Polish Institute of Source Research in Lund Sweden

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1 Polish Institute of Source Research in Lund Sweden Date of the protocol: Malmö, 12 th Dec 1945 Protocol no 50 Witness' family & given names: XXXXXXXXXX Places of internation Born on 15 th Feb 1926 Time period from / to Placed in: Prisoner data (triangle, number, letter) Notes Birth place: Kielce From: --, to: 20 th Aug 1942 Kielce Ghetto Profession: School pupil From: 20 th Aug 1942, to: 27 th June 1943 Arbeitlager ( small Ghetto ) in Kielce Nationality: Polish From: 27 th June 1943, to: October 1944 PIONKI, labour camp Citizenship: Polish From: Oct 1944, to: Dec 1944 RAVENSBRÜCK Religion: Mosaic / Jewish From: Dec 1944, to: 1 st April 1945 SIEMENS labour camp Parents names (F/M): --- From: 1 st April 1945, to: 26 th April 1945 Once more in RAVENSBRÜCK Last residence in Poland: Kielce Present residence: Lublin The testimony consists of 7 pages of handwritten text and covers the following main items: (see next page) Page 1 of 6

2 Assistant of the Institute interviewing/at the protocol: Melchior Luba. (Translation from Polish: Jan Tuszyński) 1 RECORD OF WITNESS TESTIMONY no. 50 MISS: XXXXXXXXX, Born: 15 th Feb 1926, in: Kielce Profession: School pupil Religion: Mosaic / Jewish Parents 1 st names: ---, Last place of residence in Poland: Kielce Current place of residence: Lublin Having been informed of the importance of truthful testimony, the consequences of false testimony and her responsibility to tell the truth, the witness has made the following statement: I stayed in: Kielce Ghetto, from: ---, to: 20 th Aug 1942, then, Arbeitslager ( Small Ghetto ) in Kielce, from: 20 th Aug 1942, to: 27 th June 1943, then, PIONKI labour camp, from: 27 th June 1943, to: October 1944, then, RAVENSBRÜCK, from: October 1944, to: December 1944, then, SIEMENS labour camp, from: December 1944, to: 1 st April 1945, then, Back to RAVENSBRÜCK, from: 1 st April, to: 26 th April 1945, then liberated. Asked whether in connection with my imprisonment, my work in the concentration camp, I do have any specific information about camp organization, the camp regimen, inmates work conditions, treatment of prisoners, medical and pastoral care, sanitary/hygienic conditions, and also any specific events in all aspects of the camp life, I do testify the following: The testimony consists of seven pages of handwritten text and covers the following main items: 1. Ghetto in Kielce extermination of intelligentsia, dislodgment 2. Arbeitslager Kielce board/management, extermination physicians, transportation, extermination of children 3. PIONKI arrival, steam bath, working conditions, contact with freedom, punishments, clothing, nutrition, health conditions, hygiene, work end, evacuation. 4. RAVENSBRÜCK reception, steam bath, dwelling conditions, hygienic, illegal ways to come over clothing. 5. SIEMENS camp camp description, dwelling conditions, work conditions, working days and holydays, punishments, selections, evacuation, back to RAVENSBRÜCK, liberation. 6 th of September Germans invaded KIELCE. The end of September was celebrated as Jewish holydays of New Year and Yom-Kippur. Those were days of the great holidays. All Jews were at prayer. Germans entered house of prayers, dragged out 20 men, and led them to prepared ditches. There they ordered 10-men to bury alive 10 others. After 20-minutes those buried were dug up, and forced to do the same with those of the first group. German soldiers stayed there over them 1 Translator s notes are in cursive, enclosed in parenthesis 2(6) Translation from Polish by Jan Tuszyński

3 and made photos. At nights the soldiers went to Jewish houses, beat and robbed, often raping Jewish women. It happened often in front of men and children. The Ghetto was opened in May All Jews were forced in 5 minutes to move over (leave), which obviously did allow gathering of very few belongings. In the Ghetto Germans frequently raided Jews each raid resulting in looting, robbery, murder, raping, etc. One German soldier, SS-man, often beset Jewish houses (they said he was executioner by profession). When finding anybody in bed he shot. In 1942 in Ghetto they had a special action to round physicians, engineers and lawyers. Germans had a list of the working intelligentsia. They entered homes, dragged victims outdoors and shot them to death just at the house port. 20 th August 1942 started evacuation. It was organized streetwise, and took place in 4 days. Young and healthy were selected and placed in synagogue. Elderly and children were executed on the spot, thrown out off the windows. All the rest were hoarded to trains. They forced 250 persons to gas cars (it is not clear what is meant here; probably cars where people were executed by exhausts). Shelter with 300 Jewish children, executed on the square by machine guns. In the hospital all patients were poisoned. After concluding this kind of displacement those left over alive were forced under German guard to tore out golden teeth from the corpses, cut off fingers with rings and ears with earrings. All corpses were buried then in a common ditch. All those forced to work were lined-up and executed by machine guns. Those alive were located in a small district (of two streets) at the town outskirts, forming Arbeitslager. Every morning Jews of that camp were taken to work at the quarries, to iron works and to the sawmill. It was a heavy labour and all had to work. Internal camp management of the original Ghetto was terminated at the main dislodgement. Those left over from the old Judenrat took over local authority in the newly established Arbeitslager. So called low and order in the camp was left over to the Jewish police. There were numerous casualties at the police. Germans murdered policemen for helping Jews. Policemen refused frequently to execute German orders, not willing to send people to death. 20 th March 1943 the action on the survived Jewish physicians was repeated. They were ordered to collect their medical instruments and their families. They were informed to be transported to the other camp lacking medical services. They were taken instead to the cemetery where the same day all were executed. 27 th June 1943 send-out to other labour camps was carried through. They send to Skarżysko and PIONKI, both gun powder manufactories. At that occasion they gathered left over children, gave them toys, and after children calmed down and playing they mowed them down with machine guns. Children felt intuitively that they go to die. One of them, nine years old girl, turned over to the Hauptman GEIER leading that action, begging him for life trying to convince him that she is young, will live and is capable to work. He responded kicking her in the stomach; the girl fell down and fainted. GEIER ordered to revive her, then shot her down. Small group of Jews remained in KIELCE, those working in LUDWIKOWO. We were transported to PIONKI, escorted by Werkschutz. They were Ukrainians serving in German army. PIONKI was the Jewish camp, established for Jews working at the gun powder factory. The camp was wire-fenced, guarded by armed Ukrainians, so called Wacha. Boss over them was a SS-man. In front of the camp was a steam bath, where we were taken in, undressed and searched. Our worse underwear and cloths were left over but anything better was taken away. At the steam bath we were demanded to hand over any gold or diamonds (presume she meant jewellery). We naturally insisted having nothing left. Ukrainians beat us then viciously. 3(6) Translation from Polish by Jan Tuszyński

4 Our transport group consisted of 600 persons; ca 200 men and 400 women. Women and men were separated in the camp, dwelling in common barracks. The beds were of three levels. For mixing up with men the threat was hair cutting, or brutal beating. On our arrival to PIONKI, the camp had 700 inhabitants. New transports arrived continuously just up to 4000 persons. They were Jews only from the surrounding Jewish districts. Poles worked in the factory, but reminding on the free foot. We worked three 8-hours shifts. The work was heavy and dangerous. Numerous accidents, explosions and injuries, blisters. We were beaten at work, but it was by initiative of German foremen. We were harassed at every step. Slightest infraction led often to cutting off hair, 24 hours shift without breaks, bunkers. During bunker penalty they beat us viciously and left over without food. Those penalties were given for example for wearing armband (Jewish workers wore armbands to be distinguished from Poles) too low or too high. Punishments were executed by Ukrainians. For killing a Jew, the Ukrainian was rewarded by Germans with two packages of cigarettes and 1 litre of vodka. They were looking then for any occasion. When in the night anybody went out to toilet, Ukrainians led the person to the wire-fence, shot him/her down there, pretending that the person tried to escape. Initially our dresses were not marked, we wore armbands only. Later on crosses were painted on our cloths. Every month selections were repeated diseased and weak were sorted out and led to the woods to be killed. Nutrition was not sufficient: coffee (of grain) in the morning, twice a day watery soup, 1 kg of bread per week, 10 dag (decagram) of marmalade, 5 dag sugar. Those having clothes (over?) could buy in (complementary rations). Food for clothes. Carrying food over was coupled with great risks we were searched twice on the road from work to the camp. If caught, Ukrainians flogged us, 25 whips on the naked body, or twisted our arms. Those whose resources ended, starved to death. There were numerous cases of starvation and a lot lung diseases. The (poisonous) gas (from the factory) stayed in lungs. The factory was 3 km away; we marched to the camp completely exhausted, forced to sing. Hygienic conditions were wretched. We got no soap and water was far away; you had really to fight for that, which we could hardly afford. Medical care was there, but only single physician for the whole camp. Exemptions from work were seldom and dangerous. During special actions those not working were controlled, and if on sick leave too often, executed. Accordingly the Revir (sick bay) was avoided. At Sundays, when free, Ukrainians forced us to serve them privately. We had to clean up, do laundry, etc. Coexistence between prisoners was good, we helped each other. We had no books, we did not read in the camp. At work Poles smuggled often newspapers to us, which we read in the toilets reading newspapers was of course forbidden. Vodka in factory was easily available, we drank little but often, despite ban on that. We had no case of typhus in the camp, which we accounted just to vodka. In July 1944 the front battle line neared, we could hear detonations. Work in the factory came to an end supplies no longer available. Finally we were not allowed to work, we were hold in the camp a week, without food and water. A lot of us rushed to escape. They were (often) caught (which led to) a lot of victims. After a week, 200 persons were selected to work, there my husband as well. That group got an order to shut down the factory. Evacuation (of the camp) began. Those left over in the camp were transported to AUSCHWITZ. I hid in the toilet assuming that my husband will return from the factory, and then we would join again. My husband did not return, but I managed to get through to him. He worked at the ramp, removing machinery. The machines from gun powder manufactory were loaded on railway for transport to Germany. The situation was again uncertain. We decided to escape, and escaped to woods. After 4(6) Translation from Polish by Jan Tuszyński

5 two weeks we were caught and taken to ORANIENBURG. Men were left to stay there, and women sent to RAVENSBRÜCK. We were 25 persons altogether. We arrived to RAVENSBRÜCK October In the camp we were led to steam bath, redressed and our hair cut off. We got numbers and yellow stars, as Jewish; my number We got thin frocks, no underwear, and clogs on feet, so called dutchwear ( Holland wear ). I was a month in the camp. In RAVENSBRÜCK conditions were dreadful: four on the same bed 3-level beds placed very tightly. Aufseher (security guard) of our block bullied us carrying continuously inspections. We got no soap rations, and we tried to manage it someway. When the Aufseher found soap or comb she beat us viciously. I tried primarily to be released from RAVENSBRÜCK. I wanted to be assigned to work, assuming better conditions in labour camps. I cared mainly to get more cloths, it was cold and I had no underwear. I bought underwear and stockings paying with bread. Through a fortnight I ate no bread, exchanging all I got for cloths. The line-ups were dreadfully long, winds tore off our heads. I was hairless, and one was beaten for wearing head wraps. In December I was assigned to work at the SIEMENS factory and moved over to the labour camp close by. It was a factory formally manufacturing electrical gadgets, apparently they manufactured armament. The camp was established close to the factory. The camp was wire-fenced, wires electrified. The camp was small, comprising 4 lodging blocks, the fifth block was Waschraum (washrooms) and toilets. Hygienic conditions were acceptable we could wash ourselves any time after the work. Living blocks were of varying size. Beds there were of 2-levels type, each of us got a bed, pallet and blanket. Blocks were reasonably clean. Nutrition better then in RAVENSBRÜCK: bread ration was the same as there, i.e. initially 30 dag, later on reduced to 18 dag, but soups were quite good and clean. We were waked up at 4:00 am, we got coffee (of grain) line-up at 5:00 am, and going to work at 6:00 am. At 12:00 we had one hour dinner break. We ate dinner in the camp (just aside the factory) and at 1:00 pm started working again until 6:00 pm, then line-up, relatively short and then free for a day. Every second week we had a night shift. It started at 7:00 pm and ended at 6:00 am. At midnight half an hour break. The night shifts were very tiring, sight was because of lighting strained. The work was generally not so heavy but demanding a lot of attention for precision requiring tasks. We were assigned the norm to fulfil, and were punished if not able to deliver. Premiums were available, but never used by us. Aufsehers watched us working, never allowing to rest it was very tiring. Aufseher beat us if judging our work not satisfactory. We were not allowed to leave to toilet. We got only special time assigned to it: twice per night, group-wise only. It was for us tragedy girls because of cold had often bladder infections and a lot suffered of bad stomach. Foremen (female) were for us rather nasty, never satisfied despite our efforts to please. Relations with civilian foremen, because of political changes, improved. They excused themselves by being forced to work as well, being watched and controlled and having no food as well. Aufsehers moved other way around, while it got worse on the battle field they got more vicious to us. The factory did not operate on Sundays, but we had to work in commander s garden, never having free days. Coexistence between prisoners was good. Prisoners were of various nationalities: Dutch, Belgian, French, Czechs, Poles, Germans and Jewish, Hungarian, Russian and Yugoslavs. The Germans had privileges. One German block leader stood up with poor relation to prisoners. The camp commander was not so bad, often paying attention to our requests, but he had his whims. Some Sunday, when working in commander s garden, one girl laughed to an other. The 5(6) Translation from Polish by Jan Tuszyński

6 commander appeared, and insisted that the girl made fun of him. Our explanations did not help and the whole camp was punished by a day without food, and line-up through half a day. Offence of one led to group punishment of all. It was offence as well when we wanted wash dirty hands when working Aufseher reported and whole camp was punished. In SIEMENS camp we had a selection once they sorted out older persons having injured legs, or those generally weak. Those sorted out were send back to RAVENSBRÜCK to the crematorium. SIEMENS camp had no medical assistance, only at the end they organised sick bay for less sick. Those seriously diseased were send to RAVENSBRÜCK. In March changes got noticeable. Work at the factory got less efficient, necessary supplies were missing. Rumours circulated about nearing front battle line. The 1 st of April, night time, we all were woken up and led off the camp to RAVENSBRÜCK. There was chaos all over, food was missing, but we got Red Cross parcels. One could feel that the end was close. Parcels after all were not so helpful we started to be ill. The factory work was abandoned. 24 th of April 1945 order was issued, that all Polish Jews shall register. We were placed in Strafblok. No food was available, no access to toilets. We were viciously beaten at the lineups. We suspected that they will send us to crematorium, despite the rumours of liberation. All chicanery was so overwhelming that we could not believe to get lucky. 26 th of April we were led off the Strafblok, the police tore off our marks and numbers, we got Red Cross parcels and we were led off the camp. We did not know where to. Outside the camp white busses of the Swedish Red Cross waited for us, we were free. We could not believe it and tried to get sure by asking chauffeurs, and at that last moment the Aufsehers shouted at us, called us names, not allowing our contacts with chauffeurs. Protocol by: Read, signed, accepted: (-) (-) Luba Melchior XXXXXXXXXX Institute Assistant The witness Comments of the person taking the record: The witness giving testimony is trustworthy, tries to follow the facts (to be truthful), does not exaggerate. (-) Luba Melchior Institute Assistant Witnessing compliance of the copy with the (hand-written) original. / signature of Luba Melchior / Institute Assistant Stamp of the Institute 6(6) Translation from Polish by Jan Tuszyński