CHAPTER FIVE. Non-Cooperation Movement: The Aftermath. largely remained ignored. In this chapter, an attempt has been made to study the

Transcription

1 CHAPTER FIVE Non-Cooperation Movement: The Aftermath Works on the national movement have generally concentrated on the agitational phase of the movement. Less active phases of the movement have largely remained ignored. In this chapter, an attempt has been made to study the lesser active phase. The chapter has been divided into two sections. The first section looks at the state of affairs in Bihar immediately after the Non- Cooperation Movement was withdrawn. The movement at the local level continued for some time even after the movement was officially called off. The government did not take seriously the withdrawal of the movement and, for some time, lived under the apprehension of civil disobedience. This section also brings out the dilemma that the Congress faced as to how to continue the nationalist activities once the movement was withdrawn. The second section of this chapter discusses in detail the constructive programme, one of the main activities of the Congress after Movement Withdrawn: Some Reactions The Non-Cooperation Movement was withdrawn after the Chauri Chaura incident in February The Working Committee of the Congress met at Bardoli on 11 and 12 February 1922 and passed a resolution suspending mass civil disobedience till the atmosphere was perfectly non-violent. The Congress members were now asked to concentrate on constructive activities. 1 The Congress decision to withdraw the movement drew criticism from many national leaders. Searchlight, 15 February 1922; P. C. Bamford, Histories of the Non-Cooperation and Khilafat Movements, pp

2 Many felt that the movement, which was at its peak, should not have been withdrawn because of one incident in one part of the country. 2 But, the Bihar Congress Working Committee stood by this decision and, in fact, even welcomed the Bardoli decision. 3 The BPCC at its meeting on 28 and 29 March 1922 decided to carry out the Bardoli resolution. The committee passed a long resolution supporting the constructive programme, laying emphasis on the recruitment of 10 lakh Congress members, popularization of charkha and k4adi, significance of national schools and opening of primary national schools and settlement of cases by panchayats. 4 Many moderate members of the Congress in Bihar, who had not viewed the launching of the Non-Cooperation Movement favourably and had distanced themselves from the Congress, after the withdrawal of the movement announced their decision to support the Congress in its constructive programme at a public meeting in Patna. 5 Movement at the Local Level For some time, even after the movement was withdrawn, "general instances of lawlessness prevailed". 6 Most of the district officers' and commissioners' reports of February 1922 described the general political situation as "quiet on the surface with a good deal of disquieting undercurrents". 7 Bipan Chandra, et. al., India's Struggle for Independence, p Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 86/1922 "Copy of a Special Branch Officer's report dated the 30'h March 1922"; Searchlight, 31 March Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 86/1922, "Copy of a Special Branch Officer's report dated the 30'h March 1922". Rajendra Prasad, Autobiography, p.l70. Fortnightly Reports of Bihar and Orissa for February and March 1922, Govt of India, Home Department (Political) File nos. 18/Feb/1922 and 18/March/1922, NAI. Fortnightly Report of Bihar and Orissa for the first half of February 1922, Govt of India, Home Department (Political) File no 18/Feb/1922, NAI. 296

3 held flags in their hands and walked through the narrow roads of the bazaar shouting political slogans. 22 Palamau remained greatly disturbed in February. Liquor shops were picketed in some places in this district, too. 23 The volunteers in Tarhassi village in Manalu picketed liquor outstill on 16 February When they were asked by the police inspector and others to disperse, they refused and kept on shouting "Mahatma Gandhi ki jai". Gradually, the picketeers were joined by many more people. Muhammad Yasin, a local Congress worker, and some villagers, who were loyal to the government, tried to persuade them to disperse but their attempt failed. The picketeers also had confrontation with the police. They even set fire to the liquor bhatti. The Sub-Divisional Official held the leaders of the Non- Cooperation Movement responsible for this agitation and took action against them. Twenty- four persons were arrested? 4 In Santhal Paragana, Non-Cooperation Movement continued and, in fact, took a very intensive form in February and March The non-cooperators in this belt in the inner valleys of Damin-I-Koh, along with a group of tribals, went round preaching the end of the British Raj. They told the people that with the coming of swaraj the tenants would no longer have to pay any rent and liquor would be available free to them. Tenants were also instructed to withhold rent. There was also intensive picketing of liquor shops. The non-cooperators established complete control over the bazaars in Damin-I-Koh, allowing no business to be transacted without their approval. The volunteers could only be Searchlight, 24 February 1922; Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 85/1922, "Report of serious disturbance in Palamau, From Deputy Collector to the Chief Secretary, 17 Feb 1922". 299

4 dispersed when the Sub-Divisional Officer arrived with his armed police forces. The Sub-Divisional Officer described the state of affairs in the Santhal Pargana as "a sort of minor revolution"? 5 Local district officials, with the support of higher authorities, resorted to heavy repression to crush the movement. 26 The zamindars assisted the authorities in suppressing the movement? 7 A virtual reign of terror was unleashed. There were indiscriminate arrests, arbitrary imprisonment. of nationalist workers, exaction of fines for observjng hartal, demolition of Congress offices, dispersal of public meetings by force, conviction of the properties of persons for rece1vmg non-cooperators and collecting muthias. Corporal punishment was also inflicted. 28 Repression created terror amongst the people. 29 When Rajendra Prasad heard of the represssion in Santhal Pargana, he, along with some volunteers, left for Pakur in April When they alighted at the nearest railway station, nobody came to receive them. The people were too terror-stricken to meet them. Rajendra Prasad and the volunteers spent the night on the railway platform and in the morning went to the villages in Pakur. They also visited Dumka. The people of Dumka were too frightened to offer them hospitality. They had to put up at a dharamshala. However, after some time, people came gradually to narrate them their sufferings. 30 Rajendra Prasad in his autobiography narrated another incident in a village in the same district, where a villager was terrorized for serving a fan to Ibid, File no , "District Magistrate to Chief Secretary II April 1922"; Bihar and Orissa Annual Administration Report, 1922, p.6. Motherland, 9 June 1921, "Repression in San thai Pargana, Enquiry Report by Rajendra Prasad"; K.K.Datta, History of the Freedom Movement in Bihar, pp Proceedings of the Bihar and Orissa Legislative Council, Vol. V, 1922, pp Motherland, 9 June Rajendra Prasad, Autobiography, p

5 the Congress leaders because it was very hot. For this the villager was deprived of his land by the authorities. In that district, all land was supposed to be government owned and one could be unceremoniously deprived of his land. Rajendra Prasad tried to get his land restored but could not succeed. 31 The continuation of the Non-Cooperation Movement at the local level, even after it was officially called off, gave anxiety to the government. In fact, for some time, after the movement was called off, the senior officials lived under the constant threat of civil disobedience. 32 Chauri Chaura was very close to the border of the Tirhut Division. The Commissioner of Tirhut was seized with fear and apprehended "the beginning of civil disobedience on the model of the expected Bardoli experiment in his Division, too". 33 He felt that, "the leaders of the noncooperation party were anxious to commence civil disobedience and were not even anxious that it should be non-violent". 34 He also feared that, if the civil disobedience movement started, the existing police force in his Division would be inadequate to cope with disorder on a large scale. He asked for a requisition of two squadrons of cavalry to avert such situation. 35 Gandhi's Arrest: Some Reactions The British, who had arrested most of the prominent Congressmen but had not dared to touch Gandhi as long as the Non-Cooperation Movement was intense, picked up courage once the movement was withdrawn to arrest him in March Gandhi was sentenced to six years imprisonment for the crime of Fortnightly Report of Bihar and Orissa for the first half of February 1922, Govt of India, Home Department (Political) File no 18/Feb/1922, NAI. Ibid 301

6 spreading disaffection against the government. 36 The arrest of Gandhi was depicted by the nationalists as one of the great events of history. Muhammad Sher, one of the leaders from Patna, while addressing a meeting in Patna on 12 March 1922 said: The of March came and has passed away. What did you see? You might not have seen any change in the course of the Ganges, sky, earth, boundaries, poles, etc. They are all as usual. The great event of the history has happened. The Mahatma has however been arrested although he had no _ill-will towards Europeans. The Mahatma Gandhi desired that the English should live in India on an equal status. The greatest happiness for India has past away. The Mahatma has become the guest of the Government. 37 Meetings in protest against the arrest of Gandhi were held in Patna, Gaya, Champaran, Monghyr, Bhagalpur and many other places in Bihar. 38 In Patna, the Khilafat and Congress workers held a meeting on 15 March 1922 at Madrasa Mosque. Around 700 people, consisting of both Hindus and Muslims, attended this meeting. 39 There was another meeting in Patna at Anjuman Islamia Hall on 20 March The meeting started with 100 persons but gradually the number rose to 700. This meeting was also attended by many moderate members of the Congress. 40 There was another meeting at the Anjuman Islamia Hall in Patna on 28 March This meeting was attended by 1,000 people. 41 ]6 ]7 ]8 ] Searchlight, 12 March Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 200/1822, "Proceedings of a meeting held in the Anjuman lslamia Hall, Moradpur, on the 12 March 1922". Searchlight, 29 March Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no , "Copy of a Special Branch Officer's report dated the 15 March 1922"; Searchlight, 19 March Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no , "Meeting held at Anjuman Jslamia Hall on 20 March I 922"; Searchlight, 22 March Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no , "Anjuman Jslamia Meeting-28 March 1922"; Searchlight, 31 March

7 In these meetings, the local nationalist leaders expressed their anguish at the arrest of Gandhi. Ram Chandra Dwivedi, one of the leaders, while addressing a meeting in Patna on 12 March, expressed his sorrow in the following words: Gentlemen when there is any hurt or injury to the body of a man, the pain is felt by the heart inside. You can well imagine the state of the heart when the feeling is wounded. Our parts of body were injured when our leaders were arrested and now the injury has been inflicted on our heart by the arrest of the Mahatma. Tulsi Das had rightly said that Ravan had established his Kingdom by sending all the leaders to jail. This has been proved in the present case. We are not sorry for the arrest of the Mahatma. No power can detain the Mahatma in jail. His soul is pure and immortal and nobody can govern it. Any bodily injury could be inflicted on Mahatma but his soul cannot be affected. It is not the Mahatma who has been arrested. Rather the peace of the country has been put injail. 42 Many nationalist leaders in Bihar expressed surprise at the arrest of Gandhi because Gandhi was considered to be the strongest promoter of nonviolence and peace. They wondered how when "thieves and robbers" breathed the air of freedom, Gandhi every action of whom was for the nation and who asked the people to give up liquor, to cover their bodies with khaddar, to settle their cases by panchayats was sent to jail. 43 Highlighting this, Ram Chandra Dwivedi said: In the modern days, gamblers, burglars, drunkards have a perfect freedom and jails are not meant for them. If there is any room in the jails, it is for Ali Brothers, C.R.Das, Mahatma Gandhi and other well-wishers of the country. If the jail doors are opened for such leaders, then do you think justice is being done. If anybody cannot witness the sun rise then we have to declare that he has got defective eyes. The rulers who have arrested the Mahatma, the champion of non-violence and peace, must remember that they have snatched away the light of the shining orbit from us and if we fall into darkness and get astray it would not be our fault. You remember the incident of Chauri Chaura which had been committed by some illiterate people, on that occasion the Mahatma Bihar and Orissa Political Special File no. 200/1922, "Proceedings of a meeting held in the Anjuman lslamia Hall, Moradpur, on the 12 March 1922". 303

8 fasted for 5 days because he believed the people had committed a sin. Such a noble soul has been sent to jail. 44 Interestingly, the faith of the leaders in Gandhi was so strong that they believed that he would come out of jail after securing swaraj. They even drew analogy from mythology. One leader, while addressing a meeting at Anjuman Islamia in Patna on 12 March, drew analogy from Ramayan in the following words: Those who have gone through Ramayana know it well that when Hanuman went to find out the whereabouts of Sita he was met by the devil Sursa. This Sursa wanted to know the real strength of Hanuman and in order to test it widened her mouth to the extent of 8 miles. The Hanuman in reply enlarged his mouth to 64 miles. Then Sarsa again increased the width of her mouth and then Hanuman contracted his body in as much as he passed through the mouth of Sursa. Such thing was going on in India. The Mahatma at first showed his strength and now he has gone to jail and would come out victorious like Hanuman. 45 The nationalists said they were not afraid of jail. In fact, they challenged the government to perpetuate as much oppression as it could. 46 They said that government's repression would not unnerve the people because a large number of people were prepared to go to jail and bear all hardships as advocated by Gandhi. They believed the oppressor would be tired of committing oppression. Arrest of Gandhi was seen as the culmination of British oppression. The leaders compared the whole country with a jail, where 33 crores of Indians were imprisoned. It was said that with the arrest of Gandhi the British had dug their own graves. In this arrest, they saw signs of hope. The nationalists said the arrest of Gandhi had made the people resolve not to rest till swaraj was achieved. The country would

9 continue the non-violence Non-Cooperation programme with ten times greater zeal than before. 47 Jail was looked upon as a pilgrimage site where Lord Krishna was born. 48 One of the nationalists said that, "as Rama had released Sita from the demon Ravana, so would the non-cooperators get Gandhi released from jail by carrying out his instructions". 49 People were held responsible for Gandhi's arrest by not following the instructions of the Non-Cooperation Movement. One of the leaders, while addressing a meeting, told the people: If you think you could go to Ajmere jail and get the Mahatma out of it, you would be mistaken. You can give liberty to the Mahatma by adopting the non-cooperation programme. You have lost swaraj yourselves as you have not taken to the khaddar. Similarly the government servants are responsible as they have not given up employment....in fact you are yourselves responsible for the arrest of the Mahatma. You always shout the jai of Gandhi. Are you true in your dealings-certainly not. It is no use shouting jai of Gandhi when you appear in foreign cloth. I would therefore again urge on you to leave the service, to adopt swadeshi, and give up all intoxicants... Now the Mahatma has gone to jail and it is a pity you have not been affected at all. What remedy could now be done. The sin of the Mahatma's being in jail would be on your shoulders. Mahatma never aimed to become a Governor-General in case you got swaraj. He was doing everything purely for the love of country and its men. So long as you would not give your mind to the work, you would get nothing. You should remain non-violent and carry on the work. The leaders reprimanded people for celebrating Holi when their dearest leader was in jail. This was seen as a sorrowful act. The people were asked not to rest or observe any festival till Gandhi was released from jail. They had to leave comforts till Gandhi was released and impress upon the government that they 47 4R 49 Ibid, File no. 189/22, "Proceedings of a meeting held in Anjuman lslamia Hall on 28 March \922". 305

10 were distressed. 50 In a meeting at Madrasa Mosque on 14 March, Hasan Abdul Ghani, one of the Khilafat leaders, rebuked the people for celebrating Holi: As Y azid got Imam Hussain slaughtered with his troops and the slaughterers afterwards for the sake of repentence and salvation expressed their sorrows after holding big meetings, crying and lamenting, so we who have really sent Mahatma Gandhi to jail cannot expiate for that sin by holding meetings only or crying Mahatma Gandhi ki jail. The people observed Holi cheerfully, sang songs in toddy shops, used abir, wore foreign clothes and after that convened this meeting. How painful it is. Every nation must have some sense of shame. The Mahatma did not say to raise swords or to slaughter any Engiishman but to improve the spiritual or moral courage and then no nation can surpass you. By spirituality, he meant use of swadeshi things. Be careful even now and follow Gandhi's instructions. 51 Thus, Gandhi's arrest was to be observed as a national mourning, where no festival or celebration was to be observed, including a religious festival like Holi. Such mourning is generally observed at the death of a person. Nationalists regretted that at the time of Holi, a festival of rejoicing, their dearest leader Gandhi was not amongst them. The leaders asked people to celebrate Holi in a different way. Instead of burning fuel and cow dung in Holi, people should burn foreign cloth. Every person was asked to go to their mohalla and collect foreign cloth for bonfire. Traders and weavers were asked not to go for foreign cloth and In the meetings, people were requested to follow Gandhi's instructions. They were told to boycott foreign cloth, take up khaddar and charkha, respect all castes and creeds, mix with "depressed classes", form panchayats, open national \0 \I 52 Ibid, File no. 200/1922, "Meeting held at Anjuman lslamia Hall on 12 March 1922". Ibid, File no. 189/1922, "Copy of a Special Branch Officer's report dated the 15'h March 1922". Ibid, File no , "Meeting held at Anjuman Is lamia on the 12' 11 March 1922". 306

11 schools and follow the path of non-violence. 53 Gandhi's jail going was not to deter them from following his instructions. Hari Narain, a local nationalist, while appealing to the people, said: We do not mind whether the Mahatma remains in jail or outside but we are to follow his instructions. The Mahatma would prefer to die in jail than to see you again reverting to your former condition. He would be happy in jail if he would hear that the people had taken up the khaddar. 54 The leaders told people that Gandhi's jail going did not mean that the movement had ended but rather people's responsibilities had increased. This was seen as the most testing time for the people of the country and if they bore it patiently they would come out victorious. They told the people that "time has come when the test of our courage and love would be made. You should bear the test and prove yourselves to be possessing undaunted courage, boldness, bravery and manliness. You cannot be successful if you cannot leave comforts and luxuries". 55 People were asked to take a vow that they would not take rest till Gandhi was released and their country achieved freedom. 56 Dilemma of the Congress: Strategies to be adopted By March 1922, decline set in within the movement. Membership of the Congress fell. The number of meetings decreased and attendance at the meetings was thin. Disintegration and disorganization set in the ranks of the Congress party. Congress committees were not very active. There was a "decline" of the Congress worker at the intermediate and lower level. 57 The following account of Fortnightly Reports of Bihar and Orissa for February and March 1922, Govt of India, Home Department (Political) File no. 18/Feb/1922 and 18/March/1922, NAI; Bihar and Orissa 307

12 A.N.Sinha gives a vivid picture of the state of affairs in Bihar immediately after Non-Cooperation Movement was withdrawn: For a few days after the movement had been withdrawn, there was dead silence in Bihar. Whatever weakness human beings had, which had remained submerged, erupted with the changing situation. So long as the non-cooperation was at its height, it seemed all our weaknesses had been exterminated. Rarnrajya seemed no longer a dream but people had even started getting a feel of it. It seemed Hindu Muslim tension had ended forever and that there was no animosity or feeling of mutual hatred between the two communities. But soon realization dawned that such feelings were merely illusionary. This realization came soon after Gandhi's arrest. In fact, the whole of 1922 was spent on understanding what was happening in the nation. Everybody was in a dilemma as to what to do and what not to do. No decision could be taken. There were talks of satyagraha in the air but the environment was deteriorating everyday. 58 To enquire into the state of political affairs after the withdrawal of the Non-Cooperation Movement, a Civil Disobedience Enquiry Committee was formed, in accordance with the resolution passed at the AICC meeting held in Lucknow in June The Committee was to investigate how far the country was prepared for civil disobedience. The report of the Committee was to be placed in the next meeting of the Congress committee. 59 The Committee made an extensive tour of the country for assessing public opinion. The Committee came to Bihar in August 1922, where it was accorded a warm reception. 60 Many Annual Administration Report, 1922, p.8; M.N.Ray, Indian Nation, 28 September 1964, "The Bihar I Knew, (XI) The Awakened Soul of Bihar". A.N. Sinha, Mera Sansmaran, p.58. K.K.Datta, History of the Freedom Movement in Bihar, pp Motherland, 25 August 1921; Searchlight, 16 August, 1922; Fortnightly Report of Bihar and Orissa for the second half of August 1922, Govt of India, Home Department (Political) File no 18/ Aug/1922, NAI. 308

13 meetings were held which were largely attended. 61 The Committee took evidence mainly from the members of the BPCC. It also interviewed some local pleaders. 62 The general trend of evidence placed before the Committee was that Bihar was not yet fit for mass civil disobedience. The majority of the BPCC members were against the introduction of Civil Disobedience Movement. 63 Their opinion was that the province was ready for individual but not for mass Civil Disobedience Movement. There was also a general consensus that the constructive programme did not make enough of an appeal to the masses and that more attractive features must be found. 64 The evidence taken by the Khilafat Enquiry Committee, however, showed a contrary trend. The Khilafat delegates from Muzaffarpur and Darbhanga districts were in favour of civil disobedience and declared that their districts were ready for civil disobedience. The Amir-e- Shariat Muhammad Sajjad argued for mass civil disobedience and the total boycott of foreign goods. 65 This was the state of nationalist movement everywhere in the country, Bihar not being exceptional. There arose the danger of the movement lapsing into passivity. Many at the national level began to question the wisdom of the Gandhian strategy. 66 There were many members, who were disillusioned with the calling off of the movement, and expressed opinions in favour of resorting to civil disobedience. Others started looking for ways out of the impasse. In this Searchlight, 18, 20 August Fortnightly Report of Bihar and Orissa for the second half of August 1922, Govt of India, Home Department (Political) File no 18/ Aug/1922, NAI. Fortnightly Report of Bihar and Orissa for the first half of September 1922, Govt of India, Home Department (Political) File no 18/Sept/1922, NAI. This para and the next two paras are based on Bipan Chandra, et. al., India's Struggle for Independence, pp

14 atmosphere, a fresh lead was given by C.R.Das and Motilal Nehru, who suggested a new line of political activity under the changed conditions. They advocated an end to the boycott of legislative councils and entry into them. They wanted to convert the legislature into an arena of struggle. Their strategy was to obstruct the working of the council, expose its weakness and thus to arouse public enthusiasm. The adherents of the council entry programme came to be popularly known as pro-changers. Other leaders like Sardar Patel, Dr. Ansari and Rajendra Prasad were opposed to council entry. They said that even if legislators went into the councils with the aim of wrecking them, they would gradually get sucked into the imperial constitutional framework, and start co-operating with the government on petty reforms, thus losing their revolutionary zeal. They instead proposed concentration on constructive work. This programme, they felt, would prepare the masses for the next round of civil disobedience. The proponents of this programme were known as no-changers. Differences arose amongst the leaders of pro-changers and no-changers and as their conflict developed, the atmosphere of dismay in nationalist ranks began to thicken. Dissension and differences within the Congress over the strategy to be adopted led to further disorganization within the movement. In Bihar too, tensions developed between the two groups. In some parts of Bihar, impression gained ground that "the split in the Congress camp had irretrievably doomed the Non-Cooperation Movement". 67 In a meeting held on 2 67 Fortnightly Report of Bihar and Orissa for the second half of January 1923, Govt of India, Home Department (Political) File no 25/Jan/1923, NAI. 310

15 September 1922 in Muzaffarpur, there was a request that the Congressmen should close up their ranks at all costs. 68 The BPCC at a meeting held on 26 January 1923 passed a resolution urging the AICC to take steps that would bring about reconciliation between the two factions in the Congress. 69 In the meetings, both the sides, that is, the pro-changers and no-changers, were present and wanted to push their opinion. 70 At one meeting in Sitamarhi in July 1923, Rajendra Prasad, who was a strong opponent of council entry, was asked by the Chairman in the middle of his speech to make way for another speaker, named Rai Hari Prasad, so that the people could also hear the opinion of those in favour of council entry. 71 In BPCC meeting held on 19 May 1923, two resolutions were considered. One was that the country was not prepared for civil disobedience and the other was that no active propaganda against council entry should be carried on in Bihar. But the Committee refused to commit itself to either of these resolutions. 72 The following account of A.N.Sinha vividly sketches the attitude of the people towards council entry in Bihar: The main discussions and controversy in Bihar centred around whether one should enter the council or not. After working for two years continuously, people had become tired. Council entry was a new thing for some people and they were showing their inclination for it. The general dissatisfaction had also been increasing against the work done by those people, who had entered the council. The number of people, who favoured council entry, was initially very few but as the days of the council election drew nearer, the number of members in favour of council entry had started increasing. Gradually, some prominent leaders and influential person like Searchlight, 12 September Fortnightly Report of Bihar and Orissa for the second half of January 1923, Govt of India, Home Department (Political) File no 25/Jan/1923, NAI. Fortnightly Report of Bihar and Orissa for the second half of June 1923, Govt of India, Home Department (Political) File no 25/June/1923, NAI. Fortnightly Report of Bihar and Orissa for the second half of July 1923, Govt of India, Home Department (Political) File no 25/July/1923, NAI. Fortnightly Report of Bihar and Orissa for the second half of May 1923, Govt of India, Home Department (Political) File no 25/May/1923, NAI. 311

16 Deep Narayan Singh and Mr. Shafi turned in favour of council entry. Once their opinion became favourable to council entry, many other people also came out in support and joined the Swaraj party. My opinion was also partly in favour of council entry, and whenever I used to hear speeches of both the sides my view used to become very indefinite. It used to become very difficult to understand which path was right. I used to feel that Deshbandhu's path was practical and one should take his side but on seeing the majority opinion in my province against his idea, I used to also think that may be Deshbandhu's path was probably not right. Such arguments and counter arguments used to keep surfacing in my mind. But when it came to casting vote, I also voted against the Council entry....! had worked with Deshbandhu, and for many months, I had assisted him in Dumraon's case. His influence was there on me. But in the political field, I had been initiated by Gandhi. In his absence, I did not have the courage to leave his side and vote for the other side. 73 In Gaya session of the AICC held in December 1922, the main issue for discussion was also whether or not the Congress should enter the council. In this session, council entry was rejected by 1740 votes against Most of the delegates from Bihar, which was the strong hold of no-changers, opposed council entry. 75 However, the main proponents of council entry, C.R.Das and Motilal Nehru, went ahead with their programme and set up the Swaraj Party in March 1923 to contest the forthcoming elections in November Though the Council entry proposal dominated the entire session of the Congress at Gaya, other agendas were also taken up and resolutions passed. These included boycott of government schools, colleges and courts, use of khadi clothes and swadeshi goods. Emphasis was laid on strengthening and expansion of national educational A.N. Sinha, MeraSansmaran, pp Searchlight, 3 1 December Rajendra Prasad, Mahatma Gandhi and Bihar, Some Reminiscences, Bombay, 1949, p.59. Sumit Sarkar, Modern India, Delhi, 1983, p

17 institutions. Congress members were asked to take immediate steps to collect Rs.25 lakhs for the Tilak Swaraj Fund and enroll 50,000 volunteers. 77 A compromise was brought about between the no-changers and prochangers at the special Congress session at Delhi in September and the regular Congress session at Kakinada in December Congressmen were allowed to stand for elections, even while faith in the constructive programme. was reiterated and an All India Khadi Board was set up. Gandhi came to an agreement at the AICC session at Ahmedab4d in June 1924 permitting Swarajists to work within councils as an integral part of the Congress organization. The next year, Gandhi decided to place the entire organizational machinery of the Congress at the disposal of the Swarajists and set up a separate All India Spinner's Association to implement his own ideas. Initially, few joined the Swaraj party m Bihar, but gradually many Congress members came forward to support it. 80 The willingness of many Congress politicians to back the Swaraj party after 1923 in many provinces has been seen by historians of cambridge school as evidence of a materialistic concern with gaining access to networks of patronage controlled by the Provincial Legislatures. 81 However, one needs to probe further into the question of why this influence was sought. As it has been discussed above, many Congress members believed that if persons with little commitment to the Congress programme Searchlight, 26, 27, 31 December 1922; P.C. Bamford, Histories of the Non-Cooperation and Khilafat Movements, p. 84. Searchlight, 16, 19,21 September Sumit Sarkar, Modern India, pp The rest of the para is based on this source. A.N.Sinha, Mera Sansmaran, p See for example, Judith Brown, Gandhi's Rise to Power in Indian Politics 19/5-1922, London

18 remained in control of the legislatures they would thwart Congress activities. Many felt that these representatives were partly responsible for the suspension of the non-cooperating municipalities. The representatives also through a variety of other efforts tried to suppress the cause of swaraj. In entering the legislature, the Swarajists sought not only to paralyze the colonial government of the province but also to restore the municipalities to Congress hands. The non-cooperators were convinced that the only way to regain command of the local scene was to wrest control of the municipalities. By gaining control of the councils they believed that they would invigorate such efforts essential to attaining independence as making local schools national. They by no means wished to abandon other aspects of the Congress constructive programme such as the promotion of khadi and of Hindu-Muslim unity. 82 Thus, after 1922, the pro-changers concentrated on Swarajists politics and the no-changers concentrated on the constructive programme in Bihar. However, before ending this section, it is important to discuss the Gaya session of the AICC which was one of the main events in Bihar after the Non- Cooperation Movement was withdrawn. Preparation for Gaya session was one of the main tasks of the Bihar Congress and, for some time, the entire machinery of the Bihar Congress was geared for making arrangement for this session. A study of the Gay a Congress will throw interesting light on certain aspects of the national movement. One of the problems that the Bihar Congress faced in organizing this session was shortage of funds. 83 Congress workers tried to collect funds by AICC Papers, File nos and 13/1923. Rajendra Prasad, Autobiography, pp

19 enrolling members for the Congress. 84 Rajendra Prasad, Brajkishore and other leaders also went around different villages. They met the richer sections of people and requested them to contribute funds for the Congress. 85 Many big and small zamindars generously contributed to Congress funds. Darbhanga Maharaj contributed Rs.S000/-. 86 Raja Bahadur of Amawan and Maharaj Kumar of Tikari also made contributions. Tikari Maharaj had even earlier contributed towards the hosting of such political meetings. 87 Bansi Singh, who looked after Amawan Estate, also contributed Rs.4000/- to the Congress fund. He had great sympathy for the Congress. 88 The financial support of this section brings out their contribution to nationalism in some way. However, what was also very significant was that it was this section which stood in opposition to the Swarajist candidates in the Provincial Council and the local bodies election. This will be taken up in the next chapter on Swarajist politics. Gaya session also signifies the contribution of volunteers to the national movement. This comes across from the volunteers construction of the panda! for this session. The organizers of the session had delayed giving out the contract for the construction of the panda!. The contractor was also slow and unable to command the necessary labour to complete it. Just two days before the Congress session was to open it became clear that he would not be able to make it ready in time. The earth work particularly was not done at all. The organizers had to fall back on their own resources. The service of volunteers was requisitioned for A.N.Sinha, Mera Sansmaran, pp

20 completing the earth work. 89 The volunteers did the work very enthusiastically and without demur. They cut earth and carried it in baskets on their heads and in two days time what the contractor failed to do with paid labour the volunteers did.,..,. In this not only the village volunteers, who formed the majority, but also volunteers drawn from the ranks of the educated section, who generally looked down upon manual labour, took part. 90 There were around 1,500 volunteers, amongst whom four hundreds were tribals. Most of the tribals were Oraons, Mundas and Tana Bhagats who came from Ranchi district to participate in the Gaya session. They brought with them their rations and even earthen ware to cook their food. 91 They helped immensely in organizing the session. Rajendra Prasad highly appreciated their contribution and acknowledged it in his autobiography in the following words: When these adivasis heard that the earth work on the pandal was incomplete, they rushed to our office and asked for spades and baskets. They worked so hard and enthusiastically that within two days the entire work was complete. The Reception Committee was overjoyed at the adivasis coming to the rescue and presented each one of them with a free membership badge and a Gandhi cap. It was touching to see their happiness, when they received these. Several years later, when I happened to visit Ranchi district, some of these adivasis, whom I met, proudly exhibited their caps with the badges pinned on them. 92 The volunteers were drawn largely from villages and were rather orthodox in the matter of eating and drinking. When they first came for this session, they wanted separate kitchens and Brahmin cooks, along with a strict observance of.. kitchen rules. The organizers complied with their wishes. But, as the work Rajendra Prasad, Mahatma Gandhi and Bihar, pp Searchlight, 24 December I Rajendra Prasad, Autobiography, p.l

21 l increased, the volunteers realized the difficulties in the organizers' way and their orthodoxy gradually dwindled. After the arrival of the delegates, they worked day and night together and without any conscious effort these orthodox habits gradually disappeared. Rajendra Prasad's comment is telling "All the volunteers seemed to merge into one caste- the caste ofvolunteers." 93 Constructive Programme: Its Various Aspects Bihar was a stronghold of the no-changers. After the formation of the Swarajist party, the no-changers detached themselves from the heady excitement of electoral politics to retire to village bases or ashrams formed during, or immediately after, the Non-Cooperation Movement. The quiet, sustained constructive work and a deeper and more genuine involvement with village life stood in sharp contrast to the hectic electoral activities. There was no uniform model of activities of the Gandhians in rural areas. Though there were variations among different rural bases, they shared certain assumptions about the political options available during that period and the shape of the future Ramrajya. The core of this shared body of thought was non-violent constructive rural work, concretized through khadi, national education and social service. Rural handicrafts were the central motif in their scheme of rejuvenation and growth. Gandhi was one of the greatest promoter of constructive programme. Gandhi's Bihar tour of 1925 and 1927 gave impetus to the constructive programme. In his 1925 tour, Gandhi visited Jamshedpur, Purulia, Chakradharpur, Chaibasa, Ranchi, Hazaribagh, Patna, Giridih, Deoghar, Madhupur and Pumea Rajendra Prasad, Mahatma Gandhi and Bihar, p Searchlight, 16 August, 13, 16, 18,23 September, 9, II, 16 October

22 In 1927 tour, Gandhi visited Dhanbad, Gaya, Muzaffarpur, Laheriasarai, Motihari, Dalsingsarai, Samastipur, Begusarai, Chapra, Maharajganj, Jiradei and Patna. 95 In 1927, Gandhi was invited by the Bihar leaders primarily to promote the sales of the accumulated stock of khadi. 96 His tour was successful in this objective. In most of the meetings, Gandhi talked about khadi, communal unity and removal of untouchability. 97 A large number of people attended his meetings. In some meetings, the number of people exceeded 20,000. Crowds lined both sides of the roads along which Gandhi travelled by car. Travelling by train at night, Gandhi was awakened by the admiring crowds at the intermediate stations lustily shouting "Mahatma Gandhi ki jai" and seeking his dar shan. 98 ](hadipropaganda Khadi was an important part of the agenda of the constructive program. Efforts to promote khadi were also made during the Non-Cooperation Movement. A large amount of the Swaraj Fund was allocated to the BPCC for its promotion. 99 Even though khadi work expanded to some extent during the Non-Cooperation Movement, there was not much technical knowledge or commercial talent to draw upon. 100 Efforts in this direction were made only in the period after the withdrawal of the movement, when greater emphasis was laid on constructive programme. The AICC formed an All India Spinner's Association in 1925 to promote hand Ibid, 21, 23, 26, 28, 30 January 1927; K.K.Datta, Gandhiji in Bihar, Patna, 1969, pp K.K.Datta, The Writings and Speeches ofgandhi in Bihar, , Patna,l960, pp M. N. Ray, Indian Nation, 24 August 1964, "The Bihar I Knew, (vi) Knockings At The Closed Door"; Searchlight, 21, 23, 26, 28,30 January M.N.Ray, Indian Nation, 24 August 1964, 'The Bihar I Knew, (vi) Knockings At The Closed Door". Rajendra Prasad, Autobiography, p

23 spinning and khadi. 101 This organization, even though established with the consent of the AICC and being an integral part of the Congress organization, had an independent existence. Its powers were not affected and controlled by the political bodies. 102 A branch of the All India Spinner's Association was formed in Bihar, with Rajendra Prasad as its President and Lakshmi Narayan as its Secretary. 103 After this khadi work got reorganized on new lines. The progress was not only in regard to increased production and sale but also in regard to the quality of khadi and a reduction in its price. Many khadi depots were closed down and only those depots which were self-supporting remained open. Pandaul in Darbhanga, Gorul in Muzaffarpur and Hajipur were the main khadi production centres and Muzaffarpur, Hajipur and Patna were the main selling centres. 104 Gradually, more production and selling centres were opened. The following report of the Bihar branch of the All India Spinner's Association sent to Gandhi gives an indication of the production and sale ofkhadi from 1924 to : Apr Oct Apr Oct Apr Sep 1924 Mar 1925 Sep 1925 Mar 1926 Sep 1926 Production Rs.21,588 Rs.35,273 Rs.47,031 Rs.51, 080 Rs96,723 Sale Rs.17,478 Rs.27, 704 Rs.33,335 Rs. 51,865 Rs. 59,678 Khadi bhandars were opened at Arrah, Aurangabad, Bahera (Darbhanga), Beguserai (Monghyr), Bettiah, Bhagalpur, Chapra, Darbhanga, Deoghar, Dholi (Muzaffarpur), Hajipur, Jamui (Monghyr), Jamshedpur, Jharia, Madhubani, Mairwa (Chapra), Muzaffarpur, Pandaul (Darbhanga), Patna, Pupri (Muzaffarpur), Searchlight, 25 September Ibid, 27 September 1925; Rajendra Prasad, Autobiography, p Young India, 12 February 1925; Searchlight, 14 October 1925,26 February Young India, 20 January, 11 February

24 Sitamarhi (Muzaffarpur), Ranchi, Samastipur, Vishnupur and Gopalganj (Chapra) 106 There was a commercial store at Daltonganj. 107 A cloth shop was also started in Monghyr. 108 There was also a khadi store at Chakradharpur 109 In Golkunda village, Girishchandra Mazumdar, a khaddar enthusiast, made an experiment in hand spinning under the aegis of a cooperative society. 110 Ram Binod Singh, a Congress worker, took his own initiative, independent of BPCC, to promote khadi. He got assistance from Acharya Kripalani. He also received a big loan from Khadi Board. 111 Madhubani was one of his important khadi centres. Khadi produced by this centre was even exported to other provinces, where it acquired a name for itself. 112 As compared to khadi production under the supervision of the All India Spinner's Association, production and sale of khadi under the supervision of Ram Binod Singh in Gandhi Kutir was on a much more extensive scale. Madhubani, Malkachak and Madhupur Gandhi ashrams were its main production centres and Madhubani, Bhagalpur, Malkachak and Jamui were its main selling depots. 113 Gandhi ashram at Malkachak emerged as one of the important spinning centres, where four hundred wheels plied. Villagers used to efficiently and methodically card and spin, receive yarn from spinners, test the yam and take the yarn to the weaver. 114 AICC Papers, File nos and G-39/ K.K.Datta, History of the Freedom Movement in Bihar, pp K.K.Datta, Gandhiji in Bihar, p.l83. Rajendra Prasad, Autobiography, pp Ibid, p Young India, 12 February Ibid; Searchlight, 14 October

25 All these efforts led to an increase in khadi production. But the sale of khadi did not rise in relation to production. The year October 1926 to September 1927 opened with large stocks of khadi in different stores. 115 One of the government's report stated that in north Bihar "khadi was losing whatever popularity it had once gained, and the market for foreign cloth at the Holi and Shab-i-Barat festivals, when Hindus and Muslims both appear in new clothes, was very brisk". 116 The situation aggravated to a certain extent as a result of the Hindu- Muslim riots in Darbhanga district, a district which had the largest numbers of khadi production centres and which supplied the bulk of yarn required for it. 117 The price of khadi was also higher than either imported cloth or Indian mill cloth. 118 The fall in khadi sales reduced the liquid capital in the hands of the workers and necessitated the curtailment of production. 119 In 1927, Gandhi visited Bihar primarily to promote the sale of surplus khadi. 120 His tour gave considerable impetus to khadi work. Besides speaking in large gatherings on the utility of the khadi, the desirability of removing untouchability and other cognate subjects, he also carried khadi for sale to these public meetings. Moreover, he himself sold khadi at every station and meeting. This enhanced the demand for khadi. Not only did the accumulated stock clear but the sale of several depots also increased. 121 To make khadi available to the people both in the urban and rural areas, other leaders also resorted to hawking. Between K.K.Datta, History of the Freedom Movement in Bihar, p Fortnightly Report of Bihar and Orissa for the first half of March 1926, Govt of India, Home Department (Political) File no 112/IV/311926, NAI. K.K.Datta, Gandhiji in Bihar, pp Fortnightly Report of Bihar and Orissa for the first half of March 1926, Govt of India, Home Department (Political) File no. 112/IV/3/1926, NAI. K.K.Datta, Gandhiji in Bihar, pp Ibid, p Young India, 22 December

26 1 October 1926 and end of September 1927, khadi worth Rs.5,273 was sold through hawking in some of the villages and towns. 122 To popularize khadi, exhibitions were also held in Patna, 123 Monghyr, 124 Arrah, Muzaffarpur, Chapra, Gaya, Bettiah, Motihari, Jamshedpur, Laheriasarai, Darbhanga, Deoghur, Hazaribagh and Ranchi. 125 Khadi was sold at these exhibitions. 126 In the evenings, magic lantern lectures were delivered illustrating the khadi movement. 127 Besides Congressmen, khadi exhibitions were visited by many non-congressmen, government officials, zamindars, lawyers, big and small merchants and in some places even by Europeans. 128 Among the important institutions used to promote khadi were the local bodies. District boards, which came under Congress control during this period, issued orders to their employees to wear khaddar and to promote khadi. The schools under the district boards were also told to promote khadi. Teaching of spinning was a compulsory part of the education in national schools. Teachers in national schools also had to wear khadi. 129 In some areas, the people took to khadi as a creed. It was a way of life, a kind of religion. The Mahuris at Kharagdeha in Giridih took to khaddar as a creed. Mahuris, otherwise known as Mathuris, a body of Vaishyas, had migrated from Mathura and the surrounding areas and settled in Bihar. Fairly well to do and Searchlight, 14 December 1924, 28, 29 March Ibid, 13 Aprill Ibid, 31 March, 18 April, 18 July, 11 August, 29 September Ibid, 31 March, 18 April, 18 July, 11 August, 29 September Ibid, 31 March, 18 April, 18 July, II August, 29 September Young India, 1 July Searchlight, 14 December 1924,28,29, 31 March 1926, 18 April 1926, 18 July 1926, 13 Aprill This has been discussed in detail in the next chapter. 322