Sources: The Peace Process after the Good Friday Agreement

Transcription

1 Ireland in Schools Blackpool Pilot Scheme Sources: The Peace Process after the Good Friday Agreement 1. Power-sharing Executive & Assembly 2. Decommissioning 3. Police 4. Punishment beatings 5. Parades 6. British Army leaves 7. Trouble in store: sectarianism among the young? The modern Northern Ireland Assembly was first elected on 25 June 1998 and first met on 1 July of that year; however, it existed only in shadow form until 2 December 1999 when full powers were devolved to the Assembly. Since then the Assembly has operated only intermittently and has been suspended on four occasions: 11 February 30 May August 2001 (24 hour suspension) 22 September 2001 (24 hour suspension) 14 October May 2007 Attempts to secure its operation on a permanent basis have been frustrated by disagreements between the two main unionist parties (the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) and Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) and Sinn Féin, the largest nationalist party, which is widely perceived to be the political wing of the Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA). Unionists had refused to participate in the Good Friday Agreement s institutions alongside Sinn Féin until they were assured that the IRA had discontinued all of its activities, decommissioned its arms and disbanded. The most recent suspension occurred after unionists started to walk out of its power-sharing Executive after Sinn Féin s offices at Stormont had been raided by the police investigating alleged intelligence gathering on behalf of the IRA by members of the party s support staff. The assembly, already suspended, dissolved on 28 April 2003 as scheduled, but the elections due the following month were postponed by the United Kingdom government and were not held until November that year. Although the Northern Ireland Assembly remained suspended from 2002 until 2007, the persons elected to it at the 2003 Assembly election were called together on 15 May 2006 under the Northern Ireland Act 2006 to meet in an assembly to be known as the Assembly (or fully the Assembly established under the Northern Ireland Act 2006') for the purpose of electing a First Minister and Deputy First Minister and choosing the members of an Executive before 25 November 2006 as a preliminary to the restoration of devolved government. On 23 May 2006 Ian Paisley, leader of the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) refused Sinn Féin s nomination to be First Minister alongside Sinn Féin s chief negotiator, Martin McGuinness, as Deputy First Minister. Eileen Bell was appointed by the Secretary of State Peter Hain to be the Speaker of the Assembly, with Francie Molloy and Jim Wells acting as deputies. The Northern Ireland (St Andrews Agreement) Act 2006 repealed the Northern Ireland Act 2006 and thus disbanded the Assembly. The Northern Ireland (St Andrews Agreement) Act 2006 provided for a Transitional Assembly. The Transitional Assembly first met on 24 November 2006, when the proceedings was suspended due to a bomb threat by loyalist paramilitary Michael Stone. It was dissolved on 30 January 2007 when campaigning for the upcoming Northern Ireland Assembly elections started. An election to the then-suspended Northern Ireland Assembly was held on 7 March Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, Peter Hain signed a restoration order at lunchtime on 25 March 2007 allowing for the restoration of devolution at midnight on the following day.[7] The two largest parties following the election, the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) and Sinn Féin, agreed to enter power-sharing government together, and power was eventually restored on 8 May with Ian Paisley as First Minister and Martin McGuinness as Deputy First Minister.

2 After the signing of the Good Friday Agreement 1 July 1998 First meeting of the new Assembly. Mr David Trimble of the UUP was elected as First Minister and Mr Seamus Mallon of the SDLP as Deputy First Minister. Disagreements between the parties, principally over the decommissioning of paramilitary weapons, led to the operation of the Assembly being interrupted by a series of suspensions over the next two years. Sept Nov Report of the Northern Ireland Police Commission (under the chairmanship of Chris Patten). Creation of the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI), replacing the Royal Ulster Constabulary. 14 Oct The Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, Dr John Reid, made an order suspending the Executive and Assembly following allegations of Republican intelligence gathering in Stormont. 1 May 2003 British and Irish governments issue a Joint Declaration. It outlined the work that they had been engaged in since the suspension of the Executive and the Assembly in 2002 and identified areas where progress could be made in the ongoing implementation. A period of intensive negotiations between the parties and the two Governments failed to resolve all outstanding difficulties. Nov Assembly elections, held in November 2003, resulted in the DUP and Sinn Féin becoming the largest parties on the unionist and nationalist side respectively. 7 Jan. 2004, The two Governments established an Independent Monitoring Commission to produce regular reports on the issues of paramilitary and criminal activity and on security normalisation. 8 Dec Both governments announced that, while almost all outstanding issues had been agreed with the parties, differences over the process to be used to verify the decommissioning of paramilitary weapons remained unresolved. 7 Jan The PSNI Chief Constable, Mr. Hugh Orde, made public his assessment that the IRA were responsible for a substantial raid on the Northern Bank head office in Belfast in December The Government subsequently delivered a clear message to the Sinn Féin leadership that unless IRA paramilitarism and criminality was brought to a definitive closure, there was no prospect of restoring inclusive devolved institutions in Northern Ireland. 6 April 2005 The Sinn Féin leader, Gerry Adams made a statement directed at the IRA in which he asserted that there was now a political alternative to armed struggle. He appealed to the IRA to consider initiatives which will achieve your aims by purely political and democratic activity. 28 July 2005 The IRA issued a statement indicating that an end to its armed campaign had been ordered by the leadership. The statement confirmed that the IRA leadership had authorised their representative to engage with the IICD to complete the process to verifiably put its arms beyond use. 26 Sept The IICD submitted a report to the two Governments confirming that IRA decommissioning had been completed Nov A series of stocktaking meetings with the parties took place at Hillsborough jointly chaired by the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Dermot Ahern and the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, Peter Hain. 26 Jan The Taoiseach, Bertie Ahern and Prime Minister Blair issued a joint statement in which they stated that 2006 would be a decisive year for the process and called on all the parties to take the necessary BPS, Sources: Peace Process after 1998, 2

3 steps to allow trust and confidence to be built. 6 Feb Talks with the parties began with the aim of setting out the arrangements and timetable for the restoration of the institutions. 6 April 2006 The Taoiseach and Prime Minister Blair set out the Governments joint strategy for the recall of the Assembly on 15 May 2006, with a view to restoring the power-sharing institutions. A 15 May 2006 All 108 MLAs took their seats at the Assembly s first meeting - the first time they had met in that format in over three and a half years. 29 June 2006 The Taoiseach and Prime Minister Blair met the parties at Stormont to take stock of developments since the recall of the Assembly. On the same day they published a work-plan and a timetable setting out the steps to restoration to assist the parties with their preparations for government. Over subsequent months, the parties met within the framework of the Assembly s Preparation for Government Committee, which was established to scope the work needed to be done in preparation for government. Membership of the Committee comprised three members each from the DUP, Sinn Féin, UUP and SDLP, and two from the Alliance party. The Committee submitted reports to the Governments on the following issues: (i) the economy, (ii) law and order issues (iii) institutional issues and (iv) rights, safeguards, equality and victims issues Oct The Taoiseach and PM Blair hosted intensive talks with the political parties at St Andrews in Scotland with the aim of reaching agreement on all outstanding issues. 13 Oc The two Governments published the St. Andrews Agreement. Underpinning the Good Friday Agreement, the St. Andrews Agreement set out a clear way forward for all parties to commit to the full operation of stable power-sharing government in Northern Ireland and to full support for policing and the criminal justice institutions, including the Policing Board. Major progress in that regard was made in the early months of Jan The Sinn Féin Ard Fheis overwhelmingly endorsed a motion supporting policing and the criminal justice system in accordance with the St Andrews Agreement. 7 Mar Elections were held to the Northern Ireland Assembly which delivered a strong mandate for power-sharing. They returned the DUP with 36 seats, Sinn Féin with 28 seats, UUP with 18, SDLP 16, Alliance 7, PUP 1, Greens 1 and Independents Mar In an unprecedented meeting held in Stormont Sinn Féin and the DUP agree to share power on 8 May. 8 May 2007 Restoration of devolved institutions in Northern Ireland. 4 April 2007 Successful meeting between the Taoiseach, Mr. Bertie Ahern and the DUP leader Dr. Ian Paisley on 4 April at Farmleigh. 11 May 2007 The Taoiseach welcomed Dr. Ian Paisley as Northern Ireland s First Minister to the site of the Battle of the Boyne. 15 May 2007 In the first ever such speech by a Taoiseach, Bertie Ahern was welcomed in Westminster to address the Joint Houses of Parliament. Féin BPS, Sources: Peace Process after 1998, 3

4 Northern Ireland Assembly elections (108 seats) DUP UUP Alliance Others SDLP Sinn Féin Seats won (2007) Vote share (2007) 30.1% 14.9% 5.2% 8.0% 15.2% 26.2% Seats won (2003) Vote share (2003) 25.6% 22.7% 3.7% % 23.5% Seats won (1998) Vote share (1998) 18.14% 21.25% 6.5% 8.67% 21.9% % BPS, Sources: Peace Process after 1998, 4

5 BPS, Sources: Peace Process after 1998, 5

6 The Guardian Tuesday March Northern Ireland s arch enemies declare peace Paisley and Adams agree to share power from May 8 Accord hailed as defining moment in negotiations Ian Paisley and Gerry Adams sat side by side yesterday to announce they had reached agreement to share power from May 8 in a devolved Northern Ireland government. The appearance together of archenemies delegations from the Democratic Unionist Party and Sinn it a televised statement at the end of a meeting in Stormont constitutes a watershed in the province s politics. The private negotiating session, lasting little more than an hour, was the first time the live parties had held direct talks. It enabled both sides to issue statements pledging political cooperation and the start of a new and peaceful era. The accord between the veteran unionist firebrand and the leader of a militant republican movement that once killed opponents was hailed in London and Dublin as the defining moment in 10 years of a protracted peace process. The atmosphere was described as cordial and constructive. The Sinn Féin leader wore an Easter lily badge, commemorating those who died in the 1916 uprising. They shared the apex apex of a diamond-shape table. There was no handshake. In the past, Mr Paisley declared, the government has set arbitrary deadlines but now... we as a party have agreed the timing, setting up and working of the institutions. We have agreed with Sinn Féin that this date will be Tuesday May 8... After a long and difficult time in the province I believe that enormous opportunities lie ahead... I want to make it clear that I am committed to delivering not only for those who voted for the DUP but for all the people of Northern Ireland. We must not allow our justified loathing of the horrors and tragedies of the past to become a barrier to creating a better and more stable future. In looking to that future we must never forget those who have suffered during the dark period from which we are, please God, emerging. Mr Adams welcomed the DUP s commitment: While it is disappointing that the institutions of the Good Friday agreement have not been restored today, I believe the agreement reached between Sinn Fééin and the DUP... marks the beginning of a new era of politics on this island... The relationships between the people of this island have been marred by centuries of discord, conflict, hurt and tragedy... We have all come a very long way in the process of peace making and national reconciliation. We are very conscious of the many people who have suffered. We owe it to them to build the best future possible. It is a time for generosity, a time to be mindful of the common good and of the future of all our people. BPS, Sources: Peace Process after 1998, 6

7 In earlier days War of words Adams on Paisley: If Ian Paisley isn t going to share power with the rest of us, then we have to move on without him August , after a meeting in Downing Street with Northern Irish parties He radicalised me... It was Ian Paisley who led me to wonder how a clergyman could stand up and threaten to go in and tell the RUC to take the flag out, and if they didn t, he would. Guardian, February Paisley on Adams: Mr Adams would have to repent from his evil ways. I am here tonight by the grace of God, a sinner saved by grace April , response during a conference in New York as to whether he would shake Adams s hand I will never sit down with Gerry Adams... He d sit with anyone. He d sit down with the devil. In fact, Adams does sit down with the devil. Independent, February In pictures Gerry Adams, late 1960s Martin McGuinness, 1972 Ian Paisley, early 1980s BPS, Sources: Peace Process after 1998, 7

8 A message for the world Michael White The Guardian Tuesday March 27, 2007 For once the self-centred hyperbole which usually accompanies political developments in Northern Ireland may even be true. Those television pictures of Ian Paisley sitting with Gerry Adams to embrace devolution really will go round the world. With luck it could inspire other divided but war-weary communities to embrace the compromises of politics. So it was reassuringly humdrum for British ministers to lift threatened water rates to please both leaders, who are also complaining about Gordon Brown s stinginess and dodgy figures. The fate of the 11-plus (which Martin McGuinness famously failed) divides them. But that is normal politics. It has only taken nine years. With his strategic eye on his party s renewed hopes in this summer s general election in the Republic, the Sinn Féin leader always keeps his options open. Mr Adams could have fallen back on so-called Plan B, a greener (ie more Irish) version of existing direct rule, if Mr Paisley had said No for the umpteenth time. This time he didn t. The present cycle of Ireland s long Troubles started when a sectarian anti-catholic demagogue (Adams memoirs description) forced the police to remove an Irish tricolour flying on Sinn Féin s Belfast office in Paisley (then 38) was the demagogue, Adams (then 16) watched the riots on television and quietly joined Sinn Féin. So it was Saturday s vote by all nine DUP MPs and their activists shift which was decisive, if they mean it. Most insiders think they do. Despite deepening sectarian divisions in daily life, voters want peace now. Mr Paisley, who has destroyed successive unionist leaders who compromised, knows that. He leads a more united party than David Trimble ever did as he makes his own deal. Mr Paisley s intransigence forced the IRA to decommission its weapons and Sinn Féin to accept the province s reformed police force. Peter Hain s tough direct rule tactics on water rates, gay rights and much else, which irritated unionists (and was meant to), reminded the DUP that a devolved executive is worth having. Nor is the Republic s Celtic Tiger economy the feeble thing it was in Delay until May is a small face-saving price. One leader who should be watching all this patient work is George Bush. At Hillsborough he once promised to micro-manage the Middle East peace process as closely as Tony Blair has done Belfast s. He didn t mean it. As Condi Rice heads east (again) he may do now. The Guardian, 27 March 2007 BPS, Sources: Peace Process after 1998, 8

9 A laugh and a look into the future as old foes join forces at last to share power at Stormont Northern Ireland s first minister, Ian Paisley, and the deputy first minister, Martin McGuinness, smile after being sworn in at Stormont. Ian Paisley, the Democratic Unionist party leader who spent decades denouncing republicans, and Martin McGuinness, a former IRA commander, joined together yesterday to assume office as first and deputy first ministers at the head of a new power-sharing government. With two prime ministers and a host of American political dignitaries in the gallery watching the ceremonial opening, the Northern Ireland assembly elected a speaker, three deputy speakers and an entire ministerial team without dissent. The extraordinary display of cross-community unity at Stormont marked a symbolic end to the Troubles and opened an era of cooperation between former enemies. Gerry Adams, the president of Sinn Féin, shook hands with William Hay, the DUP assembly member (MLA) who was elected as speaker. The only conflict of the day came at the gates of Stormont when police clashed with anti-iraq war protesters objecting to Tony Blair s presence. Mr Paisley, who recalled being arrested on the night of the Good Friday agreement in 1998, said: In politics as in life, it is a truism that no one can ever have 100% of what they desire... I can say to you today that I believe Northern Ireland had come to a time of peace, a time when hate will no longer rule. How good it will be to be part of the wonderful healing in this province today. Mr McGuinness said: We know the road we are embarking on will have many twists and turns. It is, however, a road which we have chosen and which is supported by the vast majority of our supporters. Mr Blair, who paid tribute to his predecessor, Sir John Major, for initiating the peace process, said: BPS, Sources: Peace Process after 1998, 9

10 Look back and we see centuries marked by conflict, hardship, even hatred among the people of these islands. Look forward and we see the chance to shake off those heavy chains of history. Mr Ahern praised Mr Blair s contribution. This was not a process that promised quick or easy rewards. But he has been a true friend of peace and a true friend of Ireland. And for that we express our heartfelt thanks. But in the hall afterwards there was no handshake between Mr Paisley and Mr McGuinness. The ministers The line-up for Northern Ireland s power-sharing executive and their responsibilities: Ian Paisley (DUP) First minister Martin McGuinness (Sinn Féin) Deputy first minister Peter Robinson (DUP) Finance and personnel Nigel Dodds (DUP) Enterprise, trade and investment Arlene Foster (DUP) Environment Edwin Poots (DUP) Culture, arts and leisure Catriona Ruane (Sinn Féin) Education Conor Murphy (Sinn Féin) Regional development Michelle Gildernew (Sinn Féin) Agriculture Michael McGimpsey (UUP) Health and social services Sir Reg Empey (UUP) Employment and learning Margaret Ritchie (SDLP) Social development Ian Paisley Jr (DUP) and Gerry Kelly (Sinn ) are junior ministers in the office of first and deputy first ministers BPS, Sources: Peace Process after 1998, 10

11 Pictured at the first meeting of the Northern Ireland Executive, 10 May 2007, are (clockwise) First Minister Rt Hon Ian Paisley MP MLA, deputy First Minister Martin McGuinness MP MLA Director of Executive Services Rosalie Flanagan Junior Minister Gerry Kelly MLA Minister of Education Caitríona Ruane MLA Minister for Regional Development Conor Murphy MP MLA, Minister of Agriculture and Rural Development Michelle Gildernew MP MLA Minister for Social Development Margaret Ritchie MLA Minister for Employment and Learning Sir Reg Empey MLA Minister of Health Social Services and Public Safety Michael McGimpsey MLA Minister of Culture Arts and Lesiure Edwin Poots MLA Minister of the Environment Arlene Foster MLA Minister of Enterprise, Trade and Investment Nigel Dodds MP MLA Minister of Finance and Personnel Rt Hon Peter Robinson MP MLA Junior Minister Ian Paisley Jnr MLA Secretary to the Executive Nigel Hamilton. DUP SF N/A Sinn Féin Sinn Féin Sinn Féin Sinn Féin SDLP UUP UUP DUP DUP DUP DUP DUP N/A BPS, Sources: Peace Process after 1998, 11

12 Statement by the Taoiseach Following Meeting with Dr Ian Paisley MP MLA on 4 April 2007 at Farmleigh, Dublin I am delighted to welcome Dr Paisley back to Dublin today. This is a time of unprecedented hope for Northern Ireland. We had a very businesslike and friendly discussion on a range of matters of mutual interest. I congratulated Dr Paisley on the mandate he secured to lead the Unionist people at the recent election. I commend the leadership he has shown in helping to bring about a new and better future for all of the people of Northern Ireland. I welcome the initial work of the parties who will form the Executive on 8 May. The progress made has been very encouraging. At this important time in our history, we must do our best to put behind us the terrible wounds of our past and work together to build a new relationship between our two traditions. That new relationship can only be built on a basis of open dialogue and mutual respect. I fervently believe that we move on from here in a new spirit of friendship. The future for this island has never been brighter. I believe that this is a future of peace, reconciliation and rising prosperity for all. We stand ready to work with the new Executive. We promise sincere friendship and assured cooperation. I believe that we can and will work together in the interests of everyone on this island. We look forward to our co-operation in the North/South and East/West institutions and in all those areas where we can work together for mutual benefit. We had some useful initial discussions today on how we can advance important projects such as infrastructure investment. I was happy to underline the Irish Government s commitment as expressed in the contribution that we are making as part the Chancellor s financial package. Dr Paisley has also accepted my invitation to visit the Battle of the Boyne site in the near future to review the work being done there. I believe that this site can become a valuable and welcome expression of our shared history and a new point of departure for an island, North and South, which is at ease with itself and respectful of its past and all its traditions. Dr Paisley spoke at St Andrews last October of making a better future for our children and our grandchildren. Last week in Stormont, he spoke of the hard work and commitment required to lay the foundation for a better, peaceful and prosperous future. I echo those noble sentiments today as I wish Dr Paisley well in the post of First Minister. BPS, Sources: Peace Process after 1998, 12

13 Ian Paisley and Bertie Ahern at the Boyne, 11 May See video at Mr Ahern said: This is of course a special place for the Protestant/unionist and loyalist people of this island and the government was deeply conscious of this when we acquired the site back in Since then we have launched a development programme which will see the completion of new visitor facilities next year, which will secure over 500 acres of beautiful countryside for future generations to enjoy. However, Mr Ahern added that the importance of the Boyne site went far beyond the significance for just one tradition alone. As we work to build a shared future we are all coming to acknowledge that Our history is complex and so was the battle fought on this ground. Catholics and Protestants fought on both sides. Mr Paisley said he appreciated Mr Ahern s welcome and what has been done here and you will have an invasion from Ulster on many occasions. And went on to joke: I trust you will not allow any of these weapons to be commissioned. Mr Paisely said, I trust you will not allow any of these weapons to be commissioned. BPS, Sources: Peace Process after 1998, 13

14 Speech by the Taoiseach, Mr. Bertie Ahern,at the site of the Battle of the Boyne, on Friday, 11 May, I want to warmly welcome you all to the site of the Battle of the Boyne today. I extend a special welcome to the First Minister, Dr Ian Paisley, and Baroness Eileen and to all who have travelled from Northern Ireland to be here with us. When we met at Farmleigh last month, Dr Paisley accepted my invitation to come here today. He said that he was not coming to re-fight the battle. I must admit that when he arrived this morning bearing a cavalry carbine, I had some brief doubts! This is, of course, a special place for the Protestant, Unionist and Loyalist people of this island. The Government was deeply conscious of this when we acquired the site in Since then, we have launched a development programme which will see the completion of new visitor facilities next year and which will secure over 500 acres of beautiful countryside for future generations to enjoy. The importance of this site extends far beyond its significance for one tradition alone. Our history is complex. So was the battle fought on this ground. Catholics and Protestants fought on both sides. Though the battle is remembered as a defining moment in our own history, it was also part of a greater European conflict. People from many European states were present at the battle and I am delighted that we have Ambassadors from those countries here with us today as well. The consequences of that period in our history are still the subject of political and historical debate. Among other things, it was a period that saw the beginning of a long history of parliamentary democracy in these islands. For Ireland, that too provided a mixed legacy over the centuries. But earlier this week, it was the power of democracy that provided the means for Dr Paisley and his colleagues in the Northern Ireland Executive to take a historic step towards shaping a better future. As we move away from our troubled past on this island, we can look around the world and see those places that do not have the freedom, peace and prosperity that we have. Our democracy and our liberties are precious gifts and a heritage we should not - and do not - take lightly. As we work to build a shared future, we are all coming to acknowledge that we have a shared and complex past. It is important for us all that we acknowledge and celebrate that history in all its complexity. We owe it to the generations that preceded us but, most of all, we owe it to those who will follow. Last year, we marked the 90th anniversary of the Easter Rising and the 90th anniversary of the Battle of the Somme. This year sees the 400th anniversary of the Flight of the Earls and the beginning of the Plantation of Ulster. All of these dates and anniversaries have different meanings and evoke different emotions for those of us who are gathered here today. It will take time and hard work to heal all the wounds of those times and of our more recent tragic history. But we have made a fantastic start in recent times. The events of these past few weeks bring forth the same shared feelings of hope and optimism in all of the people of this island and, indeed, across the world. Today is a further demonstration of how far we have come. We can now celebrate our diversity as well as what we have in common. We can learn from the past so that the next generation more clearly understands the possibilities of the future. Last October, as we concluded the St Andrews Agreement, I presented Dr Paisley with a bowl, carved from the ancient walnut tree which stood at this site for three hundred years and which still lies on the meadow in front of Oldbridge House. I would like to invite him shortly to join me in symbolically marking a new phase in our relations by planting a sapling, nurtured from that Walnut tree. We will do so in a spirit of friendship and of mutual respect. We cannot change what went before, on this ground or across these islands. But history can take many turns. Today, in this special place from our history, is another good day. BPS, Sources: Peace Process after 1998, 14

15 Extract from a Speech by Ian Paisley, then leader of the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP), at the site of the Battle of the Boyne, 11 May In ancient verse we are reminded of the glorious words, On the Green grassy slopes of the Boyne where King William with others did join to defend his religion and his people, on the green grassy slopes of the Boyne. It is fitting that we should spend some time to remember the Battle of the Boyne. I want to thank you Prime Minister for delivering on your promise to me that you would reinstate this remarkable unspoilt national treasure and open to the public this battle site. Your staff and department of public works have done a magnificent job and I congratulate you all. The Boyne conjures up all manner of stereotypes many of which are far from the reality of what this ground signifies. For Protestants and unionists the Boyne carries with it a powerful significance for our culture, our history and our pride. It represents liberty, triumph and determination. Features that have too often been forgotten because of more recent troubles. But as you said those days are now behind us. For these Islands the Boyne settled the constitution of the monarchy and our parliament for over two hundred years. For Europe the Boyne was the centrepiece of a series of dynastic disputes that posed relatives on opposite sides in the struggle for power over a disputed territory. But it is here in Ireland that the Boyne is most significant. I welcome that at last we can embrace this battle site as part of our shared history. Understanding our past is the only sure way to understand the present. For that reason I welcome the commitment the government has given to developing the tourist potential of this battle site. I look forward to seeing the site develop and would ask you to reinstate the Northern field monument lost in the troubles. Instead of reverberating to the roar of cannon fire, or the charge of men, the shot of musket or the clash of sword steel, today we have the tranquillity of still water where we can contemplate those glorious defenders on these green grassy slopes. Patrick Kavanagh, the poet wrote words about your own Dublin constituency Prime Minister and they are fitting for this day. Commemorate me where there is water. Today we are commemorating not just the Battle of the Boyne by the still waters that once echoed to battle cry. But we are cementing a better relationship between Northern Ireland and the Republic one based on mutual respect and good neighbourliness. Someone once joked, we won the battle but they got to keep the river. Today the Government and the Department of Public Works has demonstrated in a practical manner that a significant historical site for unionists, that could have been destroyed, has been saved and commemorated for all to enjoy. And for that I say a hearty Ulster thank you. I wanted to do something special to mark this moment. I have a constituent Hubert Brown Kerr from Ballymena. Hubert is an enthusiastic historian with a particular interest in battle memorabilia. When he heard about the work that had been done here he said that he could help me mark this moment. I am pleased to present you and this site with a 350-year-old short carbine musket that was carried here all those years ago. When you touch this musket you feel the history of the time. Hubert has kindly permitted me as his Member of Parliament to present this carbine on loan to the government to display here so as many can have a sense of that history. Last year at St Andrews you kindly presented me with a beautiful wooden bowl made from a great oak tree that stood here in front of this great mansion house. At that time I said, welcome home. This musket was used by a soldier in King James army, I need not remind you that was the losing side. But you can declare to this weapon welcome home. BPS, Sources: Peace Process after 1998, 15

16 Work of the Assembly s committees Welcome to the Media Centre of the Northern Ireland Assembly website. The most recent press releases/operational notes and public notices from the current month are shown below with all press releases stored in date order. All press releases from past months can be viewed on the individual Committees pages Number Committee Title ENV 02/07 Committee for the Environment Taxis Bill EDU 02/07 Committee For Education Committee For Education Hears Directly From Schools AER 03/07 Assembly & Executive Review Committee Assembly Committee Briefed On The Transfer Of Policing And Justice Matters RD09/07 Regional Development Committee Minister addresses the Committee PAC 03/07 Public Accounts Committee Committee Reports On 34 Million Belfast Bangor Rail Fiasco PN HSSPS9/07 Health, Social Services & Public Safety Committee Health Committee Hears Concerns About Suicide ENV 03/07 Environment Committee Climate Change Top Item For Environment Committee F&P 06/07 Finance & Personnel Committee Assembly Finance Committee inputs to Varney Review F&P 07/07 Finance & Personnel Committee Assembly Finance Committee reports on Workplace 2010 and Location of Public Sector Jobs ETI 04/07 Committee for Enterprise, Trade & Investment Key Step in Road to Better Economy CAL 02/07 Committee for Culture, Arts & Leisure Minister to update Committee on Multi Sports Stadium BPS, Sources: Peace Process after 1998, 16

17 Independent International Commission on Decommissioning: Mandate Established September To consult with the participants in political negotiations in Northern Ireland, including both Governments, and others whom it deems relevant on the type of scheme or schemes for decommissioning including the role it might play in respect of each scheme; 2. To present to the two Governments the proposals for schemes for decommissioning having due regard to the views expressed by those it has consulted; 3. To undertake, in accordance with any regulations or arrangements made under the Decommissioning Act, 1997 and any decommissioning schemes within the meaning of section 1, and in accordance with section 3, of the Northern Ireland Arms Decommissioning Act 1997, such tasks that may be required of it to facilitate the decommissioning of arms, including observing, monitoring and verifying decommissioning and receiving and auditing arms; and 4. To report periodically to both Governments and, through whatever mechanism they may establish for that purpose, the other participants in political negotiations in Northern Ireland. BPS, Sources: Peace Process after 1998, 17

18 IICD: Efforts to bring about progress, 2 July The Decommissioning Acts passed in both jurisdictions in 1997 specified that the decommissioning of paramilitary arms by the Commission required the destruction of those arms. Working with parties that have actual or alleged links with paramilitary groups, the Commission assessed that two decommissioning methods would be acceptable to the paramilitary groups and the two Governments. These were information leading to the discovery of arms and destruction of arms by the paramilitary group concerned, with verification provided by the Commission. The two methods were confirmed in a Scheme and Regulations issued by the Governments in June The work of the Commission since then has been to put these methods into effect. 5. In response to a request by the Commission to have points of contact nominated by paramilitary groups, the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) nominated Mr. Billy Hutchinson of the Progressive Unionist Party (PUP) in October 1997, and the Loyalist Volunteer Force (LVF) nominated Pastor Kenny McClinton in June Pastor McClinton resigned from that function in June The Commission continues to work with Mr. Gary McMichael, the leader of the Ulster Democratic Party (UDP), to elicit the views of the Ulster Defence Association (UDA). In September 1998, Sinn Féin nominated Mr. Martin McGuinness as that party s representative to the Commission. 6. The UDA and the Irish Republican Army (IRA) had not nominated points of contact with the Commission as of the writing of this report. Furthermore, the Commission has not yet had any contact with acknowledged representatives of the IRA, the Irish National Liberation Army (INLA), the Real Irish Republican Army (RIRA) or the UDA. 7. Since the approval of the Good Friday Agreement, the Commission has worked with party representatives and other points of contact to facilitate the decommissioning of paramilitary arms. Frank discussions have taken place on numerous occasions during that period and useful answers to technical questions about decommissioning have been elicited. As of 1 July 1999, only one decommissioning event had taken place (carried out on 18 December 1998 by the LVF). 8. The Commission has also held numerous meetings with the full range of political parties in Northern Ireland to elicit their advice on how best to carry out its mandate. These meetings have been informative and instructive. Citing the continuing cease-fires, creation of the Assembly, agreement on the structure of a new Northern Ireland government and the commencement of direct dialogue between unionists and republicans, several parties have urged the Commission to determine that progress is being made in the broader political context. That, however, is not in the Commission s remit. 9. All parties to the Good Friday Agreement undertook to work constructively and in good faith with the Independent Commission, and to use any influence they may have to achieve the decommissioning of all paramilitary arms within two years following endorsement in referendums North and South of the agreement, and in the context of the overall settlement. The parties have assured the Commission they believe they are in compliance with this requirement, and the Commission has no basis for challenging these assertions. 10. During this period, public statements have been made by paramilitary groups regarding their intentions on decommissioning. The IRA said it would not decommission its arms, and loyalist groups said they would not do so until they were clear about the IRA s intentions. During the past ten months the Commission put forward numerous ideas on how to break the impasse over decommissioning.. Acting within its mandate to facilitate and encourage decommissioning, the Commission made detailed, specific, and clear suggestions to several parties. The Commission urged that paramilitary groups implement confidence-building measures which would demonstrate a willingness to engage positively with the political process and to allow that process to move forward. No proposal to start actual decommissioning had been accepted by any paramilitary group except the LVF. However, the Sinn Féin statement of 1 July offers promise that decommissioning by all paramilitary groups may now begin. The Commission expects that Sinn Féin s proposal will be endorsed by the IRA and reciprocated by loyalist and other republican paramilitary groups. BPS, Sources: Peace Process after 1998, 18

19 IRA arms The Impartial Observer, 25October 2001 February 2000: graffiti in a village in south Armagh seems and expression of the IRA s refusal to disarm. BPS, Sources: Peace Process after 1998, 19

20 IRA announcement of an end to the armed campaign, 28 July 2005 Guardian Unlimited, Thursday July 28, 2005 The leadership of Óglaigh na héireann has formally ordered an end to the armed campaign. This will take effect from 4pm this afternoon. All IRA units have been ordered to dump arms. All volunteers have been instructed to assist the development of purely political and democratic programmes through exclusively peaceful means. The IRA leadership has also authorised our representative to engage with the IICD [Independent International Commission on Decommissioning] to complete the process to verifiably put its arms beyond use in a way which will further enhance public confidence and to conclude this as quickly as possible. We have invited two independent witnesses, from the Protestant and Catholic churches, to testify to this. The Army Council took these decisions following an unprecedented internal discussion and consultation process with IRA units and volunteers. We appreciate the honest and forthright way in which the consultation process was carried out and the depth and content of the submissions. We are proud of the comradely way in which this truly historic discussion was conducted. The outcome of our consultations show very strong support among IRA volunteers for the Sinn Féin peace strategy. There is also widespread concern about the failure of the two governments and the unionists to fully engage in the peace process. This has created real difficulties. The overwhelming majority of people in Ireland fully support this process. They and friends of Irish unity throughout the world want to see the full implementation of the Good Friday agreement. Notwithstanding these difficulties our decisions have been taken to advance our republican and democratic objectives, including our goal of a united Ireland. We believe there is now an alternative way to achieve this and to end British rule in our country. Volunteers must not engage in any other activities whatsoever......our decisions have been taken to advance our republican and democratic objectives, including our goal of a united Ireland. We believe there is now an alternative way to achieve this and to end British rule in our country. It is the responsibility of all volunteers to show leadership, determination and courage. We are very mindful of the sacrifices of our patriot dead, those who went to jail, volunteers, their families and the wider republican base. We reiterate our view that the armed struggle was entirely legitimate. We are conscious that many people suffered in the conflict. There is a compelling imperative on all sides to build a just and lasting peace. The issue of the defence of nationalist and republican communities has been raised with us. There is a responsibility on society to ensure that there is no re-occurrence of the pogroms of 1969 and the early 1970s. There is also a universal responsibility to tackle sectarianism in all its forms. The IRA is fully committed to the goals of Irish unity and independence and to building the Republic outlined in the 1916 Proclamation. We call for maximum unity and effort by Irish republicans everywhere. We are confident that by working together Irish republicans can achieve our objectives. Every volunteer is aware of the import of the decisions we have taken and all Óglaigh are compelled to fully comply with these orders. There is now an unprecedented opportunity to utilise the considerable energy and goodwill which there is for the peace process. This comprehensive series of unparalleled initiatives is our contribution to this and to the continued endeavours to bring about independence and unity for the people of Ireland. BPS, Sources: Peace Process after 1998, 20

21 IRA decommissioning 2, 25 September 2005 REPORT OF THE INDEPENDENT INTERNATIONAL COMMISSION ON DECOMMISSIONING To: The Rt. Hon. Peter Hain, MP Secretary of State for Northern Ireland BELFAST To: Mr. Michael McDowell, TD Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform DUBLIN 1. Over the past number of weeks we have engaged with the IRA representative in the execution of our mandate to decommission paramilitary arms. 2. We can now report that we have observed and verified events to put beyond use very large quantities of arms which the representative has informed us includes all the arms in the IRA s possession. We have made an inventory of this materièl. 3. In 2004 the Commission was provided with estimates of the number and quantity of arms held by the IRA. These estimates were produced by the security forces in both jurisdictions and were in agreement. Our inventory is consistent with these estimates and we believe that the arms decommissioned represent the totality of the IRA s arsenal. 4. The manner in which the arms were decommissioned is in accordance with the remit given us by the two governments as reflected in their Decommissioning Acts of A Protestant and a Catholic clergyman also witnessed all these recent events: the Reverend Harold Good, former President of the Methodist Church in Ireland, and Father Alec Reid, a Redemptorist priest. 6. The new single inventory of decommissioned MA arms incorporates the three we made during the preceding IRA. events. This lists all the IRA arms we have verified as having been put beyond use. We will retain possession of this inventory until our mandate is complete. 7. We can report, however, that the arms involved in the recent events include a full range of ammunition, rifles, machine guns, mortars, missiles, handguns, explosives, explosive substances and other arms, including all the categories described in the estimates provided by the security forces. 8. In summary, we have determined that the IRA has met its commitment to put all its arms beyond use in a manner called for by the legislation. 9. It remains for us to address the arms of the loyalist paramilitary groups, as well as other paramilitary organizations, when these are prepared to cooperate with us in doing so. Brigadier Tauno Nieminen General John de Chastelain Andrew D. Sens BPS, Sources: Peace Process after 1998, 21

22 Responses to IRA decomissioning, September 2005 See video at More comments at The arms body said IRA decommissioning was now complete The IRA has put all of its weapons beyond use, the head of the arms decommissioning body has said. General John de Chastelain made the announcement at a news conference accompanied by the two churchmen who witnessed the process. We are satisfied that the arms decommissioned represent the totality of the IRA s arsenal. We have observed and verified events to put beyond use very large quantities of arms which we believe include all the arms in the IRA s possession. He said they had handled every gun and made an inventory of the weapons. At the end of the process it demonstrated to us - and would have demonstrated to anyone who might have been with us - that beyond any shadow of doubt, the arms of the IRA have now been decommissioned. The arms included a full range of ammunition, rifles, machine guns, mortars, missiles, handguns, explosives, explosive substances and other arms including all the categories described in the estimates provided by the UK and Irish security services, he said. Our new inventory is consistent with these estimates. We are satisfied that the arms decommissioning represents the totality of the IRA s arsenal. The IRA announced an end to its armed campaign in July. The republican organisation said it would follow a democratic path ending more than 30 years of violence. General de Chastelain s report confirming that IRA decommissioning had been completed was given to the British and Irish governments earlier on Monday. He described IRA decommissioning as an important milestone towards the completion of its task to achieve decommissioning by all paramilitary groups. General de Chastelain, Andrew Sens and Tauno Nieminen - the commissioners of the Independent International Commission on Decommissioning - have been in Ireland overseeing the latest round of decommissioning since the beginning of September. Prime Minister Tony Blair said the completion of decommissioning was an important step in the transition from conflict to peace in Northern Ireland. The true importance of today is that these weapons can never again be used to inflict suffering and create more victims, he added. Irish Prime Minister Bertie Ahern said that it was a landmark development and appealed to unionists not to underestimate the importance of the move. The weapons of the IRA are gone, and are gone in a manner which has been verified and witnessed, he said. Secretary of State Peter Hain said the announcement was the first step on the road to devolution being restored in Northern Ireland. The churchmen who witnessed the process were Catholic priest Father Alec Reid and ex-methodist president Rev Harold Good. Their statement said: The experience of seeing this with our own eyes, on a minute-to-minute basis, provided us with evidence so clear and of its nature so incontrovertible that at the end of the process it demonstrated to us - and would have demonstrated to anyone who might have been with us - that beyond any shadow of doubt, the arms of the IRA have now been decommissioned. The churchmen said they regarded IRA decommissioning as an accomplished act. IRA arms: What s been decommissioned IRA WEAPONRY 1,000 rifles 2 tonnes of Semtex heavy machine guns 7 Surface-to-air missiles (unused) 7 flame throwers 1,200 detonators 11 rocket-propelled grenade launchers 90 hand guns 100+ grenades Source: Security estimates/jane s Intelligence Review BPS, Sources: Peace Process after 1998, 22

23 After all the bitter agony of the victims who have suffered, deaths and families torn apart, people will want to be certain, not just for a few weeks but for some months that actually this is being delivered, he said. So far so good, today s statement was a landmark one which deals with the IRA s arsenal in a very credible way witnessed by independent people - but we have a long time to go to see whether we can actually get self government back on the road. Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams admitted the announcement would be difficult for many republicans but it was a very brave and bold leap. Mr Adams said the British and Irish governments must now implement the Good Friday Agreement, with progress needed on outstanding issues including equality, policing, human rights, victims and on-the-run prisoners. However, unionists are unhappy there has been no photographic evidence of decommissioning and reacted with scepticism to the report. Democratic Unionist leader Ian Paisley said there had been no transparent verification of IRA decommissioning in the announcement. He said the church witnesses had been agreed by the IRA and as such could not be considered independent. Without a photographic proof, an inventory and details on how the weapons were destroyed questions remained, said Mr Paisley. This afternoon the people of Northern Ireland watched a programme which illustrates more than ever the duplicity and dishonesty of the two governments and the IRA. However, his deputy, east Belfast MP Peter Robinson said they accepted a significant amount of IRA weapons had been put beyond use. Mr Robinson said they accepted it had been a more substantial event than the previous events put together. In a statement the Ulster Unionist Party said it regretted that the move had failed to maximise public confidence. It is imperative that the movement s criminal empire be dismantled as well, it said. BPS, Sources: Peace Process after 1998, 23

24 Weapons witnesses IRA-nominated More comments at The DUP was shocked by what it learned in a meeting with decommissioning chief John de Chastelain, Ian Paisley has said. He said the two church witnesses to disarmament were IRA nominated and the party now wants to meet them. Senior Ulster Unionist Danny Kennedy said Mr Paisley was wrong to question the honesty and integrity of the church witnesses to IRA decommissioning. Sinn Féin s Gerry Adams said Mr Paisley would need time to digest the move. His concern is (about) a process of change and... because he has lived and uilt a career on frightening people and on crisis, he said. (It is) a concern that the future isn t going to be good for unionism. The future is going to be good for everyone on this island, so we have to give Ian Paisley a wee bit of space. After meeting General de Chastelain on Tuesday, Mr Paisley said Paisley said his party now wanted a meeting Catholic priest Father Alec Reid and ex-methodist president Rev with the government. Harold Good were not appointed by the government or arms body. The party said the list of IRA weapons had been revised and tampered with. Big question These are the things that put a very big question over what has taken place, said Mr Paisley. The DUP is now seeking a meeting with the British government. It has questioned if the inventory list given by the intelligence services was accurate or just cobbled together for political expediency. Mr Paisley claimed there had been a cover-up. We discovered that the witnesses turned up in the presence of the IRA. None of the commission heard from the government who the witnesses were, he said. Nor did the government certify them - they were not appointed by the government. It was suggested that the commission appointed them. The commission said no... they came and introduced themselves in the presence of the IRA and they said we are the appointed witnesses. BPS, Sources: Peace Process after 1998, 24

25 If You Ask Me by David Vance Deception is the dark art of a terrorist organisation. The IRA has specialised in manufacturing all kinds of dishonesty from its fiction factory in order to cover up its barbarism. As it merrily went about the business of slaughtering and maiming thousands of our fellow citizens, Protestant and Roman Catholic, the Provos were never short of an excuse or two as to why they felt justified in taking human life. But even during the height of its killing frenzy, the IRA never felt inclined to describe its Unionist prey as Nazis. No, that particular honour has fallen to Irish President Mary McAleese and most recently, Father Alex Reid... Now Father Reid could be dismissed as just one more clerical crank were it not for the fact that he has permitted himself to be presented to the world as a totally independent open-minded witness to alleged IRA decommissioning. His confirmation of IRA surrender of arms, coming from his religious background, was supposed to instill confidence. However, his subsequent declaration that unionists have behaved like Nazis, that the IRA would never stoop to criminality and that he accepts everything he is told by the republican leadership should not fill anyone with confidence. When it comes to the media presentation of the IRA s supposed good intentions, we have to remember that if a lie is repeated often enough not only do some believe it, but they will even swear by it. No unionist should accept elaborate IRA stunts until it has transparently decommissioned all its weapons, convincingly disbanded its terror structure and permanently desisted from its mafia like criminality. It really doesn t matter what priests and politicians tell us we should only believe the evidence of our own eyes. BPS, Sources: Peace Process after 1998, 25

26 IRA decommissioning 3, 19 January 2006 REPORT OF THE INDEPENDENT INTERNATIONAL COMMISSION ON DECOMMISSIONING To: The Rt. Hon. Peter Hain, MP Secretary of State for Northern Ireland BELFAST To: Mr. Michael McDowell, TD Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform DUBLIN 5. We are aware of several media reports since our September announcement suggesting that the IRA may still hold some arms. Last week we were informed by security sources in Northern Ireland that they had intelligence to the effect that some individuals and groups within the IRA have retained a range of arms including handguns. There was no indication that the quantities of arms involved were substantial. We were also told there is no suggestion these arms (purportedly kept for personal protection and area defence) have been retained with the approval of the IRA leadership or as part of any wider strategy to return to violence. 6. If substantiated, this assessment would be at variance with the statement we made last September that we believed all IRA arms had been decommissioned commensurate with our remit. Accordingly, we undertook to examine whether, in light of the assessment, we were misinformed or had made a misjudgement in September. 7. Our statement then that all IRA arms had been decommissioned was qualified as we said at the time by the representative s assurance that while the IRA had gathered for decommissioning all the arms under its control, and while these arms had subsequently been put beyond use under our supervision. it could not guarantee that a small number might not have gone astray over the years as individual custodians died or the locations of some caches were lost. 8. Over the past week we have discussed the intelligence assessment with senior officers in the Garda Siochana. Intelligence available to the Garda at the time of decommissioning last year indicated that extensive efforts had been made by the IRA to locate and gather weapons, which, in turn, were put beyond use in the process overseen by us. Further, the Garda informed us that what they regard as reliable sources in relation to the IRA and its weaponry; have produced no intelligence suggesting any arms have been retained. 9. In our first meeting last week the IRA representative confirmed that the leadership remains committed to its statement of 28 July, in which it announced an end to the armed campaign and ordered all IRA units to dump their arms. He re-iterated that all the arms that were dumped following that statement were then collected and put beyond use in September under our supervision. He assured us that no IRA arms had been retained or placed in long term hides. 10.In a meeting later in the week the representative told us that following our earlier discussion, the IRA leadership questioned each of their commanders about the intelligence assessment. These have confirmed that all the arms under their control were decommissioned in September, as we stated. 11.We are re-assured by the fact that none of the various intelligence assessments suggest the IRA leadership is moving away from its July 28 commitments. We conclude that in the absence of evidence to the contrary our 26 September assessment regarding IRA arms remains correct. 12.We have informed the Independent Monitoring Commission of the substance of this report so they are kept aware of developments in our area of responsibility. Brigadier Tauno Nieminen General John de Chastelain Andrew D. Sens BPS, Sources: Peace Process after 1998, 26

27 Loyalist paramilitary decommissioning, 19 January 2006 REPORT OF THE INDEPENDENT INTERNATIONAL COMMISSION ON DECOMMISSIONING To: The Rt. Hon. Peter Hain, MP Secretary of State for Northern Ireland BELFAST To: Mr. Michael McDowell, TD Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform DUBLIN 1. Since we reported to you last September, we have continued in our efforts to execute our remit. We have concentrated on the Loyalist paramilitary groups and attempted to engage with them in the pursuit of our mandate. We also wish to advise you of actions we have taken regarding security assessments recently received concerning IRA arms. 2. We have now held several meetings with the UPRG, including some in which a UDA representative participated. While these have not led to firm decommissioning proposals, we are advised that the UDA is prepared to address the issue of arms in the context of a satisfactory consideration by the British government of its community s socio-economic concerns. 3. While the LVF has not resumed formal contact with us, it has authorized informal discussions with an intermediary and we have held a number of meetings with him. We are aware of recent media reports in which the LVF has signalled its intention to stand down its activities. While we have no indication how such a stand-down would involve the disposal of LVF arms, we have emphasized that their decommissioning must take place under our supervision. We are led to understand that the LVF wishes to receive community-related assurances from the British government before any action on its arms proceeds. 4. The UVF has not resumed formal contact with us but we will continue in our attempts to re-open this channel in the coming months... Brigadier Tauno Nieminen General John de Chastelain Andrew D. Sens BPS, Sources: Peace Process after 1998, 27

28 Loyalist paramilitary veteran opts for peace as UVF puts lethal arsenal beyond reach Owen Bowcott, Ireland correspondent, The Guardian, Friday May 4, A Group makes no pledge on decommissioning The Ulster Volunteer Force, the most lethal of loyalist paramilitary groups, yesterday declared it was adopting a non-military, civilianised role and putting its arsenal of weapons beyond reach. The statement stopped short of a promise to decommission arms but was welcomed by Tony Blair as a demonstration of support for the restoration of a power-sharing executive next week. Gusty Spence, the 73-year-old veteran who helped re-form the UVF in 1966, read out the declaration at Fernhill House Museum, just off the Shankill Road. Over the course of the Troubles, the organisation - originally founded in 1912 to oppose home rule for Ireland - murdered more than 500 people. Yesterday s announcement, issued in the name of the Ulster Volunteer Force and Red Hand Commando Command Staff, followed what was described as a three-year internal consultation. There was increasing acceptance that the mainstream republican offensive has ended... [and] that the principle of consent has been firmly established and thus, that the union remains safe. We welcome recent developments in securing stable, durable, democratic structures in Northern Ireland and accept as significant, support by the mainstream republican movement of the constitutional status quo. From midnight last night the UVF would cease recruitment, military training and targeting. All intelligence [would be] rendered obsolete; all active service units have been de-activated; all ordnance has been put beyond reach. The Independent International Commission on Decommissioning (IICD), which oversees the destruction of paramilitary weapons, has been instructed accordingly. UVF members were urged to support the police and become involved in restorative justice programmes. The statement added: We reaffirm the legitimacy of our tactical response to violent nationalism, yet reiterate the sincere expression of abject and true remorse to all innocent victims of the conflict. It was signed: For God and Ulster, Captain William Johnston; Adjutant - the name used by the UVF in all its formal statements. Billy Hutchinson of the Progressive Unionist party, who served 16 years in prison for UVF murders, said the weapons had been placed where the volunteers can t get at them. What was important was decommissioning mindsets. Bombs, he said, don t make themselves. A Downing Street spokesman said: As with statements from other paramilitary groups in the past we await to see it delivered in action. The generation that lived through the Troubles not just wants to stop the violence, but recognises that the only way A Force responsible for over 500 murders in Troubles forward is through politics and politics means respect for the rule of law. The Northern Ireland secretary, Peter Hain, said: There is a genuine desire by loyalist leaders, who represent the community the UVF come from, to completely transform the situation and close the door on their brutal and bloody past. He called on the larger Ulster Defence Association to begin decommissioning. A spokesman for the IICD said: We welcome [the statement] and are encouraged by the proposal to end their involvement in paramilitarism and reject criminal activity. But he added: Without the commission s involvement their action on arms does not meet the requirement of the decommissioning legislation. The Sinn Féin assembly member John O Dowd said: This is a welcome statement if it signals a recognition of the new political reality where there is no room for armed or violent actions. It will be judged by what the UVF do next. For the Social Democratic and Labour party, the Mid-Ulster assembly member Patsy McGlone said: Everyone will want to take a positive view of the UVF s move to stop being a terrorist organisation, but there are immediate questions that need answering about its recent activities. Targeting and intelligence gathering were going on just a few days ago. Personal details on 117 innocent people made their way from police files into the hands of the UVF, and in the view of the police, they are in real and immediate danger. The Democratic Unionist MP Peter Robinson welcomed the UVF statement: While the putting of arms beyond reach is an important first step it is also vital that this can soon be confirmed to have been done in accordance with the schemes established by the IICD. Focus on Stormont Yesterday s statement by the Ulster Volunteer Force was timed to coincide with the run-up to the restoration of a power-sharing, devolved government in Northern Ireland. The declaration that the UVF s war is effectively over will make it easier for the Progressive Unionist party, its political wing, to participate in politics at Stormont where it has one assembly member, Dawn Purvis, who replaced David Ervine after his death last year. Next Tuesday, May 8, power in Northern Ireland will be handed over from direct rule to Ian Paisley and Martin McGuinness, the first and deputy first ministers in the new administration. The Democratic Unionist party leader and the chief negotiator for Sinn Féin will inaugurate a new era in cross-community cooperation. They have, so far, worked surprisingly well together. BPS, Sources: Peace Process after 1998, 28

29 UVF statement in full, 3 May Following a direct engagement with all the units and departments of our organisation, the leadership of the Ulster Volunteer Force and Red Hand Commando today make public the outcome of our three year consultation process. We do so against a backdrop of increasing community acceptance that the mainstream republican offensive has ended; that the six principles upon which our ceasefire was predicated are maintained; that the principle of consent has been firmly established and thus, that the union remains safe. We welcome recent developments in securing stable, durable democratic structures in Northern Ireland and accept as significant, support by the mainstream republican movement of the constitutional status quo. Commensurate with these developments, as of 12 midnight, Thursday 3 May 2007, the Ulster Volunteer Force and Red Hand Commando will assume a non-military, civilianised, role. To consolidate this fundamental change in outlook we have addressed the methodology of transformation from military to civilian organisation by implementing the following measures in every operational and command area. Recruitment All recruitment has ceased; military training has ceased; targeting has ceased and all intelligence rendered obsolete; all active service units have been de-activated; all ordinance has been put beyond reach and the IICD instructed accordingly. We encourage our volunteers to embrace the challenges which continue to face their communities and support their continued participation in non-military capacities. We reaffirm our opposition to all criminality and instruct our volunteers to cooperate fully with the lawful authorities in all possible instances. Moreover, we state unequivocally, that any volunteer engaged in criminality does so in direct contravention of brigade command and thus we welcome any recourse through due process of law. All volunteers are further encouraged to show support for credible restorative justice projects so that they, with their respective communities, may help to eradicate criminality and anti-social behaviour in our society. We ask the government to facilitate this process and remove the obstacles which currently prevent our volunteers and their families from assuming full and meaningful citizenship. We call on all violent dissidents to desist immediately and urge all relevant governments and their security apparatus to deal swiftly and efficiently with this threat. We call on all violent dissidents to desist immediately Failure to do so will inevitably provoke another generation of loyalists toward armed resistance. We have taken the above measures in an earnest attempt to augment the return of accountable democracy to the people of Northern Ireland and as such, to engender confidence that the constitutional question has now been firmly settled. In doing so we reaffirm the legitimacy of our tactical response to violent nationalism yet reiterate the sincere expression of abject and true remorse to all innocent victims of the conflict. Brigade command salutes the dedication and fortitude of officers, NCOs and volunteers throughout the difficult, brutal years of armed resistance. We reflect with honour on those from our organisation who made the ultimate sacrifice; those who endured long years of incarceration and the loyal families who shared their suffering and supported them throughout. Finally, we convey our appreciation for their honest forthright exchange with officers, NCOs and volunteers throughout the organisation over the past three years which has allowed us to assume with confidence the position we adopt today. For God and Ulster. Captain William Johnston, Adjutant (alias Gusty Spence) BPS, Sources: Peace Process after 1998, 29

30 Woodward condemns overnight violence in Bangor Thursday 2 August Secretary of State, Shaun Woodward MP has condemned yesterday s violence in Kilcooley Estate in Bangor during which there were reports of shots being fired at police and a large number of missiles, including petrol bombs, were thrown. Commenting on the riotous behaviour he said Once again some of those within loyalism are guilty of self destructive violence bringing fear and disruption to their own community. It is beyond belief that the very people who have been calling for resolute police action against criminal elements in their midst should respond with extreme violence when this occurs, and then attempt to justify their behaviour. There can be no ambiguity or excuse for this appalling situation. Attacks on the police are totally unacceptable. They must stop immediately. Shots fired at police during loyalist violence in Bangor Irish Independent, 2 August 2007 PSNI officers have come under fire from loyalist gunmen during serious disturbances in north Down overnight. The violence broke out yesterday after the police began raiding houses in the Kilcooley area of Bangor during an operation targeting serious crime. The situation escalated during the evening, with a 200-strong mob throwing petrol bombs, stones and fireworks at the police in what the PSNI says was a sustained and orchestrated attack. A number of shots were also fired and bullet marks were visible on a police vehicle, while at least eight cars were hijacked and set on fire. The violence comes amid rising tensions between two rival factions in the UDA which it s thought may have been a factor in the disturbances. BPS, Sources: Peace Process after 1998, 30

31 Catholic & nationalist attitudes towards the RUC What are you waiting for? All you have to do is to ignore the others and go for the feller in the trench coat. Newspaper cartoon: SNATCH SQUAD, c Highlighting the issue of Orange Order marches, this mural shows the nationalist population being trampled down by the Royal Ulster Constabulary, who hold up their riot shields to allow. 24 Ardoyne Ave, Belfast, 1997 BPS, Sources: Peace Process after 1998, 31

32 Composition of the RUC by religious background, 31 December 1998 Regulars % Full-time reserve % Total % Protestant Catholic Other All officers BPS, Sources: Peace Process after 1998, 32

33 Patten report: complex attitudes towards the RUC Overall approval rating 3.4 There is, however, a significant difference between the approval rating among Protestant respondents to the Omnibus surveys (over 80%) and that among Catholics (less than 50%). This brings us to the nub of the problem of policing in the divided society of Northern Ireland. Perceptions and experiences of policing can differ greatly between the two communities. Performance of local police 3.5 Interestingly, when asked about the performance of their local police, as opposed to police performance in Northern Ireland as a whole, the satisfaction rate among Catholics has tended to be higher, while the Protestant rate has consistently been lower than their respective approval ratings of police performance in Northern Ireland as a whole. This may reflect, at least in part, a phenomenon we observed in our own consultations of public opinion, namely a distinction between the way in which people think about their local policing experiences and concerns, and the way they think about the RUC as an institution or its role in high profile public order events away from their local area. For a significant number of Protestants, support for the RUC as an institution may be expressed more strongly than satisfaction with the delivery of the local police service; while for some Catholics the local police service may be satisfactory even if they have misgivings about the wider role of the police or about the RUC as an institution. Judging institution or service 3.6 This brings us to another key point about perceptions of policing in Northern Ireland: the views people express about the police are often essentially political views about the RUC as an institution rather than views about the policing service which they themselves receive. We return to this later, because it is critical to the future policing arrangements that we propose. Equal treatment 3.7 The Omnibus Surveys have also found a large difference between Protestant and Catholic views of whether the police treat their two communities equally. Consistently around 70% of Protestant respondents thought they did, against only around one quarter to one third of Catholics. Both communities gave a higher satisfaction rating to their local area police on this point, but there was still a large difference between them Protestants around 80% and Catholics around 50%. Different types of communities 3.8 The Northern Ireland Communities Crime Survey, conducted by Queen s University, Belfast, in 1996, looked at attitudes in different types of community Protestant and Catholic small towns, Protestant and Catholic lower working class areas, and mixed middle class areas. It found that Catholic lower working class communities had by far the most negative view of whether the police treated people fairly in their local area only 36% approval, as opposed to around 70% in Catholic small towns and other areas. Moreover, only 19% in Catholic lower working class areas thought the police treated people equally in Northern Ireland as a whole, compared with 73% in Protestant lower working class areas. Interestingly, only half the respondents in Catholic small towns gave a positive response on this point, much less than the 70% approval rating they gave to their local police, which appears to be another reflection of the phenomenon identified in paragraph. Public disorder 3.9 Respondents to the Omnibus Surveys were asked if they thought the RUC had treated both communities equally in policing public disorder. Positive responses from Protestants have ranged between 64% and 73%, while the corresponding Catholic response has ranged between 19% and 40%, well short of the Protestant figures. Helpfulness 3.10 Generally people seem to find the police polite and helpful. The annual Community Attitudes Survey by the Northern Ireland Statistics and Research Agency has found that around 80% of both Protestants and Catholics find the police polite, while around 80% of Protestants and 74% of Catholics find them helpful. Religious composition 3.11 The most recent Community Attitudes Survey showed that over three quarters of all Catholics thought there were too few Catholics in the police, and over 60% of all Protestants agreed. Interestingly, however, a quarter of those interviewed in the Omnibus Surveys of 1997 and 1998 claimed they did not know the community composition of the police. In the Community Attitudes Survey of 1996/7, 59% of Protestants and 53% of Catholics believed the police tried equally hard to recruit from both communities (down from 70% and 60% respectively four years before). 70% of Catholic respondents to the latest Community Attitudes Survey cited intimidation or fear of attack as the main reason why Catholics were deterred from entering the police; and around 30% said it was because they did not support the system of government. Women 3.12 Around half the Catholic and Protestant respondents to the Omnibus Survey in 1998 thought there should be more women in the police. BPS, Sources: Peace Process after 1998, 33

34 Reforming the RUC Good Friday Agreement principles The Good Friday Agreement recognises that policing has been a highly emotive issue and calls for the radical transformation of the RUC into a service capable of attracting and sustaining support from the community as a whole. It does not present a blueprint for change but suggests that a new police service should be: representative of the society it polices fair and impartial, and free from partisan political control professional, effective, and efficient accountable, both under the law for its actions and to the community working in partnership with the community delegating maximum authority and responsibility routinely unarmed. Patten recommendations The Patten report makes 175 recommendations including many that confirmed Unionist fears that the RUC would be radically transformed. The new ethos of the police service is to be based on the principles of human rights: It is a central proposition of this report that the fundamental purpose of policing should be, in the words of the Agreement, the protection and vindication of the human rights of all. Some of the proposals on which a new police service should be based are: Royal Ulster Constabulary to be renamed the Northern Ireland Police Service. Badge and symbols altered to make them free from association with either the British or Irish States. New oath expressing commitment to human rights. Police Authority to be replaced by a 19-member Policing Board including ten members drawn from the Northern Ireland Assembly. Generous financial terms for officers leaving the RUC. Special Branch and CID (crime branch) to merge. Catholics and Protestants should be recruited on a basis to increase minority representation to 30 per cent in ten years. The RUC is currently 92 per cent Protestant. GAA should repeal membership ban on Crown forces. The RUC anti-terrorist interrogation centres in Belfast, Londonderry and Armagh to close and all interviews of suspects recorded on video. Steps to improve police transparency, with the presumption everything should be available for public scrutiny unless it is in the public interest-not the police interest-to hold it back. There should be increased co-operation with police in the Irish Republic with secondment of officers between Northern Ireland and the Garda Síochána. An international commissioner should oversee changes over the next five years. Plastic bullets to stay, but research mounted into an alternative as a matter of urgency. Each of the 26 District Councils in Northern Ireland should establish a District Partnership Board-with the Belfast board having four sub-groups covering North, South, East and West of the city. Councils to have powers to raise three pence in the pound towards additional policing in their area. Policing with the community should be a core function of the police service. Policing to be devolved to the Executive as soon as possible. BPS, Sources: Peace Process after 1998, 34

35 Northern Ireland Police Service (NIPS) Established, November The service s headquarters are located close to Cherryvalley, in east Belfast Accountability The PSNI is supervised by the Northern Ireland Policing Board. The Police Ombudsman for Northern Ireland deals with any complaints regarding the PSNI and investigates any allegations of serious misconduct by police officers. The current Police Ombudsman is Nuala O Loan. The Oversight Commissioner ensures that the Patten recommendations are implemented comprehensively and faithfully and attempts to assure the community that all aspects of the report are being implemented and being seen to be implemented. Recruitment The PSNI has a positive discrimination policy of recruiting 50% of its officers from a Roman Catholic background and 50% from a non Roman Catholic background, in order to reverse the serious religious imbalance that existed in the RUC as recommended by the Patten Report. The name and symbols of the organisation are designed to avoid alienating either major community. It is hoped that 30% of the force will be made up of Catholics by 201. By 2006, 20% of PSNI officers were Catholic, compared with just 8.3% of the old RUC. Uniform and equipment The colour of the PSNI uniform is rifle green, like the later RIC uniforms before it. Originally the RUC uniforms were the traditioanl blue but were changed under the Hunt reforms of the early 1970s. The PSNI badge features the saltire of St Patrick, and six symbols representing different and shared traditions: the Scales of Justice (representing equality and justice) the harp (a traditional Irish symbol but not the Brian Boru harp used as official emblem in the Republic) a torch (representing enlightenment and a new beginning) an olive branch (a peace symbol from Ancient Greece) a shamrock (a traditional Irish symbol, used by St Patrick to explain the Christian Trinity) a crown (a traditional symbol of monarchy but not the Crown worn by or representing the British Sovereign) The flag of the PSNI is the badge in the centre of a rifle green field. Under the Police Emblems and Flags Regulations (Northern Ireland) 2002 no other flag can be used by the PSNI and it is the only one permitted to be flown on any PSNI building, vehicle, aircraft or even vessel. Unlike the majority of Police Forces in the United Kingdom, the PSNI is the only service that patrols an entire regional area routinely armed.* Other items of equipment include Hiatts Speedcuffs, CS (irritant) Spray, extendable batons, a first aid pouch, an encrypted radio and a torch with traffic wand. In May 2005 the PSNI took delivery of its first helicopter, a Eurocopter EC 135. The PSNI (and the RUC) relied heavily on British Army helicopter support during the Troubles and into the 21st century. The helicopter will be used for pursuit, search for missing persons and for managing parades/demonstrations etc. The PSNI have taken delivery of a couple of Mitsubishi Lancer Evolution patrol cars, in the hope they can discourage people from trying to outrun the police. * With the reduction of terrorist threats, officers are issued GLOCK 17 semi-automatic pistols replacing Ruger Security-Six revolvers that the RUC, and later PSNI were issued with. Previously they frequently carried long arms either the Heckler & Koch MP5 semi-auto carbine or rifles such as Heckler & Koch G3s or HK33s as well as Ruger Mini-14 select fire rifles. Tasers were once considered, but the idea was abandoned after the Ombudsman said there was no need for them. However an announcement in May 2007 by the Home Secretary John Reid suggested that more police officers in the UK may be armed with tasers. Amnesty International has urged the PSNI not to issue the stun guns to its officers. BPS, Sources: Peace Process after 1998, 35

36 NPIS: Recruitment of Catholics Actual v projected recruitment The Independent Commission on Policing envisaged that 370 Regular Trainees would be recruited each year on a 50:50 (Roman Catholic: Non Roman Catholic) basis. Table 2.1 illustrates the actual number of trainees recruited against projections Year Patten projections Actual recruits Base year Base year Base year Base year Base year (to date)108 There have been two recruitment campaigns for PSNI Trainees each calendar year since In the first year of recruitment, 260 Trainees were appointed (110 less than projections). However, by the end of year three of recruitment the actual number of Trainees appointed exceeded projections by 92. This year to date, 108 Trainees have been appointed by PSNI and further appointments will be made from both Campaign Six which is nearing completion and Campaign Seven which has recently commenced. BPS, Sources: Peace Process after 1998, 36

37 70 Catholic recruits quit PSNI, December More than 70 Catholic recruits have quit the Northern Ireland Police Service, it has been revealed. Even though representation from the minority community has increased since the introduction of the new policing arrangements, all sorts of pressures have been blamed for numbers dropping out. These include domestic and work difficulties and republican paramilitary threats. One of the main reasons for people leaving was cited as personal reasons, as was individuals failing to meet standards required, a police spokeswoman said. Family and work life was also a factor and this includes people coming under pressure from family and indeed societal pressure to leave. Unfortunately a small number of student officers have been advised about their personal security and for some this has resulted in them deciding to leave the organisation. Sinn Féin is considering joining the Policing Board oversight committee but Catholic members of scrutiny structures have been threatened by dissident republicans. Just under 4 per cent of those signed up have left, a total of 99 when non-catholics are included. Jane Winter, from the British/Irish Rights Watch pressure group, claimed the 72 drop-outs damaged community confidence in the police. A form of positive discrimination known as 50/50 recruitment has been adopted by the Police Service of Northern Ireland to ensure half those chosen are Catholic. It was recommended to overhaul the mainly Protestant force by the September 1999 Patten report into policing. There are currently 1,574 Catholics in the whole of the PSNI, 20.8 per cent of manpower. There were 44 student officers and 31 constables who dropped out. Ms Winter said the figures damaged efforts to make the police service more inclusive. The PSNI have not been able to recruit enough Catholic police officers to the force; this is undermining the Patten recommendations and community confidence in the police, she said. BPS, Sources: Peace Process after 1998, 37

38 Sinn Féin rejection of NIPS Speech by Gerry Kelly, then Sinn Féin Spokesperson on Policing and Justice, to an all-ireland Conference on Policing and Justice, Balmoral Hotel, Belfast, 14 January As I said earlier political policing continues apace within the PSNI. Since last summer alone, the evidence of political policing has been irrefutable. This includes the political policing of loyalist marches; the revelations about former RUC members stealing information and thwarting murder investigations; the discovery that files on dozens of republicans including Sinn Féin elected representatives are kept in the PSNI s Castlereagh barracks; the fact that these files had been passed onto unionist paramilitaries; politically motivated houseraids in Tyrone, Belfast and Down; trumped up charges and media misinformation orchestrated by sections of the PSNI; the high-profile arrest and false accusations against Sinn Féin MLA Francie Brolly; and the PSNI raid on the Casement Park home of the County Antrim GAA. Let s be clear about their agenda. Our political enemies, in the institutions of this state, do not want a Shinner about the place. They don t want the Good Friday Agreement. They don t want change. They don t want acceptable policing institutions and practices which would see Sinn Féin in there policing the police; all of this is anathema to our political enemies. This is the objective of political policing; the self-perpetuation of their power and their failures. Our political opponents who accepted too little, jumped too soon and endorsed the existing policing arrangements must carry some of the blame. In four years on the Policing Board, they have failed to hold the political detectives publicly to account and failed to end collusion and political policing. Instead, SDLP MPs have gone to Westminster and voted to reintroduce 28-day detention orders, taking us back to the days of the old Special Powers Act so opposed by the Civil Rights Movement. In reality, they are now part of the police establishment. In that role and in an effort to save political face, they also stand against further change on policing and justice because they believe it will further compromise the positions they took up. In the poisoned atmosphere created by political policing which I have just listed; the question is; is it possible to achieve a new policing dispensation. The answer to that is yes. BPS, Sources: Peace Process after 1998, 38

39 Sinn Féin accepts NIPS 1: Reasoning Motion passed by the Sinn Féin Ard Fheis - 28 January Commitment to united Ireland and fair, accountable policing This Ard Fheis reiterates Sinn Féin s political commitment to bringing about Irish re-unification and the establishment of a 32 County Democratic Socialist Republic. This Ard Fheis supports civic policing through a police service which is representative of the community it serves, free from partisan political control and democratically accountable. We support and will work for the development of a routinely unarmed police service as envisaged in the Good Friday Agreement. We support fair, impartial and effective delivery of the rule of law. The changes to policing secured in all reforming legislation, including by Sinn needs to be implemented fully. The truth about wrongdoing by British military, intelligence and policing agencies needs to be uncovered and acknowledged. Sinn Féin supports the demands for this from the families of victims. The PSNI needs to make strenuous efforts to earn the trust and confidence of nationalists and republicans. Gardaí corruption and malpractice - which has been exposed in the Morris Tribunal and the Abbeylara inquiry in the 26 counties - shows the need for constant vigilance and oversight. These inquiries and the ill-treatment of republicans by the Garda Special Branch also provide compelling reasons as to why the responsibility of political parties and representatives should be to hold the police to account in a fair and publicly transparent way. This Ard Fheis is totally opposed to political, sectarian and repressive policing and any form of criminalization of republicanism. The experience of nationalists and republicans in the Six Counties is of a partisan, unionist militia which engaged in harassment, torture, assassination, shoot-to-kill and collusion with death squads and we will never endorse such policing practices. Why now? The Good Friday Agreement requires and defines a new beginning to policing as an essential element of the peace process. The Good Friday Agreement also requires functioning, powersharing and all-ireland political institutions. The British Government have agreed to the transfer of powers on policing and justice away from Westminster to locally-elected political institutions and have set out the departmental model to which these powers will be transferred. In these circumstances authority over policing and justice will lie in Ireland. We note the British Government s new policy statement of 10 January 2007 which removes MI5 from policing structures in Ireland. This removes the proposals to embed MI5 into civic policing and removes the danger of again creating a force within a force. We note also the commitment by PSNI Chief Constable Hugh Orde that plastic bullets will not be used for purposes of public order/crowd control and his acknowledgement of the hurt resulting from injuries and death of innocent people including children. These weapons should never be used again. Sinn Féin will continue to campaign for a total ban. This Ard Fheis notes the refusal of the DUP leader Ian Paisley to publicly commit to power-sharing and participation in the all-ireland political institutions by 26 March Before the Ard Chomhairle meeting on 29 December the DUP had agreed words which they would release in response to the Ard Chomhairle accepting the policing motion put by the Party President. We note the DUP s failure to keep to this commitment. It is clear that elements of the DUP are determined to use policing and other issues to prevent progress, resist powersharing and equality and oppose any all-ireland development. This is unacceptable. It is the responsibility of the two Governments and pro-agreement parties across the island to resist this and to ensure the full implementation of the Good Friday Agreement. Sinn Féin is committed to justice. Sinn Féin is committed to law and order and to stable and inclusive partnership government, and, in good faith and in a spirit of genuine partnership, to the full operation of stable power-sharing government and the north south and east west arrangements set out in the Good Friday Agreement. The responsibility of the police is to defend and uphold the rights of citizens. BPS, Sources: Peace Process after 1998, 39

40 Sinn Féin accepts NIPS 2: Commitment In order to fulfil this role they require critical support. Sinn Féin reiterates our support for An Garda Síochana and commits fully to: Support for the PSNI and the criminal justice system. Hold the police and criminal justice systems north and south fully to account, both democratically and legally, on the basis of fairness and impartiality and objectivity. Authorise our elected representatives to participate in local policing structures in the interests of justice, the quality of life for the community and to secure policing with the community as the core function of the PSNI and actively encouraging everyone in the community to co-operate fully with the police services in tackling crime in all areas and actively supporting all the criminal justice institutions. The devolution of policing and justice to the Assembly. Equality and human rights at the heart of the new dispensation and to pursue a shared future in which the culture, rights and aspirations of all are respected and valued, free from sectarianism, racism and intolerance To achieve this the Ard Chomhairle is hereby mandated to: Appoint Sinn Féin representatives to the Policing Board and the District Policing Partnership Boards to ensure that: -a civic policing service, accountable and representative of the community is delivered as quickly as possible -the Chief Constable and the PSNI are publicly held to account, -policing with the community is achieved as the core function of the PSNI, -political policing, collusion and the force within a force is a thing of the past and to oppose any involvement by the British Security Service/MI5 in civic policing. Ensure Sinn Féin representatives robustly support the demands for: -equality of treatment for all victims and survivors, -effective truth recovery mechanisms, -acknowledgement by the British State of its involvement in wrongdoing including collusion with loyalist paramilitaries, -to ensure that there is no place in the PSNI for those guilty of human rights abuses, Resolutely oppose the use of lethal weapons, including plastic bullets, in public order situations Authorise Sinn Féin Ministers to take the ministerial Pledge of Office. Achieve accountable all-ireland policing structures. The Ard Chomhairle recommends: That this Ard Fheis endorses the Ard Chomhairle motion. That the Ard Chomhairle is mandated to implement this motion only when the power-sharing institutions are established and when the Ard Chomhairle is satisfied that the policing and justice powers will be transferred. Or if this does not happen within the St Andrews timeframe, only when acceptable new partnership arrangements to implement the Good Friday Agreement are in place. BPS, Sources: Peace Process after 1998, 40

41 Responses to Sinn Féin resolution RTE, Sunday 28 January 2007 SF delegates vote to support policing Sinn Féin has voted in favour of supporting policing at the party s Ard-Fheis in Dublin. The motion was carried following a show of cards from the 900 delegates. The debate, which went on since early this morning, saw very little opposition to the motion supporting policing. It was passed following a series of amendments, which Sinn Féin said would enhance the proposal. Following the vote, the party president, Gerry Adams, said the decision created the opportunity to significantly advance the party s primary objective of an united Ireland. He added: The decision we have reached is truly historic...one of the most important in the recent history of our country. Decision receives broad welcome The Sinn Féin decision in favour of supporting policing in Northern Ireland for the first time ever has been welcomed in Dublin, London and Belfast. The Taoiseach said: This is a landmark decision and opens the way for inclusive support for policing throughout Northern Ireland. The move has been seen as essential to help persuade the Democratic Unionist Party to keep its commitment to power-sharing in Northern Ireland. Ian Paisley s DUP said the time for true and visible Sinn Féin support for policing had arrived. However, Mr Paisley said anything less than full implementation of Sinn Féin s committments would render the Ard-Fheis vote valueless. He added: Only with real delivery can the way be cleared for a full return to democracy and a facing up to the everyday needs and requirements of the people of Northern Ireland. PSNI Chief Constable Hugh Orde said everybody was entitled to a policing service. He said: Today s decision is welcome. Our view has always been that policing is a public service, which every member of the community should be able to access on an equal and equitable basis. Northern Secretary Peter Hain said the overwhelming support by republicans for policing and the courts put Northern Ireland in a place it had never been before. The Ulster Unionist leader Reg Empey described the Sinn Féin vote as a massive step change in the republican psyche. He said: It is an admission that the violent cause has been abandoned and that Sinn Féin are prepared to support the force of law and order. The SDLP leader Mark Durkan welcomed the Sinn Féin vote, saying: Today s decision raises hopes that Sinn Féin will now sign on for policing and that this would be matched by the DUP committing to restoration and powersharing. BPS, Sources: Peace Process after 1998, 41

42 Membership of the Northern Ireland Policing Board Northern Ireland Policing Board: Membership, 22 May 2007 DUP Sinn Féin UUP SDLP Independent Tom Buchanan Jeffrey Donaldson David Simpson Peter Weir Martina Anderson Alex Maskey Daithi McKay Leslie Cree Basil McCrea Dolores Kelly Barry Gilligan Rosaleen Moore Mary McKee Gearoid O heara Brian Rea Prof Sir Desmond Rea Trevor Ringland David Rose Suniel Sharma BPS, Sources: Peace Process after 1998, 42

43 Public confidence in the NIPS, 2007 Research into Recent Crime Trends in Northern Ireland. Conducted on behalf of the Northern Ireland Policing Board and the Police Service of Northern Ireland, May 2007 by Ipsos MORI Overall Two thirds of the population claim to have the same level of confidence in the PSNI as they did this time last year. However, 17% have more confidence in the PSNI, and this figure rises to 25% among Catholics. However, it should be noted that while 31% of people in Foyle are more confident in the PSNI, 20% are less confident, suggesting that there is still some way to go in order to increase confidence among this community, a point reinforced by findings from the qualitative research. All this evidence suggests that the increased reporting of crime to the police highlighted previously, especially among Catholics, is related to the increased confidence in policing within Catholic communities and that there is a strong correlation between the two. Protestants However, this is not the case amongst Protestants. While 13% of Protestants are more confident in the PSNI compared to this time last year, 19% are less confident, and this poses additional challenges. However, confidence levels overall are still higher among Protestants than Catholics. Catholics & Sinn Féin decision Support for the police has risen significantly in the Catholic areas surveyed since Sinn Féin s decision to support policing in Northern Ireland in January In Foyle especially the change is most noticeable, the net change in support (i.e. the difference between those supportive of the police and those unsupportive) having risen by 36% points, from a negative (-19%) support level prior to the Sinn Féin announcement to a positive (+17%) level now. In this area, support for the police now sits at 44% supportive and 27% unsupportive, a complete turnaround from the previous levels of 27% supportive and 46% unsupportive. Indeed the change of those who are very supportive has risen from 1% to 10%, while those who are very unsupportive has fallen by 14% points. In South Armagh, support for the police has also risen significantly, increasing by 25% points at a net level. Before the Sinn Féin announcement, those supportive and not supportive were 54% and 30% respectively, but after this changed to 68% supportive and 19% not supportive. Among respondents in the North and West Belfast Catholic group, there was a +19% point change in support levels, with those who are supportive of the police rising from 50% to 59% and those unsupportive falling from 33% to 23%. Protestants & Sinn Féin decision However, in the North and West Belfast Protestant group the trend was reversed and support at a net level actually fell by 5% points after Sinn Féin s decision to support the police. So while the majority (79%) are still supportive of the police this has fallen slightly as a result of the announcement. Although it should be noted that support for the police in this area is still much higher than in the Catholic areas surveyed. BPS, Sources: Peace Process after 1998, 43