Citizenship and Identity in the Welfare State

Transcription

1 Studien zur Politischen Soziologie 13 Studies on Political Sociology Suszycki Karolewski (Eds.) Citizenship and Identity in the Welfare State Nomos

2 Schriftenreihe Studien zur Politischen Soziologie The series Studies on Political Sociology herausgegeben von is edited by Prof. Dr. Andrew Arato, The New School for Social Research, New York Prof. Dr. Hauke Brunkhorst, Universität Flensburg Prof. Dr. Regina Kreide, Justus Liebig Universität Gießen Band 13 Wissenschaftlicher Beirat Amy Allen (Dartmouth College, USA) Gurminder Bhambra K. (University of Warwick, GB) Craig Calhoun (Social Science Research Council an der New York University, USA) Sergio Costa (Freie Universität Berlin) Robert Fine (University of Warwick, GB) Gerd Grözinger (Universität Flensburg) Christian Joerges (Universität Bremen) Ina Kerner (Humboldt Universität Berlin) Christoph Möllers (Freie Universität Berlin) Marcelo Neves (Universität São Paulo, Brasilien) Patrizia Nanz (Universität Bremen) Uta Ruppert (Goethe-Universität Frankfurt am Main) Rainer Schmalz-Bruns (Leibniz Universität Hannover)

3 Andrzej Marcin Suszycki Ireneusz Paweł Karolewski (Eds.) Citizenship and Identity in the Welfare State Nomos

4 Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über abrufbar. Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data is available in the Internet at ISBN Auflage 2013 Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft, Baden-Baden Printed in Germany. Alle Rechte, auch die des Nachdrucks von Auszügen, der fotomechanischen Wiedergabe und der Übersetzung, vorbehalten. Gedruckt auf alterungsbeständigem Papier. This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically those of translation, reprinting, re-use of illus trations, broadcasting, reproduction by photocopying machine or similar means, and storage in data banks. Under 54 of the German Copyright Law where copies are made for other than private use a fee is payable to»verwertungsgesellschaft Wort«, Munich.

5 Table of Contents Introduction Citizenship and Identity in the Welfare State Andrzej Marcin Suszycki and Ireneusz Paweł Karolewski 7 Part I: Welfare Citizenship: Concept, theory and practice Chapter 1 Citizenship and welfare Ireneusz Paweł Karolewski Chapter 2 Globalization, the European Welfare State, and Protection of the Poor Wim van Oorschot Chapter 3 Security Governance and the promotion of Welfare Ethnic Nepotism in the Republic of Ireland Bryan Fanning Chapter 4 Multilevel Citizens, New Social Risks, and Regional Welfare Luis Moreno Part II: Identity and Welfare Chapter 5 Welfare identity conceptual and theoretical considerations Andrzej Marcin Suszycki Chapter 6 National Identity and Support for the Welfare State Richard Johnston, Keith Banting, Will Kymlicka, Stuart Soroka

6 Chapter 7 Keeping Them Out! Migration and Social Policies in the Reluctant Countries of Immigration Romana Careja and Patrick Emmenegger Chapter 8 From a Social Problem to a Cultural Challenge to the National Welfare State: Immigration and Integration Debates in Denmark Heidi Vad Jønsson and Klaus Petersen Biographical notes 189 6

7 Introduction Citizenship and Identity in the Welfare State Andrzej Marcin Suszycki and Ireneusz Paweł Karolewski This volume deals with citizenship and identity in the context of the welfare state. Citizenship and identity have long been regarded as the central concepts to describe the development of the welfare state and to explain why states vary with regard to their emphasis on welfare (Esping-Andersen 1990, Arts/Gelissen 2001, Van Voorhis 2002, Hvinden/Johansson 2007). Despite this, two research deficits persist with regard to these concepts. The first deficit refers to the fact that scholars have seldom transcended the classical notion of social citizenship and seldom dealt with the conceptual and theoretical aspects of the term welfare citizenship, which has a broader meaning and allows for a consideration of a multiplicity of aspects linked to welfare. The same observation refers to the term welfare identity, which has not been scrutinised as an autonomous concept. The second deficit of the conventional thinking on citizenship and identity in the welfare state pertains to the fact that the increasingly relevant phenomena of transnational migration, globalisation and regional integration (for instance European integration) as well as the multi-ethnic character of several welfare states have been relatively under-researched. In the conventional understanding citizenship and identity are bounded by the borders of the national welfare state. Scholars typically acknowledge that the collective identity of citizens in welfare states is based on civic commitments linked to common national welfare (Miller 1995 and 2000, Banting and Kymlicka 2006, Hibbert 2008). Citizens are supposed to continuously reassure themselves that they belong naturally together, that they have common interests, a common history of rights and duties with regard to the welfare state, and that they can trust one another (Kymlicka 1999). In this perspective, also the entitlements resulting from the citizens welfare rights can and should be realised in the realm of unitary and mostly centralised administrative structures of the nation-state. As a consequence, citizens are expected to have strong reasons to remain members of a political community based on an intergenerational contract and to create a solid resistance to the retrenchment of the welfare system (Pierson 1996, Anderson 2001, Swank 2002, Bay/Pedersen 2006, Bergh/Erlingsson 2009, Goerres/Tepe 2010, Lamping/Rüb 2010). However, this dominant perspective neglects the intersection of transformations and conflicts around both diversity and welfare state restructuring. This intersection can be regarded as a contemporary simultaneous crisis of the welfare state and the nation as, under the pressure of globalisation, regional integration, or transnational migrations, both social citizen- 7

8 ship and national identities have increasingly been contested (Castles and Schierup 2012: 290). Certainly, studies on the influence of transnational migration, globalisation and regional integration on the welfare state have been conducted for, at least, three decades (see, among others Zald 1985, McKenzie/Lee 1981, Leibfried/Pierson 1995, Bommes/Geddes 2000, Engelen 2003, Guillen/Alvarez 2004, Kus 2006, Segura- Ubiergo 2007,van Oorschot 2006, van Oorschot/Opielka/Pfau-Effinger 2008, Castles/ Miller 2009, Corrigan 2010, Galgoczi/Leschke/Watt 2012). Still, scholars have focused on empirical macroeconomic and technical sociopolitical aspects and seldom examined the phenomena in question from the perspective of political theory, political philosophy, social psychology, and sociology in a more systematic manner. Against this background, the editors of this volume have asked prominent scholars in the field of welfare state studies, first, to scrutinise the conceptual and theoretical aspects of the terms welfare citizenship and welfare identity; second, to analyse the relationship between the different forms of citizenship and the outcomes in welfare rights; and third, to examine the meaning and significance of a national or other identity for the development and maintenance of the welfare state in view of the processes of globalisation, European integration and migration, and in the context of multi-ethnical statehood. Accordingly, the volume has two parts. Part I includes Chapters 1 4. They deal with conceptual, normative and empirical aspects of the relationship between citizenship and welfare. Chapter 1 by Ireneusz Paweł Karolewski elucidates the nexus between citizenship and welfare, for example by elucidating the concept of welfare citizenship. One of the advantages of this perspective is that it transcends the often discussed notion of social citizenship and allows a comparison of different conceptions of welfare citizenship. Karolewski introduces three models of citizenship the republican, the liberal and the caesarean citizenship to which he ascribes different types of welfare citizenship. Within the republican model of citizenship we can observe a shift towards deliberation, which emphasises the welfare obligations of the community as an underpinning for the deliberative ethics of the citizens. Conversely, the citizens are obliged to take the welfare of the collective into account, rather than their individual welfare. In this sense, republican welfare citizenship can exist only against the background of a strong community. In contrast, the liberal model of citizenship spawns a rights-orientated welfare citizenship, in which there is a focus on the liberal rights equality among citizens. In the social version of liberal welfare citizenship, individual social rights are viewed as a necessary component of citizenship in addition to civil and political rights, whereas the libertarian version wants to defend the individual citizens against welfare collectivism, which is associated with transgressions of the individual freedoms. Thus, libertarian welfare is mainly based on charity. In contrast, the communal version of liberal welfare citizenship highlights decentralised gover- 8

9 nance of common pool resources. Caesarean welfare citizenship is associated with the securitisation of welfare, where, for instance, migration and organised crime are regarded as a threat to the welfare of a community. Even though these different types of welfare citizenship are still sketchy, as the author presented only a preliminary attempt to systematise the notion of welfare citizenship, it can be fruitful to pursue further research on this subject. Chapter 2 by Wim van Oorschot combines theoretical and empirical aspects regarding welfare and citizenship against the background of globalisation. It is based on sociological theories of solidarity and redistributive justice and deals with the question of what is happening to the social legitimacy of redistribution to the poor under the conditions of strong welfare retrenchment. Van Oorschot shows that one important line in the debate is the view that globalisation urges comprehensive welfare states to cut back and retrench in order to sustain the social protection for the neediest members of society. At the same time, substantial retrenchment is believed to be necessary to compete on labour costs, and to inhibit the welfare magnetism effects of generous and easy accessible social rights, which would put a halt to the inflow of welfaredependent economic migrants. However, van Oorschot stresses the role of solidarity and self-interest in the legitimacy of welfare arrangements and claims that in a comprehensive welfare state the contribution of the rich to the protection of the rights of social citizenship of the poor is to a certain degree a spin-off of the solidaristic redistribution the rich organise for and among themselves. Without the latter, the larger middle class will lose its actual and perceived self-interest in the welfare system and the deservingness of the neediest members of society will like in the residual American welfare state - constantly be at gunpoint, with a downward trend in their social protection as a most probable outcome in the longer term. Consequently, Van Oorschot argues that substantial retrenchment of comprehensive European welfare states, as an answer to globalisation, does not safeguard the protection of welfare citizenship rights of the poor members of society. The empirical Chapter 3 by Bryan Fanning explores ethnic nepotism in the context of the Irish welfare state and suggests a differentiated understanding of the consequences of this phenomenon. Fanning argues that ethnic nepotism has proven more influential in the case of immigration and naturalisation policy than in the case of social policy responses to immigration. For instance, ethnic nepotism was used to accentuate cognitive distinctions between nationals and non-nationals before the Referendum on Irish Citizenship in 2004 in which an overwhelming majority of the Irish citizens endorsed an amendment to the constitution that removed ius soli entitlements to Irish citizenship. According to Fanning, the administration of the naturalisation process after 2004 can also be described as a manifestation of welfare ethnic nepotism as the rates of refusal of applications for naturalisation are extremely high by international stan- 9

10 dards. On the other hand, Fanning claims that the decision to limit welfare entitlements of new immigrants in 2004 was not a manifestation of archetypical welfare ethnic nepotism since the new welfare settlement also covered returning ethnic-irish migrants. In effect, this legislation institutionalised entitlements on the basis of residency rather than on the basis of citizenship. Against this background, Fanning maintains that the welfare stratification policy was clearly influenced by neo-liberal perspectives on migrants as flexible human capital. In a similar vein, Fanning assumes that the decision to permit the free movement of labour force from the new EU member states in 2004 was mainly influenced by preoccupations with economic growth. Chapter 4 by Luis Moreno examines the increasingly significant question of the multi-level character of welfare citizenship in a number of European states. The dominant perspective so far has been that the entitlements resulting from the citizens welfare rights ought to be provided in a unitary and generally centralised administration of public services. Moreno shows that in recent times the centrality of the nation-state as the champion for the development of the modern systems of social protection has given way to a situation where both the supra-state and the sub-state welfare inputs are increasingly important in welfare development. Transnationalisation has caused the gradual decline of the role of the nation-state as sovereign actor in social policy. At the same time, sub-state political communities have reinforced their claims for subsidiarisation in welfare provision. Both the processes of transnationalisation and subsidiarisation have questioned the centralised command-and-control action of nationstates by putting forward the idea of territorially differentiated welfare policies. Thus, this chapter elaborates on the idea of multilevel citizenship as a compound of collective attachments, which favours supranational legitimacy and sub-state democratic accountability in the implementation of social policies. Likewise, Moreno pays attention to the aspirations of regions and sub-state layers of governance to advance social citizenship and also analyses the impact of the so-called new social risks (NSR) associated with the transition to a post-industrial society. Moreno states that, due to the very nature of multilevel governance, there is little impediment to prevent regions from developing programs promoting differentiated welfare policies. Finally, Moreno puts forward the idea that the advancement of welfare citizenship in the European Union may be best achieved if the virtuous circle of emulation is encouraged among and within member states (policy learning and transfer, soft regulation, benchmarking or best practices ). Part II includes Chapters 5 8. They focus on the significance of identity in national and international contexts. Chapter 5 by Andrzej Marcin Suszycki seeks to systemise and further develop the research on the phenomenon of welfare identity. It, first, conceptualises welfare identity along the discursive narratives of membership norms, social goals and relational cognitive comparisons. Second, it typecasts the main welfare 10

11 identities and distinguishes between republican, liberal and securitised type of welfare identity. Third, it proposes three levels of analysis of welfare identity: micro level, meso level and macro level. This conceptualisation of welfare identity at three levels makes it possible to regard this phenomenon in different contexts (local, regional, national or supranational). Fourth, it deals with contestation which points to the strength and coherence of a welfare identity. Here, this chapter makes four main assumptions. It maintains that the meso level is essential to understand the discursive social construction and transformations of welfare identity and suggests that the stronger the contestation at the meso level is, the less legitimate and endurable the redistributive politics are. It also claims that republican welfare identity is more resilient to contestation than the liberal or securitised one. Further, it states that in democratic systems securitised welfare identity mostly coexists with the republican and liberal. Finally, it suggests that securitised welfare identity is a short-lived identity. Suszycki illustrates the degree of contestation in practice in several welfare states such as Belgium, Denmark, Great Britain, Italy and Sweden. The role of national identity in sustaining support for the welfare state is examined in Chapter 6 by Richard Johnston, Keith Banting, Will Kymlicka and Stuart Soroka. Referring to the Canadian welfare state, the authors seek to answer two significant questions. First, they ask if national identity mitigates the opposition to the welfare state and redistribution among high-income Canadians. Second, they deal with the question of whether national identity mitigates corrosive effects that the ethnic diversity flowing from new patterns of immigration may have on the support for redistribution. The chapter answers these questions in the affirmative. As far as the first question is concerned the authors find that national identity increases general support for the welfare state among affluent voters. However, this effect is clearest for the sector of health care, and is barely noticeable for other parts of the welfare state, including universal programs such as pensions and targeted programs of redistribution to the poor. The authors suggest that the evidence for uneven impact across sub-domains of the Canadian welfare state reflects distinctive features of the nation-building projects and national narratives, given that for many English-speaking Canadians, the nationwide reach and universal coverage of the health system have become part of the very definition of the country, gaining an iconic status. Second, the findings show that respondents who believe that immigrants do not want to accept the obligations that go with the privileges of membership show markedly lower support for the redistributive dimensions of the welfare state. However, the authors argue that national identity itself may also promote pro-immigrant sentiments as the respondents with the strongest sense of national identity demonstrate more positive attitudes towards immigrants than their less nationalist fellow-countrymen. Those with a strong national identity are more likely to give immigrants the benefit of the doubt. Hence, the general conclusion is 11

12 that national identity contributes to a sense of belonging and solidarity that transcends economic interest and cultural difference. These findings are not always consistent with the mechanisms suggested by leading theorists of liberal nationalism. The evidence from Chapter 7 and Chapter 8 argues for caution in generalising results from Canada. Chapter 7 and Chapter 8 do not suggest any systematic tendency for strength of national identity to correlate with positive attitudes towards immigrants. Both chapters demonstrate that common nationality and nationalism might generate trust and a strong feeling of solidarity and loyalty among the old members of the welfare state and exclude the non-members or new members. Chapter 7 by Patrick Emmenegger and Romana Careja argues that a number of the current reforms in the area of migration and social policies reflect the attempt by governments to respond to an anti-immigrant public opinion mood. Emmenegger and Careja demonstrate that in spite of having their hands bound by international and domestic regulations concerning the treatment of immigrants and asylum-seekers, national governments enact several strategies which minimise the consumption of social benefits by immigrants. For instance, governments introduce entry restrictions targeted at all individuals seeking permanent residence. Besides, governments restrict refugees access to social benefits in order to separate true from bogus refugees and to distinguish between deserving and undeserving recipients. Governments also retrench those social protection schemes that provide a disproportionate amount of benefits to immigrants, in particular meanstested benefits prove to be vulnerable in this context. Domestic voters support these policies because they regard immigrants as the group that least deserves to receive social benefits. What is more, nationals of France, Germany, and Great Britain often associate the very immigrant status to non-deservingness of social benefits. The authors argue that this attitude is due to the fact that public opinion concerning the social rights of immigrants perpetuates an image of the immigrant group constructed in terms of identity ( them and us ). Immigrants are perceived as not sharing the same national identity, hence as not being part of the national community. In more general terms, Emmenegger and Careja claim that these strategies lead to a restoration of the old postwar social model, which reflect a philosophy of welfare that emphasises the ideas of belonging to and contributing to the national community as clear conditions for receiving benefits. Emmenegger and Careja substantiate this claim by presenting survey data on deservingness of different societal groups and a review of policy reforms in the cross-section of migration and social policy in France, Germany and Great Britain. Chapter 8 by Heidi Vad Jønsson and Klaus Petersen takes a look at the development of Danish immigration and integration policies from the late 1960s up to the present day. The key question is how Denmark a prototype of the Scandinavian welfare state with an ideology and identity based on universalism and equality reacted when its historically very homogenous population started to become more heterogeneous. Sur- 12

13 veys and statistics show that immigrants are relatively well integrated into the Danish welfare state. Despite this, as the chapter demonstrates, immigrants have traditionally been the group that most ethnic Danes perceive as having a different national identity and thus as deserving the least social assistance. Especially after the change of government in 2001 from a center-left government to a center-right one Danish regulation of immigration and legislation on integration policies became more restrictive. It made access to Danish citizenship more difficult, conditionalised social rights, and significantly reduced general levels of welfare benefits for immigrants. After 2001 the political discourse on immigrants mainly focused on the extent to which integration and immigration were threatening the basic values of the Danish welfare model. In this context, the authors point to an increasing culturalisation of the discourse as the popular use of the word immigrant has been referring specifically to groups with a non-western background: the image of the problematic immigrant the Danish welfare queen is today an orthodox Moslem from the Middle East. Jønsson and Petersen thus find that an introverted form of welfare nationalism is in the process of developing, one based on a dualised social citizenship, where the dividing lines are neither class nor gender but ethnicity. In sum, we acknowledge that this volume privileges parsimony over comprehensive coverage, but our aim here is to provide a strong basis for further research and discussion. For instance, against the background of immigration and migration flows further research should focus more on conflicts between social solidarity and ethnic diversity. In particular, there is a need for a more thorough examination of the members perception of non-members and new members welfare deservingness and the members willingness to reduce the levels of welfare entitlements. We should also examine claims that a strong welfare state combined with the adoption of multicultural policies leads to the failure of immigrants integration and the growth of radical right parties. Related to the process of globalisation, we need to explore the question whether globalisation leads to a substantial retrenchment of the welfare state and, if this is the case, what the patterns of distributional conflicts between domestic interest groups are. An equally interesting, but still under-researched topic is the extent to which national or regional identity is supportive of a mobilisation by pro-welfare state coalitions of losers from globalisation. With regard to the process of European integration, there is a lack of an assessment of the effects of the multi-layered system of governance at the European level on the welfare entitlements and their realisation at the national or regional level; we might think of, in particular, the problem of supranational legitimacy and national or sub-state democratic accountability. Understanding more about the specific relationship between the free movement of labour within the European Union after the enlargement to Eastern Europe and the pressures for welfare retrenchment in the Western European states with strong welfare-related national identities, in particular 13

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