Hong Kong s Youth Holding Up Yellow Umbrellas against the Continues Rain of China s Authorities

Transcription

1 Maturaarbeit Oktober 2017 Hong Kong s Youth Holding Up Yellow Umbrellas against the Continues Rain of China s Authorities Autorin, Klasse Iva Chow, S4d Adresse Etzelstrasse 51, 8808 Pfäffikon Betreuende Lehrperson Matthias Schärer

2 Table of Contents 1 INTRODUCTION PREFACE FORMULATION OF THE TOPIC STRUCTURE THE HISTORY OF HONG KONG THE BRITISH EMPIRE S CONFRONTATION WITH THE CHINESE EMPIRE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION IN EUROPE THE CANTON SYSTEM TEA, OPIUM AND TRIANGULAR TRADE THE DIPLOMATIC RELATION BETWEEN CHINA AND GREAT BRITAIN THE FIRST OPIUM WAR ( ) HONG KONG AS A BRITISH COLONY GOVERNANCE THE SECOND OPIUM WAR ( ) SOCIETY THE NEW TERRITORIES DEVELOPING AN IDENTITY THE SINO- BRITISH JOINT DECLARATION THE BASIC LAW HONG KONG S RETURN TO CHINESE RULE THE LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL THE CHIEF EXECUTIVE THE UMBRELLA MOVEMENT ABOUT THE NEWSPAPERS THE GUARDIAN THE SOUTH CHINA MORNING POST COMPARISON BETWEEN THE GUARDIAN AND THE SOUTH CHINA MORNING POST THE UMBRELLA MOVEMENT THE GUARDIAN THE SOUTH CHINA MORNING POST COMPARISON LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL ELECTIONS THE GUARDIAN THE SOUTH CHINA MORNING POST COMPARISON SWEARING- IN CEREMONY THE GUARDIAN THE SOUTH CHINA MORNING POST COMPARISON CHIEF EXECUTIVE ELECTIONS THE GUARDIAN THE SOUTH CHINA MORNING POST COMPARISON CONCLUSION

3 6 REFERENCES BIBLIOGRAPHY INTERNET SOURCES LIST OF FIGURES EIGENSTÄNDIGKEITSERKLÄRUNG

4 1 Introduction 1.1 Preface Hong Kong is my second home. I have been to the city many times to visit my relatives. When I heard about the protests in Hong Kong in 2014 I did not know what it was all about. I just saw pictures online of massive crowds occupying the city s streets. When I asked my aunt, who lives in Hong Kong, why people were protesting she said that I should go and talk to my cousin because he would be the one supporting that. By her reaction I knew that she was not very enthusiastic about the demonstrations and I totally forgot about it. When it was time to choose a topic for my matura paper I did not know exactly what I wanted to write about. Just the words nationality, culture and journalism came to my mind. One thing I was sure about was that my paper would be written in English. With those four pieces of information it seemed reasonable to approach Mr. Schärer, my English and History teacher. He reminded me again of the protests in Hong Kong. By then I saw that the opinions regarding that issue differentiated greatly and I developed the idea of comparing the people s voices. My first attempt was to analyse blogs. However, I quickly realised that I could not find any which would give me the opinions I was looking for. I figured out that comparing two contrasting newspapers would be the best method to go for. The South China Morning Post from Hong Kong and the British newspaper The Guardian are the newspapers I went for. 4

5 1.2 Formulation of the Topic The Umbrella Movement, also known as the Occupy Central Movement, which broke out in 2014, was primarily a reaction of Hong Kong s youth to the Chinese authorities intervention in electoral affairs. The government of the People s Republic of China dictated the electoral method of the 2017 Chief Executive Election, under which Beijing can effectively screen out dissents candidates by limiting the number of candidates running for office to only two or three. The candidates would be chosen by an Electoral Committee consisting of 1200 members. The implemented restrictions outlawed the universal suffrage of Hong Kong s citizens. This is contrary to article 45 of the Basic Law, Hong Kong s mini- constitution, where right to universal suffrage is enshrined. The events of the Umbrella Movement were therefore connected to this year s election of Hong Kong s new leader. Media is considered the fourth right in a liberal democracy. In the marketplace of thoughts, it is unsurprising that different media have adopted different reporting angles, thus painting a wholly different picture of key societal and political events. It is therefore opportune, at the third anniversary of the Umbrella Movement, to review the reportage on the events. In my matura paper, I will make a comparison between the Guardian and the South China Morning Post (SCMP) regarding the Umbrella Movement protests and the events leading up to the 2017 Chief Executive Council Elections. I have chosen the SCMP because it is a leading English newspaper in Hong Kong. It is said to be self- censored of contents which are not accepted by Beijing s authorities. Having Hong Kong s history under Great Britain in mind, a comparison to the British more liberal newspaper seemed to be fitting. I therefore came up with the following questions for my paper: How is the umbrella movement portrayed in the two newspapers? What is their stance towards Hong Kong s youth? How is China represented in the newspapers? In what ways do the two newspapers report differently and what are the reasons for it? Even though freedom of press is valid in Hong Kong, how is the (self- )censorship in the SCMP reflected? What were the influences of the umbrella movement and how did they affect the Chief Executive Elections 2017? 5

6 1.3 Structure My paper begins with a summary of Hong Kong s history in chapter 2. Describing first Great Britain s way of coming across the Chinese empire. The British occupation, Hong Kong becoming a Crown Colony and the resulting system of government is explained next. The following chapter 2.3 discusses Hong Kong s return to Chinese sovereignty including the importance of the Sino- British Joint Declaration, which made Hong Kong become a Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) of the People s Republic of China. From there on, the paper is taking a step from 1997 to 2014 s Umbrella Movement, followed by some facts about the Guardian and the South China Morning Post. The comparison between the two newspapers is to be found in chapter 4. The comparison is made around four topics, which were all results of the Occupy Central Movement. Each chapter starts with two subchapters summarizing articles of the newspapers regarding the named topic. The articles mentioned are marked with a number and a letter in the footnotes. The exact links to the articles are placed in the internet sources in 6.2. All four subjects in chapter 4 include a comparison by similarities and differences. The thereupon found answers to the questions of my matura paper are concluded at the end. 6

7 2 The History of Hong Kong 1 Hong Kong s history is a remarkable one. Journalist Richard Hughes defines it as a borrowed place living on borrowed time 2. Prior to the British occupation, Hong Kong, a little fishing village, did not cause much sensation in the Chinese Empire. It consisted only of Hong Kong Island, which is in the South China Sea, and was characterised as a barren island with hardly any inhabitants. However, the nineteenth and twentieth century turned out to be an eventful time for this island. Today s Hong Kong, a booming metropolis, is known as one of the world s most densely populated places and has a striking population of approximately 7 million. It is composed of four main parts: Hong Kong Island, Kowloon Peninsula, the New Territories and the outlying Image 1: Hong Kong s map after the British occupation islands. However, it is not only the transformation which makes it so fascinating but also the British creation of a government which convinced the People s Republic of China years later of its system and made it maintain it for the next fifty years after the handover in Image 2: Hong Kong in 1920 Image 3: Hong Kong today 1 This chapter is based on Carroll, John M. A Concise History of Hong Kong. Maryland 2007, p And Tsang, Steve. A Modern History of Hong Kong. New York 2004, p. ix- xi. 2 Hughes, R. Quoted in Carroll, John M. A Concise History, p. 9. 7

8 2.1 The British Empire s Confrontation with the Chinese Empire Industrial Revolution in Europe 3 The rise of the Industrial Revolution in the eighteenth century brought great advancements for Europe, especially for the forerunner Great Britain. New technologies implemented the power of moving across the wide ocean and capturing foreign markets. This is where Great Britain encountered the Chinese Empire for the first time. Until the sixteenth century, China was the leader of development in terms of science, communication, production technologies and more but its development stagnated and became complacent. The Celestial Empire thought of itself to be the leader and the centre of the world. However, in the absence of the Industrial Revolution, Qing s economy thus society remained agricultural. Its socio- economic developments could not catch up with the industrialising Europe. When Great Britain knocked on the door of the Chinese Empire, which lived in a medieval composition of village communities, it did not realize the improvements the British had made The Canton System 4 Great Britain s intention was mainly trade as it wanted to compete with the Dutch and the Portuguese. The Chinese emperor Qianlong set boundaries to the desires of the Europeans. He argued: Our Celestial Empire possesses all things in prolific abundance and lacks no product within its own borders and there was therefore no need to import the manufactures of outside barbarians in exchange of our own produce. 5 The Chinese emperor did not want to lose its stability by the disturbance of foreign influence, particularly by the expansion of religious beliefs. Nevertheless, the emperor s regulations did not push through entirely. Commerce between the two empires continued but was restricted to the city of Canton, today s Guangzhou, far distant from China s capital Beijing. Under the Canton System, Chinese merchants, so- called cohongs, were empowered and licensed to carry out international trade. The cohongs only accepted silver as a form of payment. These regulations led to unfavourable circumstances for Great Britain and made trade extremely 3 This chapter is based on Tsang, Modern History, p This chapter is based on Tsang, Modern History, p Schurmann, O and Schell, F. Imperial China. Quoted in Tsang, Modern History, p. 5. 8

9 sophisticated. The British trade was managed by the East India Company (EIC), which was a profit- driven trading organisation giving them freedom to take any provisions needed to cope with the hostile trade of the East. The EIC made them capable of raising armed forces and handling the administration of territories Tea, Opium and Triangular Trade 6 Great Britain depended more and more on China as tea turned out to be one of the most important goods imported from the Chinese. Tea had become a life necessity for the British and a crucial supply for their government because it secured high income due to its import duty. A collapse in trade with the Chinese Empire would have had serious consequences for Great Britain. The triangular trade between China, Great Britain and British India set an end to the one- sided dependency of the British. India was the only producer of opium, which was highly demanded and smoked by the Chinese but prohibited by emperor Qianlong. Despite the ban, the British found a way to export opium to China. For the British Empire, the export of opium brought more profit than needed for the compensation of imported tea. By 1837, the trade of opium raised concerns among the Chinese officialdom. An augmented outflow and a shortage of silver had been recognized. Moreover, smoking opium became more broad and weakened the country s strength. The triangular trade got undesirable for Chinese policymakers. Therefore, a debate about a potential trade embargo started in China The Diplomatic Relation between China and Great Britain 7 The great difference between the two manners of managing international relations provoked regular disputes. The British Empire favoured a modern sense of diplomacy in form of the establishment of an embassy with a resident Minister. Unlike the Chinese, who did not have a representative to Britain until By 1830, as trade caused distrust, the diplomatic relation between China and Great Britain became even more problematic. Not least because China did not consider the British Empire as an equal. Lord Napier, the first British Chief Superintendent of the China Trade, replaced the EIC in 1834, which changed Britain s way of dealing with the Chinese Empire. Profit was no longer a primary objective. Instead, the British sought prestige, 6 This chapter is based on Tsang, Modern History, p And Carroll, Concise History, p This chapter is based on Tsang, Modern History, p

10 dignity and honour. The Chinese did not show much recognition towards Britain s change. The mutual resentment was a long- term issue, which was reinforced by China s suppression of opium. The British feared the weakening of their economy and sought redress The First Opium War ( ) 8 In 1839, the Chinese Empire was under the rule of emperor Daoguang, who supported the suppression of opium under the influence of an officials group, the so- called Spring Purificationists. Lin Zexu, a member of the Spring Purificationists, began an anti- opium crusade in March His plan was to invade Canton to stop the trade and create commercial alarm among the British. Lin put pressure on the British and ordered to abandon all opium and to import no more. The British agreed on the demand, as they wanted to protect their merchants and guarantee them a safe way out of Canton. Britain handed their entire opium possessions, with an estimated value of 2 million pounds, to China. When Lin obtained the opium, he destroyed it all publicly. The British declared this act as a damage of British property and insisted on repayment either by threat or by practice of force. Britain had decided on war, not to impose British manufacturer on China, nor to bring the Chinese to salvation by spreading the gospel, ( ). ( ) it was not even to force opium on the Chinese, ( ). ( ), the British government did not question China s right to prohibit the imports, it merely objected to the way this was handled. 9 The Chinese did not take Great Britain s advancements, due to the Industrial Revolution, into consideration. And so, on 25 January 1841, the British navy arrived on Hong Kong Island and marked their territory by setting up the British flag. The British took control over Yangtze, the most important waterway in China and advanced to the city of Nanjing. The Chinese came to the realization that they had no other choice than to make peace if they wanted to bring the war to an end. Under the Treaty of Nanking, on 26 June 1843, Hong Kong was approved to become a British Crown Colony. The legislation of opium, which triggered the war, was not mentioned in the treaty and therefore the import of the narcotic continued. Additionally, the agreement had not changed the relation between the two empires which soon lead to the next confrontation. 8 This chapter is based on Tsang, Modern History, p Morse, H. International Relations of the Chinese Empire. Quoted in Tsang, Modern History, p

11 2.2 Hong Kong as a British Colony 10 Upon signing of the Treaty of Nanking in June 1843, Hong Kong officially became a British Crown Colony. By Article III of the Treaty of Nanking, under which the Chinese Emperor ceded to Queen Victoria the Island of Hong Kong, to be possessed in perpetuity by Her Britannick Majesty, her Heirs and Successors, and to be governed by such laws and regulations as Her Majesty the Queen shall see fit to direct, the future of Hong Kong was settled and secured. 11 Two documents formed Hong Kong s constitution, namely the Letters Patent and the Royal Instructions of Queen Victoria. This laid the basis for the political system of Hong Kong during the 153 years British sovereignty. It lasted until the handover on 1 June 1997, when Hong Kong returned to the People s Republic of China Governance 12 Hong Kong s new institutional framework was composed of three powers: The Governor, the Executive Council and the Legislative Council. However, the powers were not clearly separated and it was by no means a democratic system as the above bodies were not democratically elected. The Governor, as Chief Executive and representative of the British Crown, was assisted by a Lieutenant Governor and a Colonial Secretary. Their task was to manage the relation with China, secure British trade in the East and control Hong Kong s economy. While the Letters of Patent only determined the institutional structure of the colony, the Royal Instructions included the organisation and the governance of Hong Kong. The Royal Instructions issued that the Executive and Legislative Council should only serve as advisory functions. Besides the prescribed restrictions, the official and nonofficial members of the councils were selected by the Governor and belonged mostly to the British business elite. Until the 1880s, nearly every representative of the Legislative Council was non- Chinese. Apart from minor adjustments, throughout all the years the institutional structure did not experience serious changes. 10 This chapter is based on Tsang, Modern History, p CO129/1, Treaty of Nanking. Quoted in Tsang, Modern History, p This chapter is based on Carroll, Concise History, p And Tsang, Modern History, p

12 2.2.2 The Second Opium War ( ) 13 The main reason for the Second Opium War was the insufficient Treaty of Nanking, which had not met the demands of both empires. The British were not satisfied because the treaty had not led to new trading posts and neither to a booming commerce in China. Yet, the Chinese thought they had offered to much. The Chinese emperor s intention with giving Hong Kong to the British was only to keep them away from the mainland. The Treaty of Nanking caused confusion regarding the city of Canton. The English written document had given the British the right to step into Canton, whereas the Chinese written document had restricted them to enter the port. This was proof for the unresolved issues evoked by the treaty in Thus, Great Britain sought the allowance of the opium trade, the permission to commerce on the River Yangzi and the authorization to diplomatic representation in the capital of China in Bowring, Hong Kong s Governor in 1854, tried to enhance the colonial faithfulness by allowing Chinese landowners of Hong Kong to register their boats under the name of the British. On 8 October 1856, the Arrow, a vessel of a Chinese, had been boarded by Canton s police. They arrested the crew and accused them of being smugglers and pirates. Harry Parkes, Canton s British delegate, ordered to release the crew and demanded an apology to Great Britain. The police let the crew out but rejected to apologize. This action violated the British honour. Bowring saw a perfect chance to sort out the problems from the First Opium War by amending the Treaty of Nanking in their favour. In December 1857, the British conquered Canton with the help of the French and captured its Governor. The opium trade was legalized, China opened more ports and Parkes created a provisional government in Canton. Later, they occupied China s capital Beijing and dragged the emperor into exile. The demand of a diplomatic residence was approved. The war ended in 1860 with the transfer of the Kowloon Peninsula from China to Great Britain. 13 This chapter is based on Carroll, Concise History, p

13 2.2.3 Society 14 By the time British colonial rule in Hong Kong had commenced, it became a multi- ethnic city. Chinese, Europeans, Eurasians and Indians inhabited the little island. However, there was not much unity in such diversity. The Europeans had hardly any interest in Chinese culture. They pointed out their disdain by beating up the locals with batons and umbrellas. Most of the Chinese in Hong Kong were economic migrants from China and were looked down upon as the lower class. The Europeans regarded themselves as members of a special community distinct from the Chinese, Indian and Eurasian 15. Nevertheless, there was also heterogeneity within the European community. The Portuguese were more open- minded towards the Chinese and would marry a Chinese woman and learn Cantonese. Whereas the British were obsessed with their social status. Victoria peak, the highest point of Hong Kong, was the place where the British lived. The region was geographically, racially and socially segregated. Elite clubs, such as the Hong Kong Club, was their place of retreat because no Chinese were allowed in. The Eurasians, seen as neither fish nor fowl 16, were not respected by the British. Ignored by the British and the Chinese, the Indians built their own community. The social divisions supported the unity of the European community in a strange and confusing culture The New Territories 17 In June 1898, Great Britain and China negotiated a new contract at the Convention of Peking under which the New Territories, which is the area that stretches from Kowloon to Shenzhen, were leased to the British Crown for ninety- nine years. The newly acquired land was ten times larger than Hong Kong Island and Kowloon together, came with 230 outlying islands and included a population of eighty thousand. In contrast to the British occupation of Hong Kong Island and Kowloon, the people living in the New Territories put great resistance. The residents lived in rural conditions and did not want any interruptions in their daily life. They feared changes in traditional landownership by the invasion of the British. Governor Blake saw that the New Territories could not be ruled the same way as the other two more urbanized regions. Blake divided the land into districts, where village elders took care of the order. The British only 14 This chapter is based on Carroll, Concise History, p Carroll, Concise History, p Carroll, Concise History, p This chapter is based on Carroll, Concise History, p

14 interfered by collecting taxes. The acquisition of the New Territories was a blunder in the eyes of the British. By signing the convention, the British had not ensured the future of Hong Kong; rather, they had made an appointment with China. Eighty years later, they would have to keep this appointment by beginning negotiations with a new, much powerful Chinese government. This time, they would not be successful Developing an Identity 19 Governor Alexander Grantham said in 1962: In the past the majority of Chinese had little loyalty to Hong Kong, the picture is changing since China went communist, as few Chinese in Hong Kong now intend to return to the country of their birth. They are becoming permanent citizens. 20 People who were born in Hong Kong did not have a connection to China apart from their parents who had fled from the mainland. Hong Kong was now acknowledged as their home and was developing a different culture than China. What strengthened the sense of belonging together even more was the awareness of the return to Chinese rule in The Sino- British Joint Declaration 21 In November 1971, the People s Republic of China joined the United Nations. Few months later, China s deputy to the organization, Huang Hua, described Hong Kong as a Chinese territory under British administration 22 and requested its removal from the list of colonial territories. Hong Kong was officially no longer a Crown Colony, instead one referred to a Dependent Territory. The ambassador s action did not only determine Hong Kong s future though the people of Hong Kong did not have a say on this decision. Britain s prime minister, Margret Thatcher, insisted that the contracts for Hong Kong Island and Kowloon could and should not be overlooked. However, the People s Republic of China described the treaties as unequal and had been signed under the Qing government. China s leader Deng Xiaoping affirmed that after 18 Carroll, Concise History, p This chapter is based on Carroll, Concise History, p Grantham, A. Quoted in Carroll, Concise History, p This chapter is based on Carroll, Concise History, p Carroll, Concise History, p

15 the handover, Hong Kong would be ruled by its citizens. The British were neither capable nor interested in defending its former colony from China. However, most of the people of Hong Kong favoured the preservation of British sovereignty. A reasonable compromise was to be made which would satisfy the desires of China, Great Britain and Hong Kong. We had wanted to write a book which would have looked rather like the Encyclopaedia Britannica while the Chinese wanted about two or three sides of A4 paper, expressed a representative of Britain s negotiating team. Even though both sides had completely different ideas, they came to an agreement. The Sino- British Joint Declaration, signed by Margret Thatcher and Zhao Ziyang on 19 December 1984, made Hong Kong after 1997 a Special Administrative Region. Hong Kong would be ruled under the one country, two systems model. This allowed Hong Kong a wide range of autonomy from the People s Republic of China. For example, freedom of speech, press, assembly and so on. The legal system remained fairly the same. The Joint Declaration would expire 50 years after Image 4: Margret Thatcher and Zhao Ziyang agreeing on the Sino- British Joint Declaration 15

16 2.2.7 The Basic Law 23 After the arrangement of the Sino- British Joint Declaration, the Chinese authorities promulgated the Basic Law, which was meant to enshrine China s promises made in the Declaration. It serves as the mini- constitution of Hong Kong. In the drafting of the Basic Law, one recognized the weaknesses of the Sino- British agreement. Because the British and the Chinese had not come to clear compromises, the Joint Declaration had been left with vague statements which could give rise to different interpretations. There were especially uncertainties about Hong Kong s constitutional change. The Joint Declaration defined that for the next fifty years the current establishments of Hong Kong would stay unchanged. The Chinese assumed that Hong Kong would be handed over in the conditions of 1984 while the British argued that current referred to Additionally, both had agreed that Hong Kong s Legislative Council members would be chosen by elections. China was clearly against universal suffrage and claimed that consultation was also a type of election. The British government insisted on an amendment and achieved that twenty Legislative Council seats would be directly elected. On 4 April 1990, the Basic Law was officially published by the National People s Congress of the People s Republic of China. It guarantees Hong Kong many freedoms apart from its foreign policy and military. Although, the Basic Law as well as the Sino- British Joint Declaration promised no change in the jurisdiction, the National People s Congress rules ultimately over the interpretation and amendments of the Basic Law and has the right to withdraw any law which could harm Hong Kong s mini- constitution. 23 This chapter is based on Carroll, Concise History, p

17 2.3 Hong Kong s Return to Chinese Rule 24 On 1 July 1997, the British and the colonial Hong Kong flag were replaced by the Chinese and the new Hong Kong Special Administrative Region s one. Formally, Hong Kong belonged no longer to Great Britain. Prince Charles declared during his speech: We shall not forget you, and we shall watch with the closest interest as you embark on this new era of your remarkable history. 25 China s President Jiang Zemin described the handover as Hong Kong s return to its motherland. He ensured that the government of the People s Republic of China would unswervingly obey the one country, two systems model. Image 5: Chinese (upper) and Hong Kong (lower) flag flying during the handover ceremony on 1 July This chapter is based on Carroll, Concise History, p Prince, C. Quoted in Carroll, Concise History, p

18 2.3.1 The Legislative Council 26 The Legislative Council had been introduced by Queen Victoria s Patent Letters and is still part of today s Basic Law. Serving as an advisory body in the past, the Legislative Council has made notable changes and transformed itself into a legislature with influence and power. It gradually became more democratized as the number of direct elected members increased over the years. The first Legislative Council, in 1843, was composed of 4 officials. Today s Legislative Council has a total of 70 members elected from functional and direct elections. Its main functions comprise appointing, amending and annulling laws, questioning the government s work and debating policies mentioned by the Chief Executive. The Legislative Council has a fixed term of four years. The Sixth term of the council has begun with the election in October Since the third term, only members from geographical and functional constituencies have been elected. Both constituencies have thirty- five seats. Concerning the geographical constituency election, Hong Kong s territory is divided into five constituencies: Hong Kong Island, Kowloon East and West as well as New Territories East and West. Proportional representation is adopted. The number of seats of each constituency is dependent on the population. These seats are directly returned by the people of Hong Kong. The functional constituency consists of twenty- nine constituencies from various sectors which are crucial for Hong Kong s development. Each sector gets one seat, except from the labour constituency which gets three. However, the members who belong to the functional constituencies can only be elected by eligible voters The Chief Executive 27 The Legislative Council was not the only power which originated from Hong Kong s colonial constitution but also the Chief Executive, who was formerly represented by the colony s governor and was the head of Hong Kong. Since the return to the People s Republic of China, the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) has had six Chief Executives. The sixth one being Carrie Lam, who is currently in office ( ). In Accordance with the Basic Law, the Chief Executive is the head of the HKSAR and its government. Nevertheless, the legislations 26 This chapter is based on status ( ). And status ( ). 27 This chapter is based on status ( ). And status ( ). 18

19 which the government proposes are still subject to the scrutiny by the Legislative Council. With a fixed term of office of five years, the Chief Executive is assisted by the Executive Council in his policy- making. The Executive Council consists of sixteen official and sixteen non- official members. All of them are nominated by the Chief Executive. The Chief Executive, who must be a Hong Kong citizen and not less than forty years old, is elected by an Election Committee which consists of 1200 members and appointed by the Central People s Government of the People s Republic of China. Basic Law article 45 exhibits: The method for selecting the Chief Executive shall be specified in the light of the actual situation in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region and in accordance with the principle of gradual and orderly progress. The ultimate aim is the selection of the Chief Executive by universal suffrage upon nomination by a broadly representative nominating committee in accordance with democratic procedures. 28 In 2014, China s authorities presented a new resolution on the Chief Executive Elections 2017, which limited the number of pre- selected candidates to two or three and restricted its nomination to the Election Committee. This legislation caused riots in Hong Kong, especially among the younger citizens, as they were effectively disenfranchised in the nomination of the candidates. Two professors and a protestant reverend called for a public deliberation and civil disobedience to put pressure on the government to revise the proposal in the constitutional reform. A plebiscite regarding the electoral method was held but it had limited impacts. On 28 September 2014, the turmoil reached its peak, when the Occupy Central Movement also known as the Umbrella Movement had begun. 28 Article 45 in the Basic Law. Quoted in Status ( ). 19

20 2.3.3 The Umbrella Movement 29 Collective action implies discontent with an existent situation and some desire to create a new one. The idea of a demand for change indicates the element of discontent with the existent situation a policy, a set of rules, or authorities. It is the expression of dissatisfaction. 30 Gusfields definition applies to Hong Kong s youth permanent fight against China s authorities to obtain genuine universal suffrage. After the failure of the referendum on universal suffrage in August 2014, China s Standing Committee introduced the new resolution on the 2017 Chief Executive Elections. The resolution did not only exclude the demand of universal suffrage but it also set up more restrictions by limiting the number of candidates running for office. This act triggered the protests in 2014, as it made the people believe that only collective strength would change China s decision, guarantee more political freedoms and satisfy their wish for full democracy. When the Occupy Central Movement with Love and Peace announced their civil disobedience campaign, mainly Hong Kong s students and pro- democracy activists started blocking the financial districts of the city. The protest lasted from 26 September until 15 December 2014, exactly 79- days. The protesters tried to pressure the Chinese government to take back their resolution and to introduce universal suffrage for Hong Kong s citizens. As the number of people occupying the streets of Admiralty increased rapidly, police arrived and attacked the demonstrators with tear gas and pepper spray. The students tried to defended themselves with umbrellas. From that moment on, the protest carried its unique name. The yellow ribbon, which stands for a non- violent democratic movement, gave the protest its symbolic colour. 29 This chapter is based on Cai, Yongshun. The Occupy Movement in Hong Kong. Sustaining decentralized protest. Oxon and New York 2017, p And status ( ). 30 Gusfield J. Quoted in Cai, Yongshun. The Occupy Movement in Hong Kong. Sustaining decentralized protest. Oxon and New York 2017, p

21 Image 6: Protesters trying to defend themselves with umbrellas from police attacks However, the police s interference did not lead to the retreat of the protesters Despite arrests and injuries, more occupants had arrived and took over the streets of Causeway Bay and Mong Kok. At some point, the number of the participants reached more than China s and Hong Kong s government accused the protest to be illegal and violated the rule of law. Their method to resolve the political issue was to enhance the number of police forces as well as the usage of the court. On 15 December 2014, after 79 days of resistance, the police cleared the streets without any opposition of the protesters. This marked the end of the Umbrella Movement protest. Although, the demonstrations did not bring a political concession from Beijing s side, Hong Kong s youth opposition created a rift in Hong Kong s society because not everyone supported the demonstrations. Especially the older generation did not agree with the younger one. Even opinions within the family were and are still differing greatly. The apolitical youth was transformed into a political activist community. 21

22 Image 7: Demonstrators holding up their umbrellas for 87 seconds in protest of the 87 rounds of tear gas that police had fired at unarmed students 22

23 3 About the Newspapers 3.1 The Guardian 31 The Guardian is under the ownership of Scott Trust and part of the Guardian Media Group. Since 2008, Scott Trust has been a limited company with an own constitution. The legislation secures the independence of the Guardian in perpetuity, protects the journalist s freedoms and the Guardian s liberal values and guarantees the non- interference of economy and politics. The newspaper is said to be a platform for liberal and left- wing opinions. It is the only British newspaper that performs each year an ethical audit, where it testes the company s behaviour. The Guardian s journalists are also obliged to a code of conduct, the so- called code of ethics. The conduct sets guidelines for the journalist s behaviour. The Guardian declares: We value our reputation for independence and integrity. Journalists clearly have lives, interests, hobbies, convictions and beliefs outside their work. Nothing in the following guidelines is intended to restrict any of that. It is intended to ensure that outside interests do not come into conflict with the life of the papers in a way that either compromises our editorial integrity or falls short of the sort of transparency that our readers would expect The South China Morning Post 33 The South China Morning Post, also called SCMP and the Post, is an English written Broadsheet from Hong Kong, which is not part of China s strict censorship. Robert Kuok, the richest man of Malaysia, was the owner of the newspaper until April For an estimated value of 100 million dollars, the SCMP was sold to the Chinese internet giant Alibaba Group. The change in ownership aroused concern, as people thought the newspaper would become a mouthpiece of China s government. Alibaba wanted to improve China s reputation in the Western media but it assured that the Chinese government had had no influence in the acquisition. A former editor at the SCMP said that the takeover would lead to self- censorship. However, Alibaba guaranteed the journalist s independence and integrity. 31 This chapter is based on status ( ).And guardians- editorial- code, status ( ) guardians- editorial- code 33 This chapter is based on status ( ). And scmp- south- china- morning- post.html, status ( ). And alibaba- baba- is- reinventing- the- south- china- morning- post- scmp- a year- old- newspaper- in- hong- kong/, status ( ). 23

24 4 Comparison between The Guardian and The South China Morning Post 4.1 The Umbrella Movement The Guardian 34 Democracy is the living, breathing product of struggle: of people organising together and using their collective strength to drive back the power of those above, often at great personal cost and sacrifice. This is the drama now being played out on the streets of Hong Kong 35 states the Guardian on 15 October Image 8: Published in the Guardian showing how the protesters were attacked by the police. Students protesting, demanding universal suffrage and holding up umbrellas to protect themselves from tear gas belonged to Hong Kong s everyday life in October 2014, as soon as the Umbrella Movement had kicked in. These protests and strikes are a reminder of a simple truth. Democracy is a universal right, not a privilege reserved for westerners 36 However, people of Hong Kong have to cope with a regime which is not blessed with the knowledge of the terms flexibility and compromise. These are words that do not exist in Beijing s vocabulary of governance 37. Just like the rule of law turned out to be non- existent. China will interfere in governmental affairs whenever it wants and nobody can hinder it from doing so. China has 34 This chapter is based on newspaper articles from the Guardian ( ), which can be found on page Jones, Owen. Hong Kong protesters remind us why democracy is worth fighting for. In: The Guardian, link: 1e, ( ). 36 Jones, Hong Kong protesters. 37 Kaixi, Wu er. China doesn t know how to respond to Hong Kong s umbrella revolution. In: The Guardian, link: 1b, ( ). 24

25 said that in Hong Kong, patriotism is so vital that it trumps freedom of speech, freedom of expression and freedom of thought, which are all now completely irrelevant 38, claims the British newspaper. Not every Hongkonger agrees with that statement. Otherwise there would not have been tens of thousands occupying the main roads of the city in order to fight for their rights. Yet there is more to that. Today s Hong Kong feels no attraction to the communist ideas which China practices. It is interested instead in its own assertiveness, in its own difference, and its own identity. 39 The roots of this identity crisis go far back in history. Colonialism did not serve Hong Kong right. They were never able to fully express themselves and they still cannot today. The problem is not purely one country, two systems; but one country, two states of mind. Despite all the efforts of the pro- democracy protesters, Chief Executive Leung Chun- Ying declared that there was almost zero chance of changing Beijing s decision about the provision of the Chief Executive Elections in Beijing does not, by its very nature, change its mind 40, mentions the Guardian. The young generation was not successful in turning around the mind of the Chinese government. Nevertheless, they did not remain empty handed. With their ambition, they changed themselves by transforming a society with meagre political action into a community which is fighting for their rights. Owen Jones, who writes for the Guardian, portrays Hong Kong and China along these lines: Those protesters filling the streets of Hong Kong should be considered an inspiration for all of us who champion and cherish democracy as a universal cause. They will be demonised, ridiculed and even brutalised by an illegitimate regime. Yet it is clear who s history will inevitably judge to be the victors. Beijing s tyrants know that too. No wonder they are scared Mo, Claudia. This is the beginning of the end of Hong Kong. In: The Guardian, link: 1i, ( ). 39 N.N. The Guardian view on Hong Kong: Beijing s crisis isn t over. In: The Guardian, link: 1d, ( ). 40 N.N. The Guardian view on Hong Kong. 41 Jones, Hong Kong protesters. 25

26 4.1.2 The South China Morning Post 42 The South China Morning Post calls it a peaceful civil disobedience, in which central districts of Hong Kong are being blockaded. Students groups play a key role in the movement. The students are fighting for their future, a future they see threatened by a steady erosion of one country, two systems 43, the Hong Kong newspaper puts it. However, the unarmed protesters are facing oppositions. Police started to use tear gas and pepper spray to shoo away the demonstrators. In order to protect themselves people on the streets folded up their umbrellas. Hong Kong is not only demanding the right to vote but it is also trying to differentiate itself from the mainland. Yet the government still drives for integration. The SCMP describes Hong Kong s identity as follows: Hong Kong people see themselves as being part of both Western and Eastern cultures. Despite the reunion with China, there is no denying that Hong Kong s Western influences are still strong, even in the little details of everyday city life. There are two cultural systems affecting every Hongkonger, and there needs to be recognition and appreciation for that uniqueness. This is precisely what the one country, two systems model promised Hong Kong people. 44 In short: The city is seeking its own political identity. The movement highlights the fact that this is a social/political issue craving a social/political solution. China does not understand that as it tries to solve the problem by law and order. The South China Morning Post reports of a 15- year- old who had been attacked by the police: The fear and pain she went through, she said, was nothing compared to the pain in her heart. She was shocked and indignant that rulers would use violence against citizens expressing an opinion out of love for Hong Kong. 45 One can see that Chief Executive Leung Chun- Ying did not know how to respond to the riots. He is waiting helplessly for guidance from Beijing on how to operate next. 46 Chris Patten says that Leung should try to dialogue and make compromises with the people in Hong Kong in order to meet their demands. Heaven sees with the eyes of its people. Heaven hears with the ears 42 This chapter is based on newspaper articles from the South China Morning Post ( ), which can be found on page Chan, Anson. Hong Kong needs its leaders to lead, for once, or protests will continue. In: South China Morning Post, link: 2i, ( ). 44 Zou, Xi. Hong Kong must be given room to be different from the mainland. In: South China Morning Post, link: 2f, ( ). 45 Cheung, Stephanie. Hong Kong needs a political solution, not a legal one, to Occupy protests. In: South China Morning Post, link: 2j, ( ). 46 Cheung, Hong Kong needs its leaders. 26

27 of its people 47 Patten quotes. The people of Hong Kong are craving leadership. Only the government can break the impasse by setting out the way forward clearly and unequivocally. 48 Image 9: Published in the South China Morning Post showing a cartoon of chief executive Leung Chun- Ying 47 Patten Chris. Hong Kong government can make a new case to Beijing on electoral reform. In: South China Morning Post, link: 2g, ( ). 48 Chan, Hong Kong needs its leaders. 27

28 4.1.3 Comparison Similarities The articles What is Occupy Central? 10 key facts about Hong Kong s pro- democracy movement of the South China Morning Post and Under the umbrellas: what do Hong Kong s protesters want from China? of the Guardian explain pretty much identically the events of October Both newspapers report objectively and publish similar pictures of the demonstrations. The images show people occupying the main districts and being attacked by the police. Going further into detail about what caused the protest and what the people demanded, they agree on the following topics: The unique identity and need for self- expression The difference between Hong Kong and mainland China The attempt of pushing Hong Kong and China together only tears them further apart Differences One thing that stands out is the different attitude towards China. Both criticise China s interference in Hong Kong s electoral system. However, the Guardian goes further and writes disparagingly by pointing out their missing vocabulary and calling them tyrants. The Hong Kong newspaper only states that China was misusing its power. Chief Executive Leung Chun- Ying s reaction is also described differently. While the Guardian quotes Leung by saying that there was zero chance of changing Beijing s decision, the SCMP addresses that Hong Kong s leader did not know how to respond, but it issues the cartoon (Image 9) which should speak for itself. The changed street number 689 is Leung s nickname and indicates the small number of votes he got when he was elected. 28

29 4.2 Legislative Council Elections The Guardian 49 The first Legislative Council election after the Umbrella Movement brought more Hong Kong people to the polls than ever before. This election represents a generational change in the pro- democracy movement. ( ). Not only will the strategy of this new generation be new, but their ideas will also be new. 50 says Sonny Lo, who wrote the book Hong Kong s Indigenous Democracy, to the Guardian. The reason for that are six, fresh, young, radical faces who won seats in Hong Kong s Legislative Council. Three of them being Nathan Law, Sixtus Leung, and Yau Wai- Ching. Nathan Law was one of the leaders of the Umbrella Movement and later shot to fame by founding a new political party called Demosisto. The party s name is a composition of the two words demos and sisto meaning people standing firm. Agnes Chow, a cofounder of the party, describes their intention as follows: We believe the people s opinion should be respected and the government should be chosen and formed by people. We will stand firm in the future although it is very difficult to fight for the self- determination and democracy of Hong Kong. We will stand firm and not give up in our movement. 51 Chow also states that China s government was and still is dishonest to Hong Kong s people and would not stick to its words. The moment to fight back has come. 52 Besides Demosisto, another party named Youngspiration had been created. It is a localist party, which aims to save Hong Kong s way of life from the mainland s growing influence. Sixtus Leung and Yau Wai- Ching belong to the newly established party. Independence is their idea for Hong Kong s future. Leung claims that Hong Kong is being deprived in its freedoms and that an increasing number of adolescents wanted to distant themselves from China This chapter is based on newspaper articles from The Guardian (April- November 2016), which can be found on page Lo, S. Quoted in Phillips, Tom and Cheung, Eric. Hong Kong elections: anti- Beijing activists gain foothold in power. In: The Guardian, link: 3d, ( ). 51 Chow, A. Quoted in Phillips, Tom. Hong Kong s umbrella movement spawns new political party. In: The Guardian, link: 3b, ( ). 52 Phillips, T. Hong Kong s umbrella movement spawns. 53 Phillips and Cheung, Hong Kong elections: anti- Beijing. 29

30 Leung explains why he does not see himself as a citizen of China: We think that Hong Kong people are somehow different from other nations, like (the) Chinese. We have different languages, we have different currencies, and our economic system is different from theirs. 54 Politics in the former British colony will become more vibrant as those newly elected, less compromising, young voices replace the moderate members of Hong Kong s democratic camp. Many of the upcoming democratic figures struck out during the 79- day Occupy Central protests and are therefore sure that only radical moves, like independence and self- determination, will guarantee political concession. The shift in the tectonic plates of local politics is widely considered a direct consequence of Beijing s increasing intervention in Hong Kong, including the ever- tightening grip on the city s freedom of expression, as well as other civil liberties and local affairs. 55 The disappearance of booksellers, who write critically about China s communist party, is evidence for China s meddling. Pro- democracy activists argue that actions like these scrap the one country, two systems model, which promised autonomy from Beijing. 56 However, there are people like Holden Chow, one of the rising stars of the pro- Beijing party, who claim that independence is not an option. Unlike Sixtus Leung, Holden Chow declares: I m Chinese, of course. Yeah. No doubt. Chinese. From a historic perspective, from a cultural perspective, from an ethnic perspective, we are Chinese. So that is not deniable. 57 Chow wants to bring Hong Kong back on the right path. He sees lots of advantages with having China s back and support. Such voices can be heard all over the pro- China block which occupies 40 of the 70 seats in Hong Kong s Legislative Council. 54 Leung, S. Quoted in Phillips, Tom and Cheung, Eric. Hong Kong election: who are the young activists elected to the council. In: The Guardian, link: 3e, ( ). 55 Ng, Jason Y. Hong Kong s political class shaken up by new kids on the block. In: The Guardian, link: 3c, ( ). 56 Phillips, T. Hong Kong s umbrella movement spawns. 57 Phillips, Tom and Cheung, Eric. Independence is not an option : meet the star of Hong Kong s pro- Beijing party. In: The Guardian, link: 3a, ( ). 30

31 4.2.2 The South China Morning Post 58 The South China Morning Post writes: Our political system so limits the lawmaking ability of our legislators that it s no wonder some voters choose to elect banana- throwers and independence- seekers. 59 Hong Kong s government officials have to deal with even more disorder and polarisation in the newly elected legislature. The Legislative Council has out of seventy seats twenty- six new members, representing various political groups. The Council has never been more divided before. Especially the localists raise much attention. An explanation for that is their age. Yau Wai- Ching (25), belonging to the Youngspiration party, and Nathan Law (23) of Demosisto are the youngest newly elected lawmakers. The youngsters are full of energy, new ideas and idealism but they also lack experience. However, they have four years ahead of them to learn about the legislature s administration. The young pro- democracy lawmakers are thought to be unrealistic, more extreme and disruptive compared to their forerunner. They will introduce left- wing ideologies and will thereby overthrow the set- up philosophy and formation of policymaking, claims the Hong Kong newspaper. Still, independence is not a practicable option for Hong Kong. Legislators should rather concentrate on setting their priorities straight and putting the people s demands before their self- interest and the voters should properly inform themselves before going to the polls. Voting for a candidate doesn t necessarily mean that matters of vital concern to the community are going to get dealt with. If it s not on the government s agenda, it may be all but ignored This chapter is based on newspaper articles from the South China Morning Post (July- September 2016), which can be found on page Kammerer, Peter. Why, year after year, Hong Kong s legislative elections offer few candidates worth fighting for. In: South China Morning Post, link: 4b, ( ). 60 Kammerer, Why, year after year. 31

32 4.2.3 Comparison Similarities The results of the Legislative Council Elections do not bring many similarities between the two newspapers. They both declare that more radical voices would take up seats in the council, a generational change took place and that the young legislators would bring new ideas with them. Difference But by mentioning the lawmaker s intentions the controversy already begins. The Guardian characterises them as being vibrant. In contrast to the SCMP, which describes them as more challenging and something they must deal with. The British newspaper goes into detail about their parties and explains their aims, which his opposite does not. By referring to banana- throwers and independence- seekers the Post makes its sentiments towards the new lawmakers clear. In comparison, the Guardian seems to be way more enthusiastic than the South China Morning Post, which has a rather sceptical attitude. Important to mention is the change in ownership of the SCMP in The articles regarding this and the following topics are written under the ownership of the Chinese company Alibaba Group, which said that its aim is to change China s bad reputation in the Western media. This may be a reason for the critical reports about the pro- democracy legislators. The Guardian sticks to its liberal and left- winged opinion by writing positively about the young lawmakers. Nevertheless, the British newspaper also includes the attitude of the pro- Beijing activists. It brings out the feelings of the two oppositions by quoting their exact wordings. Thus, the Guardian does not show its own opinion and stays mostly objective. 32

33 4.3 Swearing- In Ceremony The Guardian61 Every new Legislative Council member must read an oath to officially start their four- year contract as a lawmaker. The oath contains a promise of supporting the laws set up at the handover from British to Chinese control in 1997, as well as to serve the Hong Kong special administrative region conscientiously, dutifully, in full accordance with the law, honestly and with integrity 62. Despite the strict regulations, the six newly elected pro- democracy politicians did not stick to the 77 correct words of the oath. Instead they were defying Beijing during a swearing- in ceremony. Image 10: Published in the Guardian showing the blue banner of the two Youngspiration members. Sixtus Leung and Yau Wai- Ching, from the Youngspiration party, both brought a blue banner with them which read Hong Kong is not China. They refused to confess their loyalty to Beijing. Leung referred to the People s Republic of Shina 63. Shina is Japanese and stands for China but in a slanderous and ancient way. I, Yau Wai- Ching, do solemnly swear that I will be faithful and bear true allegiance to the Hong Kong nation and will to the best protect and defend the values of Hong Kong 64, declares the youngest female lawmaker in Hong Kong s history. She was told to recapitulate the oath accurately otherwise it would not be valid. Thereupon, Yau Wai- Ching 61 This chapter is based on newspaper articles from The Guardian (September- November 2016), which can be found on page Phillips, Tom. Rebel Hong Kong politicians defy China at chaotic swearing- in ceremony. In: The Guardian, link: 3a, ( ). 63 Leung, S. Quoted in Phillips, Rebel Hong Kong politicians. 64 Yau, W. Quoted in Phillips, Rebel Hong Kong politicians. 33

34 declared her devotion to the Hong Kong special administrative region of the People s Refucking of Shina 65 Nathan Law expressed his opinion towards Beijing s authority by quoting Mahatma Gandhi: You can chain me, you can torture me, you can destroy this body. But you will never imprison my mind. 66 Another pro- democracy lawmaker, named Eddi Chu, presented his oath correctly. But he mentioned at the end: Democracy and self- determination. Autocracy will die! 67 Lau Siu- Lai, who also belongs to the new generation politicians, took her oath in slow motion to show her disapproval. The Guardian comments on the event: The protests underlined the new challenges facing China s Communist party leaders as they seek to assert their control over Hong Kong s vibrant political scene, which stands in stark contrast to the mainland s rigid one- party system. 68 Besides the ones showing distrust against Beijing, there were others dedicating loyalty. Ann Chiang, who belongs to the Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong decided to read her oath in Mandarin, the language spoken in mainland China, instead of Cantonese. The actions of the two Youngspiration members had its consequences. Chief Executive Leung Chun- Ying wanted to prevent them from revising their oath and so he started a legal proceeding against Sixtus Leung and Yau Wai- Ching. He also took into consideration to ask China for the interpretation of the Basic Law. Beijing has excoriated them as a pair of shameless separatists, purveyors of a lunatic s dream who must be punished for pursuing their fatuous political cause 69, reports the Guardian in his article named Festering pustules : the two pro- democracy activists who are targets of China s wrath. China s National People s Congress made the decision to ban all six pro- democracy legislators from taking up their seat in the Legislative Council. This measure marks China s most direct interference in Hong Kong s legal system. Nonetheless, Yau Wai- Ching does not regret her act. She told reporters: This is just what China must do to maintain their dictatorship, so we don t think it is our fault. ( ) the ruling was not fair, but it was expected. Since the court adopted such measures to strip us of our lawmaker qualifications, I think you all have an idea what kind of society this is Yau, W. Quoted in Phillips, Rebel Hong Kong politicians. 66 Law, N. Quoted in Phillips, Rebel Hong Kong politicians. 67 Chu, E. Quoted in Phillips, Rebel Hong Kong politicians. 68 Phillips, Rebel Hong Kong politicians. 69 Phillips, Tom. Festering pustules : the two pro- democracy activists who are targets of China s wrath. In: The Guardian, link: 5c, ( ). 70 Yau, W. Quoted in Haas, B and Cheung, E. We did nothing wrong : banned Hong Kong politician on oath- taking protest. In: The Guardian, link: 5e, ( ). 34

35 So what Beijing should be asking is not so much, How do we get rid of it? It is, How come our young people and even those who are not so young how come they advocate (independence)? 71, criticises Yau The South China Morning Post 72 The oath- taking by members when assuming office upon the commencement of the new Legislative Council term is not just to ensure compliance with the law, but also a solemn promise they make as public officers to the entire community, writes the Hong Kong government. The newly elected lawmakers Nathan Law, Yau Wai- Ching and Sixtus Leung violated with their oath the dignity required from Legislative Council members. Yau and Leung from Youngspiration did not follow the official wording. Instead they gave their word of honour to the Hong Kong nation and unveiled a blue banner which read Hong Kong is not China. Image 11: Published in the South China Morning Post showing Yau presenting the blue banner That s true in the sense that Beijing, Shanghai and Shenzhen are not China, but they are all parts of China 73 and one newly elected young localist waved a protest banner like she was doing a striptease 74, reports the South China Morning Post in his article Legco is not a kindergarten, so let s leave the temper tantrums and childish posturing aside. Sixtus Leung is 71 Yau, W. Quoted in Phillips, Festering pustules. 72 This chapter is based on newspaper articles from the South China Morning Post (October 2016), which can be found on page Lo, Alex. Legco is not a kindergarten, so let s leave the temper tantrums and childish posturing aside. In: South China Morning Post, link: 6b, ( ). 74 Lo, Legco is not kindergarten. 35

36 convinced that the phrase Hong Kong is not China is as factual as apple is not orange. Both Youngspiration members pronounced China wrong in their oath. They referred to Chee- na, which is the term used by the Japanese during the second world war and carries a degrading meaning and hurtful historical wounds. Yau took it further by mispronouncing People s Republic of China as People s Re- f****** of Chee- na three times. 75 China s feelings were hurt by those words. However, the two lawmakers made their accents responsible for the pronunciation. Leung excused himself by claiming he had an Ap Lei Chau accent. There is no such accent, any more than there is a Hong Kong nation 76. Yau Wai- Ching and Sixtus Leung were directly disqualified from their seats in the Legislative Council. Nathan Law quoted Mahatma Gandhi during his oath: You can chain me, you can torture me, you can even destroy this body, but you will never imprison my mind. 77 Hereupon the South China Morning Post criticises: Again, it is clear that this young man had no idea of the circumstances under which Gandhi said what he did and how and for what he fought all his life: Gandhi s cause was the Indian independence movement, which sought to create an Indian state free of British rule. ( ). Who and what gave this young man the misconception that he is in any way near the situation faced by Gandhi? 78 While these grownups rudely announced their aversion to China, they need to come to the realization and accept the fact that many people not only cherish Hong Kong but also love their motherland. 75 Cheung, Tony. Hong Kong government accuses localist lawmakers of hurting feelings of Chinese with offensive oath taking. In: South China Morning Post, link: 6a, ( ). 76 Lo, Legco is not kindergarten. 77 Ghandi, M. Quoted in Fung, Y.S.J, Hong Kong s ignorant rebel lawmakers don t understand their duty to the people. In: South China Morning Post, link: 6d, ( ). 78 Fung, Hong Kong s ignorant rebel. 36

37 4.3.3 Comparison Similarities There are no significant similarities other than that The Guardian and the SCMP quote the oaths of the legislators equally. Differences Just by comparing the highly controversial headlines one can see which opinion each newspaper advocates. The Guardian: Hong Kong may ask Beijing to intervene over pro- democracy activists 'Festering pustules': the two pro- democracy activists who are targets of China's wrath Hong Kong pro- democracy politicians banned by China as crisis grows The SCMP: Hong Kong government accuses localist lawmakers of hurting feelings of Chinese with offensive oath- taking Legco is not a kindergarten, so let s leave the temper tantrums and childish posturing aside Vulgar Legco rebels must be suffering from deep self- hatred Hong Kong s ignorant rebel lawmakers don t understand their duty to the people It becomes obvious that the Hong Kong newspaper voices its opinion against the young lawmakers while the Guardian stays fairly objective. Comparing chapter and makes one aware that the Guardian does not comment on the oaths, whereas the Post makes critical statements towards the words of the new legislators. For example, by telling Nathan Law that his situation is not at all comparable to Ghandi s and saying that Hong Kong is a part of China just like Shanghai and other cities. The justification regarding the accents of the two Youngspiration members is only mentioned by the Hong Kong newspaper and is being portrayed as a ridiculous excuse. Image 10 and 11 have to be pointed out as well. The significant difference between the two pictures is that on image 10, published in the SCMP, the blue banner that reads Hong Kong is not China is cut off. One can now make an own interpretation on that. Just like in chapter 4.3, the difference between the two newspapers is evident. The 37

38 SCMP voices its opinion even more against the pro- democracy activists, whereas the Guardian takes in the same position as in the beginning. The change in ownership of the Post makes its influence increasingly noticeable. The code of conduct or rather code of ethics of the Guardian s journalists seems to ensure a consistently reasonable form of media coverage. 4.4 Chief Executive Elections The Guardian Vastly unpopular Chief Executive Leung Chun- Ying did not seek re- election. On 26 March 2017, his successor had been elected. There were three pre- selected candidates who ran for this year s Chief Executive Elections. John Tsang, a resigned financial secretary, was the most favoured candidate among the yellow umbrella supporters. According to polls, he received 60% of the people s support. Carrie Lam, former second- in- command of Leung Chun- Ying, was said to be Beijing s preferred pick. The third and least popular candidate by the people of Hong Kong and China s government, Woo Kwok- hing, is a retired judge. The pro- democracy legislator, Nathan Law, refers to a selection rather than an election and underlines that it was fully controlled by China s government. I don t see the point in even holding an election, the whole thing has already been decided by China 80, voices a 26- year old. Despite the 2014 Umbrella Movement and the permanent demand for universal suffrage, Hong Kong people had not been given the vote to elect their next leader. The Chief Executive Elections were far from being democratic. Only an Election Committee of 1200 members, composed of business- driven, pro- establishment and pro- China elite groups, were given the right to choose one of the three candidates. Even though, the Basic Law clearly states: The ultimate aim is the selection of the Chief Executive by universal suffrage 81. The Election Committee proved to be manipulated due to members being partly appointed by the Chinese government. Outgoing Chief Executive Leung Chun- Ying says: Just because a candidate is leading popularity polls doesn t necessarily mean you should vote for that person This chapter is based on newspaper articles from The Guardian (February- July 2017), which can be found on page Lam, H. Quoted in Haas, Benjamin. Hong Kong faces selection not election of China s favoured candidate. In: The Guardian, link: 7c, ( ). 81 The Basic Law. Quoted in Haas, Hong Kong faces. 82 Haas, Benjamin. Hong Kong elections: Carrie Lam voted leader amid of China meddling. In: The Guardian, link: 7d, ( ). 38

39 Therefore, not of much surprise, Carrie Lam being Beijing s favoured candidate won the Chief Executive Elections Lam directly benefitted from the lack of open elections, and would likely have lost if Hong Kong citizens were given a one person, one vote system 83, believes the Guardian. With 777 out of 1194 votes, she is the first woman to take up office. One of Carrie Lam s statements is that she will not make the attempt and start a debate on political reform. 84 We shall start with connecting to resolve the simpler, less controversial issues 85, she argues. The reactions of pro- democracy voices were clear: This result is a nightmare to Hong Kong. 86 Lam s victory despite her lack of representation and popular support reflects the Chinese Communist party s complete control over Hong Kong s electoral process and its serious intrusion of Hong Kong s autonomy. 87 I don t see much of a difference, comparing Lam to CY Leung. 88 I want genuine universal suffrage! 89 Nevertheless, Carrie Lam s five- year term started on 1 July On the same day as Hong Kong s twentieth anniversary since the handover to the People s Republic of China in China s President Xi Jinping visited Hong Kong on that day to swear in the highly unpopular new Chief Executive. 90 Pro- democracy groups had organized a rally. On 1 July, more than participants kicked it off in Victoria Park. Even though the President had already flown out of Hong Kong by then, the protesters were still determined to show Beijing their feelings towards the Chinese rule. They pointed out fake democracy and accused Xi of not caring about Hong Kong s real voices. We are here to tell the truth that the 20 th anniversary of handover is nothing to celebrate. We still don t have democracy 91, Nathan Law declares. President Xi Jinping responds with the following words: Hong Kong must not be used as a launchpad to challenge Beijing s authority. Any questioning of China s sovereignty in the territory crosses a red line Haas, Hong Kong elections. 84 Haas, Hong Kong elections. 85 Haas, Hong Kong elections. 86 Haas, Hong Kong elections. 87 Haas, Hong Kong elections. 88 Haas, Hong Kong faces. 89 Haas, Hong Kong elections. 90 Haas, Benjamin. 'Phoney': official Hong Kong song marking 1997 British handover panned. In: The Guardian, link: 7e, ( ). 91 Haas, B and Phillips, T. Thousands march in Hong Kong to show dissent for Chinese rule. In: The Guardian, link: 7f, ( ). 92 Haas and Phillips, Thousands march. 39

40 4.4.2 The South China Morning Post 93 Carrie Lam is the new Chief Executive of Hong Kong s Special Administrative Region. She obtained the most votes with 777 out of the members election committee. John Tsang, who was second with 365 votes, and Woo Kwok- hing, who was last with only 21 votes, came far behind. Image 12: Published in the South China Morning Post showing how Carrie Lam will bring China and Hong Kong together. Carrie Lam was said to be Beijing s choice for the Chief Executive Elections. Just like all previous Chief Executives had been. This is the case because Hong Kong s leader is appointed by China s central government after the elections. There had been rumours about China s officials influencing members of the election committee to vote for her. It turned out to be true as Lam s support came completely from the pro- establishment members. Whereas, the other two candidates depended on the votes of the pan- democratic camp. Even though, article 22 of the Basic Law prohibits mainland s interference. It is now generally accepted that Beijing can choose whether or not it wishes to appoint the candidate who wins the election 94, the South China Morning Post points out. The Basic Law does not only require Hong Kong s own administration but also universal suffrage as its ultimate aim. The ordinary citizens of Hong Kong have no say in the Chief Executive Elections. This leads to permanent missing support of the people. Therefore, Carrie Lam will face the same problems as the former Chief Executives. 93 This chapter is based on newspaper articles from the South China Morning Post (dd), which can be found on page Buddle, Cliff. Hong Kong must protect its high degree of autonomy to ensure one country, two systems remains effective. In: South China Morning Post, link: 8a, ( ). 40