Socio-Cultural Transformation. in the 21st Century? Risks and Challenges of Social Changes

Transcription

1 Socio-Cultural Transformation in the 21st Century? Risks and Challenges of Social Changes Edited by Shigekazu KUSUNE Yoshinori NISHIJIMA Hidehiko ADACHI Kanazawa Electric Publishing Company, Kanazawa / Japan 2007

2 Chapter 6: Attitudes Towards Foreigners in East and West Germany A Case Study on Cognitive Differentiation, Social Background Factors, and the Specific Standing of the Japanese Karl-HeinzREUBAND University of Düsseldorf, Germany Abstract On the basis of mail surveys in the general population of the city of Düsseldorf attitudes towards foreigners and German nationals on the regional level (Rhineland, Bavarians, East Germans) are compared across time ( ), across major German cities and with regard to social background factors. When specific ethnic groups were rated according to likeability cognitive differentiations were made according to ethnic group. The East Germans were hereby set apart and considered less likeable than many of the foreign groups, such as the English, Greeks and Japanese. Among the foreign ethnic groups the Japanese emerged as being unique: They are characterized by a position that sets them apart from most of the others and makes them resemble the Germans. Age and education evolve as social characteristics that in different degrees exert an influence on the likeability ratings. 1 Introduction How xenophobie are the Germans? This question has arisen again and again in the past

3 118 Karl-lleinz Reuband whenever spectacular violence against toreigners occurred or when - as recently in East Gennany - right-wing parties surpassed in elections the 5% boundary that keeps smaller parties from the parliament. Nationwide surveys have shown, however, that despite occasional right-wing occurrences the general attitude to foreigners has become more positive in the long ron since the early 1980s. Nonetheless, it can also be taken for gran ted that the general attitudes do not necessarily continue this trend. Upswings in anti-foreigner sentiments - also due to Islamistic terror - have occurred from time to time (Reuband 2000, Willamowitz-Moellendorf 2003; Noelle & Petersen 2006; Heitmeyer 2007) In the following we shall deal with this topic focusing on the city of Düsseldorf. Düsseldorf, being the capital of the largest Gennan state - North Rhine- Westphalia - in the Western part of Germany, has an above average proportion of foreigners totalling 17% of its population. This rate means an increase over time from 2% in the 1920s to 7% in 1970, 12% in 1980 and 14% in The largest ethnic group of toreigners is Turkish (15.332), followed by Greeks (10.959) and Italians (7.080). I In the respective pattern of ethnic distribution Düsseldorf is very similar to other Gennan cities. What makes it different from other Gennan cities, however, is its large population of Japanese. At the end of the year 2004 nearly Japanese lived there, mostly employed by Japanese companies. Ifthe proximate suburbs are included in the calculation the figure rises even to The Japanese in Düsseldorf in fact represent the largest Japanese colony in Europe. Four questions will be dealt with in this paper: (I) What kind of attitudes exists towards foreigners and how have they developed within recent years? (2) Ilow are different ethnic groups of foreigners perceived and to what extent are they grouped into a larger entity? (3) How are general attitudes towards foreigners linked to the specific evaluation of different ethnic groups? (4) What is the role of social background factors, especially age and education, for the general and the specific attitudes towards foreigners? By choosing a strategy that pays special attention to ethnic categorizations, we follow a somewhat different path than most research in Gennany over the last decades. Usually attitudes towards foreigners have been assessed globally, without differentiation according to ethnic groups. Ethnic groups were more commonly assessed in the 1950s and early 1960s, when hardly any migrants had moved to Germany. Evaluation of ethnic groups in those days meant an evaluation of foreign peoples. Research into the perception of ethnic groups, mostly I Figures from the Statistical Office of Düsseldorf for the year 2004 ( tatistiklthemen/bevoe lkerung) 2 See also Landeshauptstadt Düsseldorf: Japan-Tag [

4 Attitudes Towards Foreigners in East and West Germany 119 focusing on school students, was part of the research on social stereotypes, not of research on migrants and into anti-foreigner sentiments (see Wolf 1973). 2 Methodology The study is based on surveys of Düsseldorfs general population of German citizenship, 18 years and older. The surveys, each based on a random sampie of the city register ("Einwohnermeldeamt"), are part of a broader ongoing series that deal with social and cultural change in Germany, including West and East German cities. Four surveys, covering the period from 1997 until 2004, will form the empirical background of our analysis. They were done as maii surveys, according to the Dillman design (Dillman 2000) and according to own experiences (Reuband 1999,2001).3 Mail surveys have not been uncontroversial in the methodological literature of the past, mostly due to their assumed low response rate compared with face-to-face and telephone surveys. However, if done properly, they might perform as good as they, even surpass them in their response rates (cf. Reuband 2001). Apart from cost-effectiveness mail surveys have the great advantage of reducing socially desirable answers compared with face-to-face and telephone surveys. Respondents are more willing to admit sensitive behaviour and opinions under these circumstances (Tourangeau 2000). In our studies we obtained response rates, after up to three remainders, between 51% and 60%. These rates are clearly above the usual rates of face-to-face and telephone surveys in German cities. Compared with basic social census data the survey moreover is representative of the population.the underrepresentationof the lower educated- often perceivedas a serious problem in mail surveys - is slight. It is not greater - even less - than in other modes of survey collection (Reuband und Blasius 1996, Reuband 2000, 2002). The number of respondents varies between 500 and ] 000 per survey. 3 General Pattern of Attitudes towards Foreigners In a first step we shall delineate the pattern of general attitudes: To what extent do anti-foreigner sentiments prevail and how have they changed? As can be seen in table 1 a 3 The most reeent survey für Düsseldorf was part of a study on cultural themes, finaneed by the Fritz Thyssen Stiftung (AZ ). The other surveys had various funding sourees, among whieh internal eeonomie university resourees played the major part. This also holds für the 1998 survey whieh will be diseussed in this paper at some greater length.

5 120 Karl-Heinz Reuband majority of the population holds the view that there are too many foreigners in Germany. In the most recent survey from % agreed to the respective statement, which is more or less the same as in the first year of our time series. In between, in the year 2000, the percentage was somewhat lower.4 The pattern of belief - in size as weil as in its trend - is paralleled by other indicators tapping specific dimensions of anti-foreigner attitudes. Thus, large numbers of people hold the view that foreigners are disproportionately involved in crime and that asylum seekers misuse the German asylum laws. And this perception goes hand in hand with personal emotional feelings. Thus many respondents feei anxious about a further influx of asylum seekers to their hometown. 4 The figure of 64% seems to be rather high compared to nationwide telephone surveys of the West German population. Thus in % of the West Germans thought that too many foreigners live in Germany (taz ). Given the fact that attitudes towards foreigners are more negative in rural areas than urban ones the finding is even more startjing. We believe that this finding is primarily due to the fact that mail surveys compared with telephone surveys provide greater anonymity and willingness to provide socially undesirable responses (see Reuband 2000b, 2002a). Expressing anti-foreigner sentiments can be presently seen as an expression of a socially undesirable response.

6 Attitudes Towards Foreigners in East and West Germany 121 Tab1e 1: Attitudes towards foreigners over time (in %) '00 manyforeigners in Germany (1) Fully agree 26 Agree 36 } } } }.63 Disagree Fully disagree Less erime with lessforeigners (2) Fully agree Agree Disagree Fully disagree * * } } Most asylums seekers rnisuse asylurn laws (3) Fully agree Agree Disagree Fully disagree * * * * } } Worries about injlux of asylurn seekers to Düsseldorf (4) Very Much 21 Much 21 }n } 45 Medium Little Not at all (N=) (708) ( ) ( ) ( ) * not ascertained Wordings: (I) "In Deutschland leben zu viele Ausländer"; (2) "Wenn es weniger Ausländer in Deutschland gäbe, würde es weniger Kriminalität geben"; (3) "Die meisten Asylbewerber missbrauchen das deutsche Asylrecht" Response eategories: "Stimme voll und ganz zu - Stimme eher zu - Lehne eher ab - Lehne voll und ganz ab"; (4) "Was bereitet Ihnen persönlich Sorge? Was bedrückt Sie, wenn Sie an Ihre Zukunft denken? -...dass immer mehr Asylanten nach Düsseldorf kommen" Response eategories: "Sehr stark - Stark - Mittel- Wenig - Überhaupt nicht"

7 122 Karl-I-Ieinz Reuband Whether the drop in anti-foreigner sentiments in 2000 that occurred among all indicators reflects a general downward trend in this period or is due to other factors, we do not know. What is more noteworthy is the fact that in 2004 the negative attitudes have not increased comparedto the secondhalf of the 90s - despitethe surgeof Islamisticterror since They might have done so in the meantime, given the fact of emerging debates about migrants and Islam. But whether an attitudinal change towards foreigners in general has evolved or with regard to Islamic groups in Germany, remains to be seen.5 Even if anti-foreigner sentiments have not hardened between 1997 and 2004, one could still be alarmed ab out their prevalence figures. One could argue that a percentage between 50 and 60 % is alarrning in size, since it signals that a majority is opposed to foreigners in Gerrnany.6 Yet it would be amistake to equate these figures with xenophobie attitudes, as many authors have done too easily with similar statements. The equation does not make sense, since other opinions - also held by the respondents- portraya muchmorebenignpictureof their feelings towards foreigners. Thus, 63% of the respondents in the year 2000 agreed to the statement that the foreigners who live in Gerrnany constitute a positive contribution to Gennan culture. And even 75% agreed to the statement that they like to live in a city where people from different countries reside. The latter figure is higher than those representing anti-foreigner sentiments, calling into question any equation of the aforementioned anti-foreigner statements with a generalized xenophobie ideology. What characterizes the respondents is a mixture ofpositive and negative attitudes toward foreigners. This also implies, of course: depending on the frame of reference mobilization by events and public discourse can go into one or the other direction. 5 Arecent survey of trends towards foreigners (Heitmeyer 2007) indicates an increase in the number of people who think that Germany has too many foreigners. The study series started in 2002 and covers the years until If the surveys would have been extended into earlier periods - such as ours - the change perhaps would not be as noteworthy as it seems, due to the t1uctuations and downward trends in earlier periods. Of course, it couid also be that Düsseldorf is somewhat unique in its trend and more stable in the long run than nationwide figures would expect it. To what the negative trend on the national level is due Islamic terror we do not know. 6 Such has in fact been the case when the most recent survey evidence from the Heitmeyer groups was published. In the daily newspaper "die Tageszeitung" three quarters of the first page (!) was covered by the heading "Too many Foreigners live in Germany... say 46 Percent of the West Germans and 60 Percent of the East Germans" (taz ). By choosing such a layout the figures get highly dramatized.

8 ~ Attitudes Towards Foreigners in East and West Germany 123 Figure: Attitude towards foreigners in various cities Too many foreigners I 59% JO Harmurg Kiel Stutlgart München Dresden Düsseldnrf Less foreigners less crime 80 -" ~ " ~ Hamm'g Kiel Stungart MOnchen Dresden Düsseklmr Misuse of asylum laws JO HanD",g Kiel Stutt München Dmd,n Dllisollmf Survey data trom 2002; Düsseldorf cumulated sampies trom 2000 and Wordings as listed in table I

9 124 Karl-Heinz Reuband In comparison with other large cities Düsseldorf emerges as being by no means unique in its attitude towards foreigners. More or less the same prevalence figures with regard to the aforementioned indicators can be found in other cities, be it in the Western or Eastern part of Germany. Thus, Düsseldorf resembles very much the cities of Stuttgart, Munich, Kiel and Dresden (Figure).7 Only Hamburg residents deviate from the overall similarity at the time of data collection somewhat by being more worried than the other cities - due, as we assume, to the prominence of the issues crime and asylum seekers in the city election that had been held shortly before (Reuband 2002b). 4 Evaluations of Ethnic Groups Taken together the pattern of opinions towards people of foreign descent seems mixed, with positive and negative attitudes combined. Whether the respective positive and negative attitudes pertain to different ethnic groups or whether they refer to identical ones with regard to different dimensions of migrant life, we do not know. Whatever the case, it seems wise to go beyond the general assessment of attitudes and look more closely into the evaluation of different ethnic groups. In the 1998 survey (that we plan to replicate in the future) we asked the Düsseldorf respondents to grade different groups according to a five-point scale of likeability ranging from very likeable to very dislikeable. Six ethnic groups were listed together with three German regional ethnic groups: people from the Rhineland (the area Düsseldorf belongs to), Bavarians and East Germans. We included the East Germans in order to find out to wh at extent a German patriotism prevailed making a dichotomist distinction between "us" - including the East Genllans - and "them" - including all foreigners. 7 The survey data were collected as part of a research project on urban drug policies vis-a-vis cannabis financed by the "Volkswagen Stiftung" (AZ II/7657 I). Each survey, based in randorn sarnpling of the city register, has about respondents.

10 Attitudes Towards Foreigners in East and West Germany 125 Table 2: Likeability of ethnic groups (in %) East Rhinelander Bavarians Japanese Greeks English Turks Rnssians Poles Gennans Very likahle Likeable Parlially Not likeable * Not likeable * at all Positive (1) Surplus positive rating (2) Arithmetic Mean * less than 0,5 % Wording: "Bitte geben Sie turjede der folgenden Gruppen an, wie sympathisch sie Ihnen im allgemeinen ist - Sehr sympathisch - Sympathisch - Teils, teils - Unsympathisch - Sehr unsympathisch." (1) Percentage "Very likeable, likeable" (2) Percentage "Very likeable, likeable" minus percentage "not likeable, not likeable at all" The results are presented in lable 2. As can be seen and expected the Rhinelanders are esteemed most widely, 74% ciassity them as being likeable followed by the Bavarians with a likeability rating of 57%. They are closely followed by the Japanese with a likeability rating of 55%, then the Greek with a likability rating of 51%. The East Gennans, remarkably, are ascribed a much lower likeability, their standing of 32% is even somewhat lower than the rating ofthe British (36%). At the lowest end ofthe scale, with more rejection that acceptance, are situated the Polish people and the Russians. The heavy influx of these migrants due to the opening of the border after 1989 as weil as rumours ab out the Russian mafia might have played a decisive part in this rating. The Turks are situated at the end of the rating scale, but they fare not as bad as the Poles and Russians. In fact, if one calculates the surplus level of likeability, by subtracting the antipathy from the likeability percentages, they still gain more positive than negative sentiments. The fact that they have already been living in Gennany for a long time and have established contacts with the population will, over time, have increased their being liked. There has been a greater chance to develop positive feelings towards them due to personal

11 126 Karl-Heinz Reuband contact than to Poles and Russians. Of special interest is the fact that the East Germans are cognitively clearly separated from the West Germans and foreign nationals. There is no overall boasting of national unity feelings, no sign of super-patriotism, as many observers feared after the breakdown of the wall. This pattern of separation that characterizes the East German evaluation can also be shown if a factor analysis is done for the different groups. As can be seen in lable 3 three factors emerge. One ("factor 1lI") marks the West Germans - the peoplefromthe Rhineland and Bavaria. Another factor ("factor I") marks foreigners, inc1udingthe Polish, Russians and British, but also - notably - the East Germans. The Greek and the Japanese make up the third factor ("factor 11"). Table 3: Factor analysis of group likeability (Varimax Rotation) Faetor Rhinelander Bavarians Japanese Greeks.09 Ji2.08 English East Gemans Turks Russians Poles Pet. of Varianee This third factor is thus characterized by non-german ethnic groups as the second factor does, but its composition differs. Whether its uniqueness is based on valued cultural heritage of the old Greek and Japanese civilization or is due to other meanings ascribed, or due to specific contacts in their hometown we do not know. In this respect it might be noteworthy that there is a large Greek population in Düsseldorf and many Greek restaurants. Greece is also a favourite holiday destination. Whatever the case, it is c1earthat foreign ethnic groups are not lumped together into one global group.

12 Attitudes Towards Foreigners in East and West Gerrnany 127 The Turkish interestingly have a loading on both foreign factors - the first and the second - not attaining the.50 mark that is usually the criterion for characterizing and labeling factors. The fact that their position is also elose to the factor consisting of ethnic groups that are highly regarded could mean that they are undergoing a shift towards more positive evaluations and categorizations. Nonetheless, the fact remains that their overall evaluation is not the most positive one. We assurne that this is strongly influenced by their migrant and social elass status rather than their Islamic belief. Sut this could have changed in the meantime with Islam increasingly becoming a topic ofpublic debate and with more and more Turkish women wearing a headscarf and thus reinforcing beliefs about Turks as being different. 5 Anti-foreigner Attitudes and Evaluations of Ethnic Groups How weil are general anti-foreigner attitudes linked to the specific evaluation of ethnic groups? And what is the role of national pride - how much does a strong national identification lead to anti-foreigner attitudes? In the social psychological literature strong identification with ones own groups has been linked with mechanisms generating difference to other groups, ineluding mechanisms of degradation and de-evaluation (see also Secker et al. 2007). Sut if so, which groups are more affected than others? Given the fact that some are rated more positively than others one wonders where the border of demarcation is drawn. TabIe 4: Correlation between negative attitudes towards foreigners/national pride and likeability of ethnic groups (Pearson's r) Too many Foreigners Misuse Asylum N f I 'd foreigners Crime Laws alona pn e Rhinelander Bavarians Japanese Greeks English East Germans Turks

13 128 Karl-Heinz Reuband Russians Poles Wordings as in table land 2. For national pride the wording is: "Wie stolz sind Sie darauf, ein Deutscher oder eine Deutsche zu sein?" Response categories: "Sehr stolz - Ziemlich stolz - Kaum stolz - Gar nicht stolz". As can be seen in fable 4 negative general attitudes towards foreigners, as expected, go hand in hand with negative evaluations of foreign ethnic groups and a positive identification with one's own group. The strongest positive correlation is with the "Rhinelander", the second with the "Bavarians", but there is none or even a slight negative correlation with the "East Germans". Which means: the greater the negative feelings towards foreigners, the greater the negative feelings also directed against the East Germans. East Germans are clearly seen as a separate group at the time of the survey, even nine years after unification (i). To what extent the following years have changed this pattern of exclusion we do not know. But it is noteworthy that even nowadays East Gerrnans have the feeling of being second-class citizens.8 And this, we think, is not due to differences in income and unemployment rates alone, but also to their standing in unified Gerrnany. Furthermore, as can be seen from the table, groups that are on the more negative side ofthe likeability rating - Russians, Poles and Turks - correlate negatively with general attitudes towards foreigners, as weil as - to a lesser extent - other foreign groups, including English. Except one group: the Japanese. The Japanese even correlate positively, as do the German regional groups. Which means: they are separated completely from the other ethnic groups, even the Greeks (that loaded on the same factor in factor analysis). When we turn to Gerrnan national pride, the finding of a special pattern of grading the Japanese is clearly replicated. The evaluation of the Japanese correlates positively with German national identification. And this is as strong as with the Bavarians. People who are proud of Gerrnany apparently also hold strong positive feelings towards the Japanese. This is in stark contrast to the other ethnic groups, which undergo a decline in likeability which is the greater, the stronger the respondent's national identification and pride iso 6 Sodal Correlates of Anti-foreigner Sentiments What are the social background factors that make for positive or negative attitudes towards 8 According to a nationwide survey by the EMNID institute 74 % of the East Germans in 2006 still feit as "second class citizens" (Financial Times )

14 Attitudes Towards Foreigners in East and West Gerrnany 129 foreigners? In past research on stereotypes and anti-foreigner feelings age and education have regularly shown up as significant factors - older people and less well-educated people being more critical towards foreigners than younger and better educated people. Gender usually has had a negligible effect (Ganter 1998). Our data confirm these expectations for the respective attitudes that we have measured. General anti-foreigner sentiment - based on the three afore mentioned statements about foreigners9 - is positively correlated with age.28, and negatively with education.42. Education clearly exerts the stronger impact. When we turn to the rating of the specific ethnic groups the basic pattern remains, albeit with some modifications (see lable 5). Table 5: Influence of social characteristics on negative attitudes towards foreigners/ethnic groups Correlation (r) Regression (beta) Original Measure Modified Measure+ Age Education Age Education Age Education General attitudes nn- - - n - n -- - n n n- nn n- nnn - n n- _n nn- - n n n n Rhinelander Bavarians Japanese Greeks " English " East Gerrnans " Turks Russians Poles p < 0,05.. P< 0,01... P< 0,001 + Rating of likeability as deviation from rating of "Rhinelander" General attitudes derived from factor scores, based on statements 1-3 as listed in table I; likeability wording as listed in table 2. 9 The variable is based on the factor scores that were derived from a factor analysis of the three statements on foreigners, as listed in table I (No. 1-3).

15 130 Karl-Heinz Reuband Firstly, it is shown that education is correlated with the likeability rating of ethnic groups. People with lower education give their fellow countrymen in the Rhineland a higher rating than the more educated do, but with regard to other Gerrnans - be they Bavarians or East Gerrnans - no such relationship emerges. When it comes to foreign groups the lower educated given them a lower rating than the higher educated, regardless of whether the group comes from Western or Eastern Europe. The relationship is not as strong as with the general attitude towards foreigners, but consistent in direction. Again the Japanese stand out as an exception. In their case the correlation even reverses as it did with the rating of the Rhinelander, i.e. the reference group the people in Düsseldorf feel dosest to when it comes to regional/ethnic differentiations in Gerrnany. Secondly, age, although of importance with general anti-foreigner attitudes, does not exert the expected effect when it comes to specific groups. It has a statistically significant positive effect on the likeability rating of Germans - regardless of whether these are from the Rhineland, Bavaria or East Gerrnany. But it exerts no significant effects on other groups, except - again - the Japanese. The older people are, the more they not only like the Gerrnans, but also the Japanese. Given the fact that age and education is correlated, due to cohort membership, and makes the younger the more educated oneslo one wonders to what extent the observed relationship concerning age and education changes, once both variables are controlled for in a regression analysis. What emerges is bewildering at first sight: in the regression analysis age is not only correlated in the same way with the rating of the Rhinelander but also with the rating of foreign groups, even those not wellliked. Thus the standardized regressions coefiicicnt beta between age and liking is - 23 in case of the Rhinelander and - 18 in case of the Russians. This pattern suggests that rating of likeability - regardless of group - is a ftmction of age: older people give groups in general a more positive rating than younger respondents. In order to take this tendency into account it seems wise to modify the likeability scale: by anchoring it in the rating of the in-group, the "Rhinelander". The modified measure of likeability is based on a measure that subtracts the rating of the respective group from the rating of the "Rhinelander" group. It measures the deviation from the most positively rated group, i.e. the group to which the respondents belongs.1i 10 Expansion of higher education started in the 60s given each cohort a subsequently higher educational level. In our case age and education is correlated r= Of course a number of respondents have not been born in Düsseldorf and not even in the Rhineland. But by living there now for some time their self-image should have absorbed to a large extent the self labeling as a "Rhinelander"

16 Attitudes Towards Foreigners in East and West Gennany 131 The findings based on the revised rating of the groups are also listed in table 5: as we can see education emerges clearly as the most important variable. The lower the educational standing of the respondents, the greater is their tendency to devalue foreign ethnic groups. Except - again - in case of the Greek and the Japanese. Remarkably, also the East Gennan's rating follows the pattern of most foreign ethnic groups: The lower educated give them the lower likeability. And whereas in the first analysis based on correlations education did not have an impact on this rating it now remarkably has one, and it is statistically significant. Age, once of some significance, vanishes once education is controlled in the analysis. It neitherhas an effecton the perceptionof East Gennans- as oncewas the case- nor on the perception of the Japanese, nor of the Bavarians. But it now has one on the perception of the Greek and on the Turks: the older the respondents are, the more negatively - vis-a-vis their own group - they rank the Greek and the Turks. Whatever the reasons is12 - the fonner positive ranking of the Greeks that emerges in the analysis of the respondents as a whole is apparently underlying some restrictions: The positive ranking seems to be anchored more in some groups than in others. In contrast to them the Japanese seem to enjoy universal reputation, regardless of age and education. Neither age nor education in their case affects their rating. 7 Conclusions The study has shown that attitudes towards foreigners have both aglobai and a specific dimension. When likeability levels for different ethnic groups are assessed, there is a tendency to make distinctions between ethnic groups and not to lump them together. Some are grouped together, others not. The impact of age and education varies depending on the ethnic group in question and its position in the space of categorization. One of the most remarkable patterns that we observed was the unique position of the Japanese. They were rated very similarly to the other (West) Gennans and were closely attached to them when general attitudes towards foreigners and identification with nationals were assessed. Whether this closeness in perception is due to history, achievement orientation or the modernity of Japanese society or due to the middle and upper middle class status and behaviour ofthe Japanese in the respondents hometown Düsseldorf, we do not know. 12 To what extent also the specific scale might have an impact on the results we do not know. In a further study, that is designed as a pilot study, based on a quota sampie and face-to face-interviews, we presently also test in a metric scale (with values ITom I to 10), which allows finer gradations. We also use some probing to find out why Greeks and Japanese are so much liked.

17 132 Karl-Heinz Reuband There can be no doubt, however, that the Japanese also are held in high esteem elsewhere in Germany, including East Germany. Thus, when we did a survey in Dresden in the same year as in Düsseldorf (in similar ways methodologically, but with the inclusion of more ethnic groups), the Japanese were also attributed high likeability. They received a positive rating by 47% of the respondents which is somewhat less than in Düsseldorf and in Dresden more in line with other groups such as the Czech (45%), Italians (42%) English (47%) and French (51%). But they are more favourably perceived than the Russians (24%), Poles (19%) and Turks (19%). The West Germans, remarkably, were not so lucky to get a good rating as many of the foreign nationalities among the East Germans. Only 26% of the East German respondents considered them likeable. In contrast to that 83% rated their own native groups, the Saxonians, as likeable and 61% rated the people in the North of East Germany, from "Mecklenburg-Vorpommern" as likable. The West Germans standing according to this grading is closer to the Russians or the Poles than to the French, English or Italians. The West and the East German's view of each other can thus be partially characterized by polarization und reciprocal degradation. Inner-German differences in grading seem to be greater than differences between the respondents' native "in-group" and other nationalities.13 In fact, for a long period of time both for West- and East Germans it was easier to go abroad for holidays than to the respective other part ofgermany. Nowadays it is possible but - as we know from other data (sec also Vogel 1995, Noelle-Neumann und Köcher 2002: p.227) - this new situation has not changed the basic pattern of choosing a holiday destination. West Germans, when going on holidays, still go to places where they used to go, East Germany has not become a favourite place for them. Hence contacts between West and East Germans are sparse. Even today - or even more so in view of the high unemploymentrates there - the East Germans are perceived as the poor "brothers", upon which the West Germans tend to look 13 When a factor analysis was done with the East Gennan survey data, as in Düsseldorf - a native, East Gennan factor emerged (inc1uding the Saxonians and people from "Mecklenburg- Vorpommern"). The other two factors however, differed from the Düsseldorf factors. One was made up of East Europeans (Poles, Russians, Tcheks), but also Vietnamese and Turks. The other one represents western groups: English, French, Italians, Greek and Japanese. The Japanese and the Greek are thus not made aseparate group as in Düsseldorf. They are more part of the general group of Western foreigners. There is henceforth less cognitive differentiation among these groups - probably also due to lack of contact. East Gennans not only have lower chances than West Gennans of coming into contact with Western foreigners in their hone town. They were even shut off from them entirely in earlier communist limes, when travel to other countries was restricted to Eastern European countries.-

18 Attitudes Towards Foreigners in East and West Gennany 133 down.14 And for the East Gennans the West Gennans are still to some extent the arrogant "Besser- Wessies", who tend to pretend to know everything better. Feelings of superiority and inferiority have not finished yet and shape the reciprocal perceptions. To wh at extent the future will change this situation for the better - or worse ~ has to be seen. It does not only depend on objective social change but also on how the reality is defined by major groups and the public. References Becker, 1., Wagner, U. & Christ, O. (2007). Nationalismus und Patriotismus als Ursache der Fremdenfeindlichkeit. In: W. Heitmeyer (Ed.), Deutsche Zustände (pp ). Folge 5. Frankfurt/M.: Suhrkamp. Dillman, D. D. (2000). Mai! and Internet Surveys. The Taylored Design Method. New York: Wiley. Financial Times (2006). Ostdeutsche fühlen sich nur als Bürger zweiter Klasse. Financial Times, Ganter, S. (1998). Ursachen und Formen der Fremdenfeindlichkeit in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Bonn: Friedrich Ebert Stiftung Heitmeyer, w. (2007). Gruppenbezogene Menschenfeindlichkeit. Ein nonnaler Dauerzustand? In: W. Heitmeyer (Ed.), Deutsche Zustände (pp ). Folge 5. Frankfurt/ M.: Suhrkamp. Noelle-Neumann, E. & Köcher, R. (2002). Allensbacher Jahrbuch der Demoskopie München: K.G. Saur. Noelle, E. & Petersen, T. (2006). Eine fremde, bedrohliche Welt. Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Nr. 114, , p. 5 Reuband, K.-H. & Blasius, 1. (1996). Face-to-face, telefonische und postalische Befragungen: Ausschöpfungsquoten und Antwortmuster in einer Großstadt-Studie. Kölner Zeitschrift für Soziologie und Sozialpsychologie, pp Reuband, K.-H. (1999), Postalische Befragungen in den neuen Bundesländern. 14 The perception of being different might have also increased after reunification due to the fact that right wing extremism and violence against foreigners has been more common in East than in West Germany. Furthermore, the left-wing "POS" party, an outgrowth of the former communist party, has enjoyed great success in contrast to West Germany, where its electoral vote is negligent. This too might have encompassed feelings of estrangement.

19 134 Karl-Heinz Reuband Durchfiihrungsbedingungen, Ausschöpfungsquoten und Zusammensetzung der Befragten in einer Großstadtstudie. ZA Information, 45, pp Reuband, K.-H. (2000a). Extremismus aus sozialwissenschaftlicher Sicht. Wie sich Ost- und Westdeutsche voneinander unterscheiden. In: Sächsischer Landtag (Ed.), Runder Tisch gegen Gewalt. Foren zu Extremismus. Eine Dokumentation (pp ). Dresden: Sächsischer Landtag. Reuband, K.-H. (2000b). Telefonische und postalische Umfragen in Ostdeutschland. Auswirkungen auf die soziale Zusammensetzung und das Antwortverhalten. In: V. Hüfken (Ed.), Methoden in Telejonumfragen (pp ). Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag. Reuband, K.-H. (2001). Möglichkeiten und Probleme des Einsatzes postalischer Befragungen. Kölner Zeitschriflfiir Soziologie und Sozialpsychologie, 53, Reuband, K.-H.(2002a). Mail and telephone surveys. Their impact on responses. In: J. Blasius, Hox, J., Leeuw, E. de and Schmidt, P. (Eds.), Social science methodology in the new millennium [CD-Rom: P021403]. Opladen: Leske und Budrich. Reuband, K.-H. (2002b). "Law and Order" als neues Thema bundesdeutscher Politik? Wie es zum Wahlerfolg der Schill Partei in Hamburg kam und welche Auswirkungen dies hat. Neue Kriminalpolitik. Forumjur Praxis, Politik und Wissenschaft, 1, 2002, Taz(2006).In Deutschlandlebenzu viele Ausländer- sagen 46 Prozent der Westdeutschen und 60 Prozent der Ostdeutschen. die tageszeitung , p.l. Vogel, H. (1995). 5 Jahre Tourismusentwicklung in den neuen Bundesländern. Eine Tagung der Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung am 25. Mai Bonn: Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung. Willamowitz-Moellendort: U. (2003). Was halten die Deutschen vom Islam? Ergebnisse einer Umfrage. Arbeitspapier/Dokumentation, 109, Sankt Augustin: Konrad Adenauer Stillung. Wolf, H. E. (1973). Zur Problemsituation der Vorurteilsforschung. In: König, R. (Ed.), Handbuch der empirischen Sozialforschung. Vol. 12(pp ). Stuttgart: Enke.