 6 C hapter and RL was Radio in the American Sector (RIAS), a service first aimed at the allied sectors of Berlin and later expanded to include all of East Germany. While important for setting the groundwork and highly effective in its target area throughout the Cold War, RIAS, through East German access to Western television and a smaller target area, was not as significant as RFE or RL in the Cold War and will thus be left out of this paper. The merger between RFE and RL took place in October 1976, when RL s newsroom was added to RFE s. Because the stations targeted different demographics with different needs and cultures Russians having been under Communist rule much longer and it not having been imposed by an outside force the challenges they faced were not always the same. Throughout the section on the history prior to the merger, it can be assumed that what is written applies to both RFE and RL unless an explicit distinction is made between the two organizations. When the stations were first started, US policy in general was predicated on the expectation that Communism could be contained and rolled back within a relatively short time period in a process dubbed liberation. This inspired the original name of RL and the adoption of a stridently anti- Communist policy tone. Still, some nuance can be found in early memos; one warned that RFE should not promise imminent liberation or encourage active revolt ( U.S. Policy, 1950). Others, however, defined as one of the goals of RFE keeping alive the hope of liberation in the satellite states ( Radio Free Europe, 1950). In 1952, the incoming Eisenhower administration solidified the dedication of top-level management to liberation-style broadcasting. A Report to the President dated June 1953 speaks of liberation and postliberation activities by the stations (p. 51), and affirms one of the goals of international information activities to be To maintain the hope of liberation among the peoples behind the Iron Curtain (Ibid., p. 56). The staffs and management of the Radios resisted such reckless sentiments, however, and eventually prevailed. This was in large part thanks to the failed uprising in East Berlin in 1953, which made American policymakers realize that a quick end to the Soviet hegemony in Eastern Europe was not a feasible expectation (Johnson, 2010, pp ). Originally, the language desks were staffed partly by émigrés without journalistic training and a history of exposure to Soviet media. Consequentially, the stations broadcast programs with questionable and rather polemic content. For example, Communist officials were singled out by Page 205

212 Chapter 6 name in broadcasts and charged with immoral behavior in terms that one would not expect to hear on a station that claims to adhere to Western news values. This is an excerpt of a 1951 RFE Hungarian service broadcast: Aren t you ashamed, Vilmos Vizi, of using the advantage originating in your party position not only to exploit physically the working women and to torture their minds, but to lay claim to their bodies in order to satisfy your filthy urges? You are worse than a beast, Vilmos Vizi. The mills of God grind slowly but thoroughly. We know everything. We are watchful (as cited in Puddington, 2000, p. 49). The alleged perpetrators were added to a Black Book the station kept. Following the Hungarian Revolution in 1956, which also failed and in which RFE played a controversial role 2, the Radios professionalized and adopted more cautionary policies. In some cases, these changes were forced upon them. A 1957 State Department country paper 3 set out rules for RFE s 2 Even before the revolution there had been complaints from diplomatic quarters that the Hungarian service was too polemic and propagandistic. After the Revolution started, though, there were reports of RFE broadcasts that tutored the listeners in guerilla warfare (Puddington, 2000, p. 101). Publically it denied wrongdoing, but RFE managers knew something had gone seriously amiss (Ibid., p. 103). In subsequent reports, the Hungarian service was cleared of the most serious allegations (the inciting of the revolution), but it was clear its staff had acted unprofessionally and without sufficient supervision. 3 The paper also reiterates the government s determination that the surrogate radio stations must be unattributable to the U.S. government. In 1950, an organization called the Crusade for Freedom was founded by several prominent Americans, including General Dwight Eisenhower. Supposedly the organization was founded to raise funds for RFE, but it also served as a cover-up for the main source of RFE funding: the CIA. This arrangement stayed in place until news of the links between the CIA and RFE/RL came out in the open in the early seventies, after which RFE/RL was publically placed under direct funding from Congress. Because of the CIA link, the Radios were often accused of being propaganda vehicles. Though they were not immune to the cover schemes in which the intelligence agency was involved at the time, it never actually executed them, according to officials involved at the time. As Cord Meyer (1980, p. 118), the agency s International Organization Division chief, recounts, Pressure to distort the purpose of the radios also came occasionally from within the agency. Ingenious schemes to use the radios in disinformation campaigns 206 P age

213 6 C hapter Hungarian service to assure close conformity of the activities and aims of the station with current policy objectives of the U.S. ( RFE Broadcasting Policy ). The State Department was put in charge of the station s policy guidance, allowing it to set the parameters within which the stations could function 4. Other changes came from within the Radios. The staff of the Hungarian service was riven by personal and political differences (Puddington, 2000, p. 117) and required weeding out. In addition, several script control measures were considered, including review prior to broadcasting. Staff members protested the more severe proposals, and eventually a moderate plan consisting of reviews after the broadcasts by the newly created Broadcast Analysis Division was adopted. The stations retained their autonomy, but would be warned if broadcasts departed from the political line or failed to meet accepted standards of journalistic professionalism or accuracy (Ibid.). These changes, and the post-hungarian Revolution culture of caution that prevailed for several decades, more or less completed the maturation process of RFE/RL. The right balance between American oversight and journalistic independence was found, the more radical elements at the stations had been weeded out, and a message and tone that were acceptable both to the US government and the target audiences was settled on (Tyson, 1983; Johnson, 2010). Following this process, the Radios were granted more independence. The stations were occasionally under pressure from diplomats and other State Department officials who wanted to end the ideological battle with Communism and focus on building a world order based on peaceful coexistence. A foreign service dispatch from the Warsaw embassy, for instance, said RFE s Polish service should use greatest caution in broadcasting to avoid creation of unnecessary difficulties for the Gomulka regime ( Comments on Radio Free Europe, 1957). This type of sentiment was prevalent especially during the Nixon administration, which was a fervent proponent of détente. However, when in 1968 RFE encountered its first against particular Communist leaders were raised with us from time to time, and my answer to all such proposals was negative. 4 Previously, this responsibility rested with the Free Europe Committee, an organization involved with setting up RFE whose members included Eisenhower, Allen Dulles and other important policymakers (Puddington, 2000, p. 116). Page 207

214 Chapter 6 significant crisis since the Hungarian Revolution, it did not need outside forces to keep its broadcast tone restrained. During the Prague Spring that year, Ralph Walter, RFE Director, imposed a pre-approval requirement on all news features and commentary (Johnson, 2010, p. 163). The station was widely praised for its handling of the crisis (Ibid., p. 166). The last decade of the Cold War saw a shaking up of policy under the Reagan administration. On the one hand Reagan s support for the Radios resulted in significant budget increases, but on the other his interest and ideological fervor meant the American management more actively involved itself in the Radios than before (Puddington, 2000, p. 254). New appointees, motivated by their hate of communism and détente, clashed with old executives, whose policy of caution was inspired by their experiences with the Hungarian Revolution. Reagan appointed Frank Shakespeare as chairman of the Board for International Broadcasting (BIB), the contemporary version of the BBG. After filling the whole board with anticommunists, Shakespeare overhauled RFE/RL leadership by removing the president and vice president, and the director resigned. The new leadership, with George Urban as director, was skeptical of RFE/RL s advocacy of Eurocommunism and reform communism and favored a more stringent broadcasting tone. Still, the broadcast content changed relatively little. Urban, who spoke Hungarian, personally listened to the Hungarian programs and bombarded [the service director] with memos demanding that broadcasts stop praising reform communism, that broadcasts concentrate on Kádár s failings instead of his achievements, and insisting that certain staff members be prevented from writing on sensitive themes, or urging that they be fired. (Ibid., p. 264). The service director resigned, but Urban s and other efforts to interfere in broadcast content were successfully opposed by RFE/RL staff and the State Department. By 1986, most of the anticommunist top management, including Shakespeare and Urban, had left RFE/RL. In the meantime, developments such as the policies of glasnost and perestroika and the rise of Solidarity in Poland that were to lead to the demise of the Soviet Union were rapidly taking place. Dedicated to its cautious course despite efforts by the Reagan appointees to change the station s tone, RFE/RL was slow to embrace and actively advocate the efforts of the reform movements that sprung up in the satellites, newly freed by Gorbechev from many freedom of speech restrictions. Nevertheless, when talks between 208 P age

215 6 C hapter Solidarity and the Jaruzelski regime in 1989 resulted in the scheduling of partially free elections, RFE s Polish service embraced the opportunity to strike a blow to Communist rule in Eastern Europe. The Communists had insisted the elections were conducted on a nonparty basis; RFE broadcast interviews with non-communist candidates and broadcast lists of non- Communist candidates for each election district (Ibid., p. 300). Solidarity routed the Communists in the elections. Most of the other satellites, following the Polish example, soon shook off Soviet rule, thus effectively ending the Cold War. The Cold War efforts of RFE/RL were quantitatively analyzed in several studies 5. Broadly, the research shows that the surrogate services, along with VOA, had significant audiences both in the Soviet Union and in the satellite states. In the former, Radio Liberty reached an average of 5 to 10 percent of the adult population weekly from despite extensive jamming 6 and severe penalties if caught listening. VOA, which was only jammed occasionally as it was less focused on domestic affairs and less critical, reached 15 percent 7. When jamming on RL was lifted by Gorbachev, RL s audience share doubled, reaching 16 percent in (Parta, 2007, p. xix). In the satellites, more than half of the populations of several states listened to RFE regularly once the language services got off the ground, and this number went up in crisis 5 On top of quantitative evidence, personal feedback received by RFE/RL in the first few post-cold War years shows listeners very much valued the station. Puddington quotes one listener as saying about Radio Free Europe Presenting works that were on the red censorship list, it was our ministry of culture. Exposing absurd economic policies, it was our ministry of economics. Reacting to events promptly and pertinently, but above all truthfully, it was our ministry of information (2000, p. 310). 6 Jamming operations involve interfering with the broadcasts so as to make them unlistenable. Common techniques employed by the Kremlin and the satellite Communist governments included broadcasting loud shrill noises onto the same frequency as RFE/RL and using white noise to take out an entire audio spectrum (Puddington, 2000, p. 215). In the eighties, it was estimated that the Soviets spent $300 million on jamming US broadcasts annually, 50 percent more than the entire RFE/RL and VOA budgets combined (Tyson, 1983, p. 82). 7 How much overlap there was between the listenership of RL and VOA is not specified. Page 209

216 Chapter 6 situations 8. Additionally, each language service had a large secondary audience. In each satellite state where RFE broadcast, 70 percent or more of the population either listened to broadcasts or was told about them by acquaintances (Baev, 2010, p. 272). It is exceedingly difficult to boil soft power down to numbers and empirically specify the exact impact RFE/RL had on their target audiences, but the numbers do show substantial parts of the population were reached mainly in Eastern Europe but also in the Soviet Union itself. Taking into account these figures, audience testimony of the Radios importance, and the virulent opposition to their broadcasts by Communist regimes, it can safely be asserted that RFE/RL s broadcasting had a real impact on the Soviet Union and its satellites during the Cold War. After the Cold War, the need for the radios existence was called into question. Many thought liberalism had triumphed in the global ideological struggle and that extensive public diplomacy efforts were no longer necessary. This notion was quickly proven wrong, however, and while broadcasts to Hungary were eliminated and those to Poland and the Czech Republic severely reduced, RFE/RL originally retained its other services 9. A South Slav service was added, and in 1998 Congress put the Radios in charge of the new Radio Free Iraq and Radio Free Iran services. Several more countries have been added since. On top of new services, RFE/RL also took on a new kind of role in the post-cold War era. Now able to establish bureaus in many Eastern European countries, it could hire correspondents and provide more up-to-date news content, functioning more like a regular news organization (Soghom, 2013). Additionally, it served as a model for free press and trained local journalists in former Soviet satellites (Puddington, 2000, p. 308). Several important themes in the station s history can be identified. The eventual mix that was settled on by the Radios was designed to appeal to a 8 After the Soviet invasion that followed the Prague Spring, RFE s audience share in Czechoslovakia jumped from 37 to 80 percent. When strikes erupted in Gdansk, Poland, the audience share in Hungary went up from 59 to 83 percent. 9 The Polish service closed down in Several more Eastern European services, most recently Romanian in 2008, were shut down after the democratization process was completed and local media could function freely. In Europe, RFE/RL still broadcasts to Bosnia, Montenegro, Serbia, Kosovo, Macedonia, Moldova, Ukraine, Belarus, and Russia. 210 P age

217 6 C hapter carefully selected audience. During the 1960s, when its popularity solidified, RFE s broadcast consisted of 24 percent news, 7 percent press reviews, 25 percent commentary, 13 percent features, 4 percent sports, 12 percent music, 6 percent entertainment, and 9 percent culture (Johnson, 2010, p. 47). Its prime targets included workers and peasants, who were judged to be most receptive to the station s message and whose mass numbers and importance to the communist ideology made them important political players. Later, when dissident intellectuals and disillusioned Communist Party members became significant forces for democratic reform, programs targeted at them were broadcast as well. Radio Liberty, on the other hand, did not see a popular uprising as a viable challenge to Communist rule within the Soviet Union itself, and thus decided to focus its programming exclusively on urban elites and party members who could transform the government from within. Not only were programs of both Radios tailored to particular constituencies, they all contained political components designed to influence their thinking. Music programs featured compositions by dissidents, comedy programs made fun of Communist officials, and literary programs contained readings of pre- Communist patriotic poems. This mix was appealing and effective because it was designed by dissidents and other native speakers who had the necessary granular knowledge of the target countries. After the Radios got through their early stages, the US government generally allowed them to function independently. Both stations had an ideological agenda and fulfilled a soft power purpose. However, both RFE/RL and the US government realized the stations could only be effective if they were allowed to function as real, independent surrogate services. The American management therefore avoided interfering in the broadcasting process as much as possible unless a crisis was taking place. The language service staffs were in charge of the content within the limits set by the management. This ensured the optimum level of audience identification with RFE/RL while keeping the station s governmental sponsors satisfied. This balancing act sometimes required the station to err on the side of caution, but generally the Cold War history of the Radios shows that critics who equate surrogate services with simple propaganda vehicles directed by the government are mistaken. Page 211

218 Chapter 6 Modernization in US International Broadcasting The recent developments in public diplomacy, largely inspired by the internet and the increasing competitiveness of the media market, have been described as Public Diplomacy 2.0 (Cull, 2011) and a Revolution in Public Diplomacy (Price, 2003, p. 77). Although the revolutionary rhetoric might be slightly exaggerated, it is clear the dynamics of public diplomacy have changed over the past two decades. A part of this process is the modernization of international broadcasting, mainly through the adaption of commercial methods. The main example of this is the Sawa model, a type of international broadcasting named after Radio Sawa. This Arabic surrogate service replaced Voice of America Arabic as the US s main radio operation in the Middle East in Radio Sawa is run by the Middle East Broadcasting Network (MBN), a subsidiary of the BBG, America s international broadcasting agency. Norman Pattiz, who was the founder of one of America s largest radio companies, Westwood One, is considered the father of the station and the model. Figure 1. USSR audience distribution according to thematic interests (% of the total Western radio audience) Source: Bashkirova, 2010, p. 110 Reproduced with kind permission of Central European University Press 212 P age