Gender Gender Equality

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1 DIRECTORATE-GENERAL FOR INTERNAL POLICI POLICY DEPARTMENT C CIZENS RIGHTS AND CONSTUTIONAL AFFAIRS Constitutional Affairs Justice, Freedom and Security Gender Gender Equality Legal and Parliamentary Affairs Petitions THE SUATION OF WOMEN ON EU ISLANDS STUDY EN FR 29

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3 DIRECTORATE GENERAL FOR INTERNAL POLICI POLICY DEPARTMENT C: CIZENS' RIGHTS AND CONSTUTIONAL AFFAIRS GENDER EQUALY The situation of women on EU islands STUDY Abstract This study aims to provide an analysis of the situation of women living on EU islands focusing on the situation of women in fifteen island regions belonging to six member States (Greece, Spain, France, Italy, Portugal and Finland) and on three specific areas: the access to employment, education and healthcare. The objective of the study is to identify whether the situation of women living on islands is more difficult than that of women living on the mainland or than that of men living on islands. PE EN 3

4 This document was requested by the European Parliament's Committee on Women's Rights and Gender Equality. AUTHORS The analysis presented in this report was carried out by a team directed by Terry Ward and coordinated by Nicole Fondeville-Gaoui. The team also included Nirina Rabemiafara and Fadila Sanoussi. Valuable comments were provided by Maria Stratigaki (Panteion University, Greece). RPONSIBLE ADMINISTRATOR Ms Hélène CALERS Policy Department Citizens' Rights and Constitutional Affairs European Parliament B-147 Brussels poldep-citizens@europarl.europa.eu LINGUISTIC VERSIONS Original: EN Translation: FR ABOUT THE EDOR To contact the Policy Department or to subscribe to its monthly newsletter please write to: poldep-citizens@europarl.europa.eu Manuscript completed in May 29. Brussels, European Parliament, 29. This document is available on the Internet at: DISCLAIMER The opinions expressed in this document are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily represent the official position of the European Parliament. Reproduction and translation for non-commercial purposes are authorized, provided the source is acknowledged and the publisher is given prior notice and sent a copy. 4

5 The situation of women on EU islands Final Report

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7 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The potential disadvantages experienced by the resident population of islands have been recognised for some time, most recently in a Resolution by the European Parliament on 21 February 28 1, which underlined the importance of boosting the regional potential and attractiveness of EU islands. In a further Resolution of 2 May 28 2, the Parliament pointed to the importance of public services for economic, social and territorial cohesion in the outermost regions (in such areas as air and sea transport, postal services, energy and communications) and the urgent need to adopt measures aimed at combating endemic unemployment, poverty and income inequality. This report represents an assessment of the situation of women in 15 EU island regions in Greece, Spain, France, Italy, Portugal and Finland, based mainly on a detailed examination of the latest available statistics. The regions in question are: - Ionia Nisia, Voreio Aigaio, Notio Aigaio and Kriti in Greece - Illes Balears and Canarias in Spain - Corse, Guadeloupe, Martinique and La Réunion in France, - Sicilia and Sardegna in Italy - Região Autónoma dos Açores and Região Autónoma da Madeira in Portugal - Åland in Finland The central question addressed is whether women living in these island regions are disadvantaged in particular aspects of their lives both in relation to men in the regions and in relation to women in mainland regions and if so in what ways. The report depicts a contrasting picture of the situation of women on EU islands, which makes it difficult to draw general conclusions about the extent of disadvantage associated with living on islands as such. In four of the six countries studied, the exceptions being Portugal and Finland, both GDP per head (which measures the income generated) and household disposable income (which measures the income going to households which they then have available to spend) are lower on islands than on the mainland according to the latest data (for 25). The difference is particularly wide in France and Italy. In Italy, however, the income level is similar to that in the Southern mainland regions, if much less than in the North of the country. In Spain, the difference between the mainland and the islands was relatively small in this respect indeed Illes Balears have higher levels of both GDP per head and household disposable income than mainland Spain. The most disadvantaged regions in terms of access to income are the islands regions among the French overseas departments (Guadeloupe, Martinique and La Réunion) together with Ionia Nisia in Greece where in both cases household disposable income was almost half that of the respective mainland regions in 25. On the other hand, both the economic situation, in terms of the income generated, and the purchasing power of households, in terms of the income they have to spend, seem better 1 European Parliament s Resolution of 21 February 28 on the fourth report on economic and social cohesion (27/2148(INI)). 2 European Parliament s Resolution of 2 May 28 on the strategy for the outermost regions: achievements and future prospects (28/21(INI)). iii

8 on islands, in this case in Madeira (less so in Açores) and Åland, than on the mainland in Portugal and Finland. The structure of the population tends to be slightly different on islands as compared with the mainland, reflecting differential rates of migration among men and women of different ages, which in turn reflects the availability of both education and vocational training beyond basic schooling and suitable employment opportunities. There are, therefore, fewer people of working age in relation to total population on the islands in most of the countries. The exceptions are Finland and France, where in the overseas islands this reflects a relatively high birth rate and a correspondingly larger proportion of the population made up of young people as well as those of working age. Within working-age population, women represent a much larger proportion of those aged in the three island regions among the French overseas departments than in mainland France (53.4% as compared with 5.3% in 26). Nevertheless, apart from Sicilia, all EU islands experienced a net inflow of people of working age, most of them from outside the EU over the period 2-25 in the same way as most mainland regions. The inflow was largest by far in the Spanish islands as it was in mainland Spain where new arrivals added over 14% to working-age population (slightly more to the male population than to that of women). Access to employment varies significantly between EU islands. While the share of women of working age in employment is virtually the same in islands and on the mainland in Greece and Spain, only 44.5% of women aged on French islands were in employment in 27 as against almost 6% in mainland France. Accordingly, the unemployment rate of women is significantly higher on the islands (22% as against 8.5% in 27). The comparison is even more extreme in Italy where only just over 3% of women of working age are in employment in Sicilia and Sardegna as against almost half of those on the mainland, with unemployment among women more than double the rate on the latter. For those women who are employed on islands, the public sector represents a major source of employment in four of the countries (Italy, Portugal, France and Finland), much more so than on the mainland. This is particularly the case for women with tertiary level education (those with university degrees or the equivalent). More than half of women in Corse with this level of education were, therefore, employed in public administration in 27 as compared with only just over 1% on the mainland, while around six out of ten women were employed in health and social services in Åland, twice the proportion in mainland Finland. In Voreio Aigaio, nearly 44% of women with tertiary education were employed in education as against 32% on mainland Greece. In many cases, those women not employed in the public sector work in the tourist industry. This is so even for those with tertiary qualifications on Greek and Spanish islands. In Illes Balears, for example, 11.5% of women with tertiary education are employed in hotels and restaurants and in Canarias, some 7% as compared with fewer than 4% on mainland Spain. Moreover, in Canarias, over 21% of women with this level of qualification are employed in low skill jobs, significantly more than on the mainland (though similar to the proportion for men on the island), reflecting perhaps a lack of suitable jobs requiring higher skill levels. In all the countries apart from Portugal, the prevalence of temporary working is greater on islands than on the mainland, though fewer women in work are employed part-time on iv

9 islands than on the mainland in Spain, France, Italy and Portugal. And those that do often do so because they cannot find a full-time job or are compelled to work part-time because of caring responsibilities. (In the French islands, 61% of women working part-time reported doing so because of the lack of full-time jobs, twice the proportion in mainland France; on the Portuguese islands, almost half the women working part-time report doing so because of the need to look after children or adults with disabilities or because of other family or personal responsibilities, as against 36% of women living in mainland Portugal.) The lack of care facilities, indeed, seems to be a problem in a number of cases, limiting the ability of women to work full-time or even to work at all. In the Spanish islands, therefore, over 7% of women report not looking for a job or not working full-time because of the lack of suitable and/or affordable childcare care facilities, over 1 percentage points more than on the mainland, where the problem is still significant. In all countries, there are more people with low educational attainment levels on the islands than on the mainland and fewer with tertiary or university level education. Nevertheless, women tend to be better educated than their male counterparts both on the islands and on the mainland. The largest gender difference is observed on Portuguese islands where around 12.5% of women aged have tertiary qualifications as against just 6% of men. The rate of early school leaving among women also tends to be higher on the Portuguese and Greek islands than on the mainland, though it is still the case that more men than women drop out of school before obtaining adequate qualifications in island regions as well as in mainland ones. On the other hand, in the majority of countries, the exceptions being Italy and Portugal, employment rates of women with low education (i.e. with only basic schooling) are higher on islands than on the mainland, which is to a large extent due to the relatively high demand for low skilled workers in agriculture and tourism. In Greece in particular, some 19% of all women in employment work in hotels and restaurants, over three times the proportion on the mainland, while another 16% are employed in agriculture, 5% more than on the mainland. The situation is similar in Spain, where 17.5% of women in work are employed in hotels and restaurants in the island regions, twice the proportion on the mainland. Access to healthcare on islands also seems to be less in many cases than on the mainland. Although in most countries there are no major differences between islands and the mainland as regards the availability of hospital beds in relation to the size of population (in both Spain and Portugal, it is slightly higher), in the French overseas islands, availability is significantly less (only just over half that in mainland France). (On La Réunion, the number of beds is less than half that in mainland France in relation to population). Except for Italy, however, the number of practising physicians in relation to population is lower on islands than on the mainland in all countries. This is reflected in surveys of access to healthcare, where both men and women living on islands in Greece and Spain report having more difficulty obtaining care or treatment (because of long waiting lists, having to travel too far or not knowing any good doctor or specialist), than those living on the mainland. v

10 The report ends with several recommendations for future action. 1. The limited nature of employment opportunities for women on many of the islands suggests the need not only for an increased rate of job creation but also for the jobs to be created in the private sector, which might beneficially be accompanied and assisted by more women being encouraged to start up their own businesses. There is also a case for encouraging the employment of women in sectors which are traditionally male dominated, though this extends equally to mainland regions across the EU. 2. More efforts are needed to help women reconcile their working lives with their family responsibilities. The much greater provision of affordable childcare services are an essential part of this and these need to cover not only very young children but older children in school so that women can, if they wish, work full-time rather than part-time. 3. The influx of new arrivals into island regions has increased markedly in many cases in recent years and there is an urgent need to do more to make it easier for them to integrate into society as well as to find decent jobs. 4. Given the widespread lack of education and vocational training facilities for young people on islands, the ability of students to go to the mainland to study or train should be increased through the development of financial aids or, alternatively, more suitable facilities should be provided on the islands concerned (which could involve more extensive use of distance learning). 5. The use of information and communication technologies should be promoted in order to provide better communication between islands or to make it possible for young people living on the remotest islands to participate in education programmes as well as, perhaps, for people generally, to access healthcare services remotely. 6. More effort should be made to reduce early school leaving particularly on Portuguese and Greek islands, which along with the lack of higher education facilities, is reflected in the lower levels of educational attainment on the islands than on the mainland. Healthcare services in some cases are in urgent need of development if women and men living on islands are to enjoy the same level of access to treatment and care as those living in mainland regions. This is particularly so for the French overseas islands, and in particular for La Réunion, where the number of hospital beds is considerably smaller than elsewhere in France and where the recent outbreak of the chikungunya disease has added to the need for healthcare services. At the same time, measures should be improved, in the form, for example, of more financial support, to make it more possible for people to travel to the mainland for treatment; and data on access of women living on islands to healthcare services should be developed. vi

11 Table of Contents EXECUTIVE SUMMARY... III INTRODUCTION... 1 SECTION ONE DEMOGRAPHIC AND ECONOMIC SUATION IN EU ISLANDS 5 1 Demographic aspects Overall population structure Age pyramids Share of women in the population The role of migration Economic situation GDP per head Disposable income...14 SECTION TWO ACCS TO EMPLOYMENT, EDUCATION AND HEALTHCARE ON EU ISLANDS The labour market Employment rates Sectors of activity Unemployment and activity rates Professional status Temporary jobs Part-time employment Living on islands but working elsewhere Education Educational attainment levels Participation in education and training and early school leaving Employment rates and unemployment rates by education level Healthcare Healthcare facilities and staff Unmet need for health care...5 CONCLUSION AND POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS REFERENC DATA AVAILABILY AND RIABILY ANNEX TABL LIST OF FIGUR vii

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13 INTRODUCTION EU islands, which include the outermost islands (Açores, Canarias, Guadeloupe, Madeira, Martinique and La Réunion), are varied in term of their geographical location, size, density of population, climate and other economic and social features, such as their levels of GDP per head, the structure of economic activity, the education levels of the work force and so on. Their insular nature, however, sets them apart from other regions and could be regarded as a disadvantage in terms of its implications for economic development, insofar as it represents an immediate obstacle to accessibility and a potential barrier to close integration with other areas. On the other hand, the same inherent characteristic can be an advantage so far as tourism is concerned. Moreover, in many cases, EU islands have seen significant changes in both natural demographic trends and migration inflows which have served to stimulate, but at the same time to threaten, their economic and social development. The overall objective of the study is to examine whether or not the situation of women on EU islands is more difficult in particular regards than in other parts of the European Union. Accordingly, the concern is to compare the situation of women on selected EU islands essentially those for which sufficient data exist to make the analysis possible with that of women on the respective mainland. In the case of Italy, the situation of women living on islands is compared with that of their counterparts living in the Southern regions (rest of Mezzogiorno 3 ) in order to isolate the disadvantages which stem from regions being islands from other characteristics. A further concern is to assess whether inequalities between men and women to the extent that they exist are more or less marked than on the mainland. The study covers all 15 EU islands regions defined at NUTS 2 level in the EU: from islands located in the Mediterranean Sea or in the Baltic Sea to outermost island regions located in the Caribbean or in the Indian Ocean. Ionia Nisia is composed by seven major islands and many smaller, which are off west coast of Greece in Ionian Sea. Voreio Aigaio and Notio Aigaio are composed of group of Greek islands located respectively in North Aegean and South Aegean Sea, and Kriti is the largest of the Greek islands and the fifth largest island in the Mediterranean Sea. Illes Balears are a Mediterranean archipelago with five major islands and Canarias, a Spanish archipelago located in the Atlantic Ocean. The French island regions covered here are Corse, Guadeloupe, Martinique and La Réunion. Corse is a Mediterranean island located near the mainland, whereas the three other islands are French overseas departments located in the Caribbean (Guadeloupe, Martinique) and in the Indian Ocean (La Réunion). Sicilia and Sardegna are the Italian islands covered: they are respectively the largest island and the second-largest island in the Mediterranean Sea. Moreover, Região Autónoma dos Açores and Região Autónoma da Madeira, which are both Portuguese archipelagos in the Atlantic Ocean, and Åland (a Finnish archipelago in the Baltic Sea), are also covered. The analysis focuses on three areas: employment, education and healthcare. The access of women living on EU islands to these three domains is investigated to assess whether, and to what extent, women are disadvantaged by living where they do in relation to those living on the mainland, and the major factors which seem responsible for this. The 3 The rest of Mezzogiorno includes Abruzzo, Molise, Campania, Puglia, Basilicata and Calabria. 1

14 approach adopted is mainly statistical to use the latest data available to compare the situation of women on islands with those in mainland regions though the various studies which have been carried out on this general issue are used in order to gain more of an insight into the nature of any disadvantages and to help interpret the results of the data analysis. At the same time, since the data compiled and analysed are usually more up-todate than those on which previous studies are based, or relate to a later period of time than they refer to, the data are also used to check the validity of the conclusions reached by these previous studies and to see whether or not the situation has changed since they were undertaken. Accordingly, some of the results of the data analysis are not necessarily entirely in line with the main points to emerge from the studies or with the widely-held beliefs which they have helped to engender. In particular, the analysis demonstrates that while women on islands are often at a disadvantage as compared with those living on the mainland, in a number of cases, they do not seem to be. Moreover, in some cases where their disadvantage is evident, this does not necessarily arise from them living on an island as such but more from them living in a lagging, or less developed, region which happens to be an island, This is particularly so as regards those living in the Italian islands of Sicilia and Sardegna, where although their situation in most relevant respects is inferior to that of women in mainland Italy taken as a whole, it is very similar to that of those living in southern Italian regions on the mainland. Accordingly, in this case, it is not clear that policies need to be developed specifically to improve the situation on the two islands concerned i.e. to be targeted at the insular nature of the problems they face as opposed to improving the situation in the south of Italy as a whole. The first part of the analysis presents an overview of the general economic and social situation in the islands concerned, in terms of the structure of population and the level of economic development or economic prosperity as measured by GDP per head and disposable household income per head. This, accordingly, gives an indication, first, of the differences in the relatively number of women and men of different ages in the islands as compared with the mainland, which has potential effects on their economic potential as well as reflecting differences in patterns of migration, and, secondly, of both the income generated on islands as compared to the mainland and the income, or purchasing power, which the people living there have access to. The second part of the analysis investigates the access of women living in the selected islands to employment. Several aspects are examined, including employment rates, the gender gap in employment, activity rates, unemployment rates, and, in the case of those not working, the reasons for not searching for a job. The extent of self-employment and the types of employment contract of employees (i.e. the prevalence of temporary contracts as opposed to more permanent ones) are also examined along with the number working part-time and, the reasons for so doing, focusing in particular on the link with childcare availability, as well as the extent of commuting between islands and the mainland. The third part of the analysis focuses on the access to education of women living on the islands concerned and, once educated, the types of job they tend to take up. The analysis covers the division of men and women by educational attainment level the proportion with qualifications beyond compulsory schooling and the relative number who have gone to complete tertiary, or university, education The employment and unemployment rates of men and women living on islands as opposed to the mainland are compared by education 2

15 level to see the extent of any disadvantage suffered by those with a given level of qualification on islands compared with the mainland. The sectors of activity in which women on islands tend to work are also compared with those in which women work on the mainland to see the extent to which they might be limited in their choice of job because of islands having a relatively narrow structure of their economies. In addition, the occupations which women have are compared as well, focusing in particular on women with tertiary education to see how far the opportunities for them to make effective use of their qualifications are available if they live on an island or whether, alternatively, the evidence suggests that they are obliged to work in occupations for which they are over qualified. To the extent that the latter is the case, then it is likely that they are enjoying neither the satisfaction which comes from doing a challenging job nor the earnings which go with it. The other broad issue covered in this respect is the extent of participation in upper secondary and tertiary education of young women and men aged under 25 and how far this varies between those living on islands and their counterparts on the mainland. The relative number dropping out of school before obtaining at least an upper secondary level qualification is also examined and compared between the two groups of women, as is the number of those aged 25 and over participating in lifelong learning once they are in employment. The former gives an indication of the possible disadvantage which women on islands might experience in terms of the schools they attend or the lack of opportunity, or motivation, they might have for continuing their education. The latter gives an indication, on the one hand, of whether employers on islands tend to provide the opportunity for continuing training to the same extent as those on the mainland and, on the other, how far women living on islands are willing to take up training opportunities. The final part of the analysis is concerned with the access of women to healthcare. This is the most problematic part of the study because of the lack of reliable and comparable statistics at regional level. It is, therefore, based on a limited number of indicators, in particular the number of health personnel and hospital beds in relation to the population, which provides some guide to the availability of health care for women and men living on islands in relation to those living elsewhere. Information from the EU-SILC (the Statistics on Income and Living Conditions) was also used to give some guide to the health status of women and the extent to which they have difficulty accessing treatment if they live on islands. 3

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17 Section One DEMOGRAPHIC AND ECONOMIC SUATION IN EU ISLANDS This introductory section provides background information on the similarities and differences between island and mainland regions in the European Union in terms of the age structure of population and the economic situation, which helps to put the issue of access to employment, education and healthcare into perspective as well as giving an indication of the income which those on islands have access to. The first part summarises the demographic features of EU island regions, examining both the difference in gender and age composition between these and mainland regions. It also indicates the extent of migration flows into and out of the islands and how they are divided between men and women as well as their effect on the age structure of the population and what they imply about the underlying forces involved. The second part considers the economic strength or weakness of the islands as reflected in the level of GDP per head relative to that in mainland regions. It also compares the average level of household disposable income of people living on the islands with that in regions elsewhere in the country concerned. 1 Demographic aspects 1.1 Overall population structure The latest available data show that in 27, women seemed to be relatively more numerous on the mainland regions than on islands in half of the countries considered here (Greece, Spain and Finland), though the extent of the difference remains limited across all countries. As in the rest of the European Union, women accounted in 27 for just over half of the total population in the six Member States analysed in this study. The share of women does not vary much across the countries considered here: around 5.5% in Greece and Spain up to 51.6% in Portugal (Table 1 in annex). But the difference is greater for islands. For instance, in the Greek Aegean islands (Notio Aigaio and Voreio Aigaio), only just under 48.5% of the total population are women, compared to about 53% in the French overseas departments of Martinique and Guadeloupe and in the Portuguese archipelago of Madeira. In Greece, Spain and Finland, women make up a smaller proportion of the population on islands than they do on the mainland whereas the reverse is true in France, Italy and Portugal. The most notable difference is in Greece where just under 49.5% of people living on islands are women compared to just over 5.5% on the mainland. The difference between island regions and the mainland in this regard is smaller below 1 percentage point in Finland, Spain and France, and almost non-existent in Italy and Portugal. The fact that men seem to be relatively more numerous on the Spanish islands than on the mainland is linked to the particularly large net inward migration 4 into these islands, which 4 Data on net migration are derived from population data and death rates (see section 1.4 below for more details). 5

18 added over 15% to the number of men of working age over the period 2-25 as compared with just over 13% to that of women (Table 2 in annex). In general, there is a rough balance between men and women except in the more advanced age groups, reflecting the longer life expectancy of women. Indeed, the share of women exceeds 6% in the 75+ age group in all countries (except Greece where it is only slightly below) and almost 66% in Finland (Table 3 in annex). A comparison of the population structure in 27 between islands and the mainland indicates that the largest differences are among people above retirement age, as described in the next section. 1.2 Age pyramids For both women and men, the proportion of young persons in island regions is larger than on the mainland in all countries, apart from Finland, and conversely, the share of older people, as well as those of working age, tends to be smaller, though not in Finland and Greece. The reason lies partly in the higher birth rates on islands and partly perhaps in older people to some extent moving to the mainland for medical treatment. In some cases, the relative number of women and men in their 2s is also smaller on islands as they move to the mainland to continue their education or for their first job experience. The age pyramids comparing the age structure of population in the island regions to that on the mainland in each of the six countries show some interesting features (Figures 1a to 1f). First, the share of young people as a proportion of total population is higher in island regions than in mainland ones in all countries, except Finland, partly reflecting the fact that birth rates are generally higher in the former (see Table 4 in annex) and the relative number of older people smaller. Differences between islands and the mainland are most pronounced in France and Portugal, with a similar picture for both men and women. The proportion of girls is around 1 percentage point higher than on the mainland in the case of 1-14 year-olds in France and the same is the case for year-olds in Portugal. Young people also account for a larger proportion of the population on islands in Greece (though only up to the age of 15-19), Italy (up to the age of 25-29) and Spain (up to the age of 4-44). The proportion of women of working age in total population, however, tends to be smaller on islands than on the mainland. Since this is also the case for men, it means that dependency rates (the number of those above and below working age relative to population of working age) are higher on islands than on the mainland. In France, women aged 2-29 represent a smaller proportion of population on islands than on the mainland but not in older age groups, which suggests an outward movement to the mainland among those in their 2s, perhaps for education or first job experience purposes. The same is true for men, though for them it is the 2-34 age group for which this is the case, suggesting that men tend to stay away longer than women before returning. 6

19 Fig.1a Greece: age pyramid in 27 % of total population Fig.1b Spain: age pyramid, 27 % of total population Men Women Men Women Fig.1c France: age pyramid, % of total population Men Women Fig.1e Portugal: age pyramid, 27 % of total population Fig.1d Italy: age pyramid, % of total population Men Women Fig.1f Finland: age pyramid, 27 % of total population Men Women Men Women The case of Finland is similar. Again women and men aged 2-29 make up a smaller proportion of population on the islands than on the mainland, almost certainly reflecting the outward migration of people of this age to continue their education. Apart from the Open University (which offers distance learning to students who are not physically on site ), there is no traditional university as such on the Åland islands, the smallest province in Finland. This is confirmed by the figures for net migration which show an outward movement of 13% of women aged 2-24 and of 9% of men over the period 2-25 (see Table 2 in annex). 7

20 1.3 Share of women in the population The share of women in working-age population in the island regions is markedly higher than on the mainland only in France, where it reflects the importance of outward migration among men as well as the gender structure of inward migration. Among those aged 75 and over, the proportion of women (which is well above 5% in all countries reflecting the higher life expectancy among women in general) is, except in Portugal, generally smaller on the islands than on the mainland. Figure 2 shows that in France, women living on islands represent 53.4% of those aged as compared with 5.3% on the mainland and a similar, if slightly smaller, difference is evident for the 5-64 age group. This reflects the scale of outward migration among men as well as the disproportionate number of women among those migrating into the islands. Although there are no figures of net migration for the outermost islands, the data for Corse indicate both a significant inflow of migrants of working-age and a disproportion number of women among them. This is especially the case for those aged 25-34, where women moving onto the island (including those returning after a period away) added some 17-18% to the population in this age group, while men moving in added around 1% (see Table 2 in annex). Fig.2 Share of women in the age group, % of total population aged FR Sud () PT FI Åland Data for France refer to 26. Sud (): Abruzzo, Molise, Campania, Puglia, Basilicata, Calabria. In Greece where, unlike France, the overall share of women is smaller on islands than on the mainland, the extent of the difference for the age group is also relatively large about 2 percentage points. Elsewhere, the proportion of women in this age group is very similar on islands and on the mainland. 8

21 Fig.3 Share of women aged 75 and over, % of total population aged 75 and over FR Sud () PT FI Åland Data for France refer to 26. Sud (): Abruzzo, Molise, Campania, Puglia, Basilicata, Calabria. As would be expected, the overall share of women among the elderly is generally higher than among younger age groups and the share increases with age, reflecting the longer life expectancy of women. In all Member States except Portugal, however, the share of women in the population aged 75 and over is smaller on islands than on the mainland. The reason for this is unclear. It may, for example, reflect higher life expectancy among men on islands or perhaps a greater tendency among women than among men to move to the mainland for healthcare reasons. In Finland, the share of women is almost 5 percentage points smaller among those aged in Åland than in mainland regions and almost 4 percentage points smaller among those aged 75 and over (Figure 3). In Italy, the share of women in the population aged 75 and over is also smaller in Sicilia and Sardegna than on the mainland (around 2.5 percentage points), though this is equally the case in other Southern Italian regions, which have many of the same characteristics and problems as these two islands. In Portugal, on the other hand, the reverse is the case with women making up a much larger proportion of the population of 75 and over on the islands than on the mainland (around 4 percentage points larger). 9

22 1.4 The role of migration Between 2 and 25, all islands, apart from Sicilia, experienced a net inflow of both men and women. The net inward migration (from both other regions and countries of the EU and from countries outside the EU) was particularly large in Illes Balears, where the level of economic prosperity and employment is relatively high. Data on migration are notoriously unreliable and incomplete. Reasonable estimates of net migration flows, however, can be obtained from population data by examining changes in age cohorts in a particular region over a period of time 5. The results presented in Table 2 in annex indicate that, apart from Sicilia, all EU islands experienced a net inflow of people over the five years The inflow was largest by far in the Spanish islands, where new migrants added over 14% to working-age population (13% for women and 15% for men). Several studies have highlighted the relatively disadvantaged position of female migrants in EU islands. One study, for example, underlined the precarious working conditions of women migrants in Spain, who are more likely to suffer from deprivation and discrimination since they tend to work in low-paid (and often unregulated) jobs (Lizana Varona, L.). So far as illegal migrants are concerned, these tend to be employed in particular sectors such as construction, tourism and domestic work, as highlighted in the 26 study of migrants in Canarias (see Domínguez Mújica, J.). A study on migrants in Canarias indicated that Latin American women were more at risk of psychological distress than men, in part due to precarious working conditions (Aroian, K. et al.), while another study of migrants in Sicilia pointed to the difficulty which women doing domestic work have as regards starting a family because of the lack of economic security (Cole, J. and Booth, S., 26). Net inward migration was much smaller in the case of the Greek islands and Åland, but was still large enough to increase population by almost 3% over this period. Though there was a fairly even split between men and women in the Greek islands, the number of women was around 4% larger than the number of men in the Finnish islands. Net migration flows were also positive, though much smaller (adding only.5% to population over the 5-year period), in the Portuguese islands, mainly composed of men of working age. Italy is the only country where there was a net outflow from islands, taken together, rather than a net inflow into them. While the number of people of working age entering Sardegna slightly outnumbered those who left the island over the period, the reverse was the case in Sicilia, where net migration reduced working-age population by.5% over the period The net outflow was particularly large among the age group, though larger among men than women. Women migrants often end up working in private households in Sicilia and Sardegna, given the growing demand for both childcare and caring for the elderly as more women 5 More precisely, net migration in any year is given by the difference between the actual number of people of a particular age resident in a region and the number who should be present given the number of those one year younger recorded the previous year, after deducting the number of deaths of people of the age in question. 1

23 among the local population take up employment (Cole, J. and Booth, S., 27; Zurru, M.). In France, data are only available for Corse, where migrants added over 6% to workingage population. Although there are no data for the French overseas islands, studies have shown that the number of young women moving out of the islands and emigrating to mainland France especially is relatively large, though this is offset by others moving into the islands. For women emigrating, returning home can raise problems because of stark differences in job opportunities as well as in the way of life. Returning home can therefore mean loss of (financial) independence (as these women may not find a job at all, or not as good as the one they used to have on the continent); which many are reluctant to give up see the study by Condon, S. relating to Guadeloupe and Martinique in particular. An example of action taken to improve the integration of women migrants on EU islands is the Floraisons project (24-27) in the French island of La Réunion, financed by EQUAL. This was targeted at new immigrants often living at the margins of society, and in particular, at women from Mayotte, Madagascar and Comoros, and was aimed at giving them individual support, in the form of counselling and advice on training courses, to help them integrate into the labour market. Since 28, the project has been taken over by local authorities on the island and a new initiative targeted at the children of the women concerned, to help them, for example with school work, is under development to reduce the number of school drop-outs. 11

24

25 2 Economic situation This section examines, first, the strength of the economies of the islands covered here as indicated by the level of GDP per head relative to other regions and, secondly, the level of household income which those living on the islands have access to as compared with the mainland. 2.1 GDP per head The economic prosperity of three of the islands covered in the study was greater than that of the mainland in 25, as measured by their levels of GDP per head. In Åland, this level was not only significantly higher than in the rest of Finland, but 4% above the EU. The level was also higher in Illes Balears and Madeira, though less so. On the other hand, on the other islands, GDP per head was lower than in the respective mainland regions and on the French islands, almost 4% lower. Figure 4 shows the level of GDP per head, expressed in terms of purchasing power standards (PPS) for 25 (the latest year for which data are available) 6. Fig.4 GDP in PPS per inhabitant, EU27 = Ionia Nisia Voreio Aigaio Notio Aigaio Kriti Illes Balears Canarias FR Corse Guadeloupe Martinique Réunion Sud () Sicilia Sardegna PT RA Açores RA Madeira FI Åland Sud (): Abruzzo, Molise, Campania, Puglia, Basilicata, Calabria. In 25, in four of the six countries, GDP per head was lower on the islands than on the mainland. The gap was most marked in France and Italy where the level on the mainland was above the EU27 average while the level on the islands was around 4 percentage points below. Nevertheless, in the case of the Italian islands, GDP per head was very close to, or even slightly higher than, that in Southern mainland regions, which in terms of economic and social features are very similar to the two island regions and accordingly represent perhaps a more informative basis of comparison. The difference between the mainland and the islands was also small in Spain, which is one of the three Member States where the GDP per head in an island region (the Illes 6 This is designed to adjust for price differences between countries by measuring GDP in terms of the size of the basket of goods and services it is capable of purchasing. Note that it adjusts only for differences in price levels between countries and not regions, which might be considerable. 13

26 Balears, where tourism is particularly important) was higher than the mainland average. GDP per head in the island regions in Portugal and Finland was higher than in mainland regions as well, in these cases more significantly so. In Portugal, this is due to the relative prosperity of Madeira, a small tourist island enjoying substantial income from visitors, where GDP per head was around 2 percentage points higher than the mainland average and only 5% below the EU average. In Finland, the gap was even larger (24 percentage points), the level on the Åland archipelago being 4% above the EU average. This is partly due in this case to significant inward commuting which adds to GDP without adding to resident population (i.e. it raises GDP per head in a slightly artificial way). It also reflects the strategic position of the islands in the Baltic Sea (the main island Fasta Åland being only 4 km away from the 7 Swedish coast) as well as the effect of their special tax status. Although GDP per head is often used to indicate the level of income of a region, in practice, it measures only the income generated within a region and not the income which the people living there have access to. The latter depends on transfers in and out of the region, as well as the earnings of individuals relative to those of companies. The disposable income of households, therefore, gives a better indication of the relative prosperity of women and men living on islands as compared with the mainland. 2.2 Disposable income Data on household disposable income per head show similar results as for GDP per head. In three islands Illes Balears, Åland and Madeira disposable income per head is higher than in mainland regions, though the extent of difference is smaller in most cases than in respect of GDP per head. In all the other islands, disposable income per head is less than on the mainland according to the latest data. Figure 5 presents the figures for average household disposable income per head in the island regions in each country as compared with the mainland regions. (The data are for the latest year for which data are available mostly 25 and they are again expressed in PPS terms). Overall, the results are very similar to those shown on GDP per head (see Figure 4). In Portugal and Finland, as in the case of GDP per head, household disposable income per head is higher on the islands than on the mainland, especially in Finland. In the other Member States, disposable income per head is lower on islands than on the mainland. The largest gap is in France and Italy, where in the former, the average disposable income of people living on islands is 42% below that of those on the mainland (as against 38% below in the case of GDP per head) and 28% below in the latter (as against 35% below for GDP per head). In Greece, disposable income per head in Ionia Nisia is much smaller than in Voreio Aigaio whereas the reverse is the case for GDP per head. Women, therefore, tend to have access to more income in the latter than the former. The difference between the two 7 The system of tax-free sales on ferry boats between Sweden and Finland was maintained when Finland entered the EU, Åland therefore becoming a tax-free zone which generates large-scale business activities see also Table 7 in the annex on the distribution of employment by broad sector. 14

27 measures can partly be explained by the commuting effect since many people working in Ionia Nisia happen to live elsewhere (see Figure 18 below) and therefore contribute to the GDP produced there without being counted among the population used to calculate GDP per head. Fig. 5 Household net disposable income, 25 18, mean per inhabitant (in PPS) EU average 18, 16, 16, 14, 14, 12, 12, 1, 1, 8, 8, 6, 6, 4, 4, 2, 2, Ionia Nisia Voreio Aigaio Notio Aigaio Kriti Illes Balears Canarias FR Corse Guadeloupe Martinique Réunion Sud () Sicilia Sardegna PT RA Açores RA Madeira FI Åland Data refer to 2 for the French overseas departments and 24 for Italy. Sud (): Abruzzo, Molise, Campania, Puglia, Basilicata, Calabria. While results presented in this section are not divided between men and women because of lack of data, a number of studies have pointed to gender differences in particular islands. Women, therefore, have been found to be especially exposed to the risk of poverty in Martinique, partly because of the increasing number of lone mothers (see Daniel, J. et al.). 15

28 16

29 SECTION TWO ACCS TO EMPLOYMENT, EDUCATION AND HEALTHCARE ON EU ISLANDS 3 The labour market The aim of this section is to highlight the similarities and differences in the pattern of employment between women of working age living on EU islands and those living on the mainland. The situation of women is also compared with that of men. The section first compares employment rates of women on islands with those on the mainland. Secondly, it examines the division of employment of women between different sectors of activity to see whether there is any evidence women facing a more limited choice of jobs and careers if they live on islands rather than on the mainland. Thirdly, it considers differences in rates of unemployment and inactivity. Fourthly, it looks at the extent of self-employment among women on islands as well as the prevalence of employment in temporary jobs. Fifthly, it examines the scale of part-time working among women on islands and the reasons for them opting for part-time work rather than full-time, including in particular, how far it is due to a lack of care facilities for those with children. The section ends by considering the number of women who live on an island but work elsewhere or, in other words, the extent of commuting, which itself gives some indication of the availability of employment opportunities on islands. 3.1 Employment rates The employment rates of women are higher in Åland than on the Finnish mainland whereas there is virtually no difference between the two in Greece, Spain and Italy (if the comparison in the last is with the situation in other parts of southern Italy). In France and Portugal, however, the proportion of women of working age in employment is much smaller on islands than on the mainland, especially in the French overseas islands. The concern here is to compare the employment rates of women on islands both with that of women on the mainland and with that of men on islands. The question is whether or not women living on islands are disadvantaged in terms of their access to employment. The proportion of women of working age in employment the employment rate is virtually the same, in average, in island regions as in those on the mainland in Greece and Spain (47% and 55%, respectively, in 27). In Greece, however, this is due entirely to the relatively high employment rate of women in Kriti, whereas on the other Greek islands, the employment rate is lower than on the mainland (Figure 6). 17

30 Fig.6 Female employment rates, 27 1 % population aged Women Men Ionia Nisia Voreio Aigaio Notio Aigaio Kriti Illes Balears Canarias FR Corse Guadeloupe Martinique Réunion Sud () Sicilia Sardegna PT RA Açores RA Madeira FI Åland Sud (): Abruzzo, Molise, Campania, Puglia, Basilicata, Calabria. In the other countries, employment of women is less in the island regions with the sole exception of Finland. This is particularly the case in France, where only 44.5% of women aged living on French islands were in employment in 27 as against almost 6% on mainland France. Whereas in Corse the proportion of women in work was only marginally smaller than on the mainland, in the overseas islands, it was considerably smaller less than 38% in La Réunion highlighting the severe labour market problems in these departments. These problems, however, are not confined to women, men in the islands concerned having an employment rate of 53% as opposed to 69% in mainland France. The situation is similar in Italy, though here the problems of women finding employment are much the same as in other parts of the Mezzogiorno. Less than a third of women of working age living on islands were in employment in 27, 17 percentage points lower than the mainland average (31.5% against 48.5%) and marginally above the proportion in other parts of the South. In Sicilia, however, the employment rate of women was below 3%, among the lowest in the EU. In this case, unlike in the French overseas islands, the employment situation of women on the Italian islands was much worse than for men, whose employment rate was double that of women (62%, still much less than that of men in mainland Italy but not as much so as for women). In Portugal, the difference is less, though employment rate of women living on islands was still on average 7 percentage points below the rate on the mainland (55% against 62%). By contrast, the employment rate for men was much the same (just under 74%). There is a big difference, however, between the employment situation of women in Madeira, where the proportion of those of working age in employment was only slightly less than on the mainland, and in Açores, where the proportion in employment was less than 5% and considerably below the rate for men (the difference between the employment rates for men and women was some 26 percentage points, twice as large as in Madeira). Part of the reason for this might lie in the larger employment in Madeira in education, health and social services typically sectors of activity employing a large number of women than in the Açores (employing almost 22% of the total in work as against 17%) as well as the much larger tourist industry, as indicated further below. 18

31 In Åland, over 82% of women of working age were employed in 27, more than in the case of men (79% see also Figure 7) and markedly more than on the mainland (68.5%), many of them working in health and social services. Fig.7 Gender gap in employment rate, Women's rate as % men's Ionia Nisia Voreio Aigaio Notio Aigaio Kriti Illes Balears Canarias FR Corse Guadeloupe Martinique Réunion Sud () Sicilia Sardegna PT RA Açores RA Madeira FI Åland Sud (): Abruzzo, Molise, Campania, Puglia, Basilicata, Calabria. As shown in Figure 7, the gap between the employment rates of men and women is in any case smaller in Finland than in any of the other countries covered here (the employment rate of women was almost 95% of that of men in 27). In France, the gap is also smaller than elsewhere and in Corse and Martinique, smaller than on the mainland. As indicated above, the gap in employment between men and women is widest in the southern islands of Sicilia and Notio Aigaio. 3.2 Sectors of activity In Corse as well as in the Finnish, Italian and Portuguese islands, over half of women in employment work in public services (mainly in education and health and social services),which is more than in the respective mainland regions. In the Greek and Spanish islands, the tourist industry is a much more important source of jobs for women, hotels and restaurants and the distributive trades (i.e. mainly retail shops) employing a large proportion of those in work (2-3 times more than on the mainland). The concern of this section is to assess the extent to which the sectors in which women are employed are different if they live on islands than if they live on the mainland as well as to identify the differences in this respect between women and men. 19

32 Fig.8 Distribution of employed women by main sectors of activity, 27 % employed women Public/community services Industry Construction Market services Agriculture & fishing FR PT FI Corse Sud () France: data for French overseas departments are not available. Sud (): Abruzzo, Molise, Campania, Puglia, Basilicata, Calabria. Public and community services 8 are major employers of women in four of the six countries. Some four women in ten were, therefore, employed in this sector in Italy and Portugal in 27 while in France and Finland, it was over one in two (Figure 8). The proportion, moreover, was significantly larger on islands than on the mainland in all four countries, the difference ranging from 17 percentage points in Italy (9 percentage points above the proportion in other parts of the South) to 6 percentage points in Finland. In the other two Member States, Greece and Spain, the proportion of women in work employed in public services was smaller on the islands than on the mainland. Here around 4-44% of women in employment worked in market services 9, the proportion on islands being some 9-1 percentage points more than on the mainland. Agriculture and fishing remain important in Greece, employing 12% of women in work and 16% on the islands. In the other countries, however, less than 1% of women worked in these sectors both on the islands and the mainland, though it should be emphasised that the islands in this case exclude the French overseas islands, for which data are not available. Agriculture traditionally has been a major source of employment for women, mainly on family farms in La Réunion (Bonnal, P. et al.) and Martinique, where the main problem for women farmers is the reconciliation of work with family responsibilities (Polomaque, L. and Antoine, H.). The division of women in employment between sectors is very different on a number of islands than in other regions (see Table 7 in annex). In Greece, for example, whereas 8 Public administration; Education; Health and social work; Other community, social and personal service; Private households; and Extra-territorial organisations. Public and community services includes personal services, such as hairdressing, as well as employment in private households, the former because they are part of the same NACE sector as community services and cannot easily be distinguished, the latter because it is very small. 9 Market services are defined as services produced for sale on the market at a price intended to cover production costs and to provide a profit for the producer. They comprise the following categories: wholesale and retail trade; hotels and restaurants; transport, storage and communications; financial intermediation; as well as real estate, renting and business activities. 2

33 much the same proportion of women in employment worked in the distributive trades on the islands and on the mainland, a considerably larger proportion on islands worked in hotels and restaurants. In both Ionia Nisia and Notio Aigaio, this proportion was as high as 28%, almost five times larger than on the mainland. People living on islands are generally aware of the opportunities offered by tourism in terms of local development as well as employment, with cultural tourism becoming increasingly important (Sdrali, D. and Chazapi, K.). Women have created a number of cooperatives relating to tourist activities on a number of islands. For instance, the first women s cooperative in Petra (Voreio Aigaio) was created in 1983 by 24 women to rent out rooms, while another example is the Kastri cooperative set up by 28 women, in Hermoupolis (Notio Aigaio) in 1999, which supplies take-away meals for tourists. The development of such women s cooperatives can however, create tension because local societies remain male-dominated. For instance, in the small village of Sami (Ionia Nisia), women faced an increasingly complicated situation as their role in the economy expanded because of catering for tourists while their place in society remained largely unchanged (see Costa, J.A.). In Spain too, many more women are employed in hotels and restaurants on islands than on the mainland some 17% of all those in employment, twice the proportion on the mainland. In Illes Balears, tourism is characterised by large inflows of migrant workers, short-term contracts and precarious jobs, women being more affected than men (Navinés Badal, F. and Pol Matheu, C.). The development of higher quality hotels on the islands means that the women concerned need to have more training and ideally a higher level of educational attainment, though a study undertaken on the issue finds that the education level of women is not a major constraint on their ability to move into such jobs (Ramos, V., Rey-Maquieira, J. and Tugores, M.) Similarly, a study carried out in Canarias indicated that agro-tourism represents an alternative to traditional agriculture activities and can not only provide a means of regenerating depressed rural areas but can offer more attractive employment opportunities for women in the communities concerned (Parra López, E. and Calero García, F.). In France and Finland, a large proportion of women on both islands and mainland are employed in health and social services, though a significantly larger on the former than the latter. In Corse, the only French island for which data are available, over 27% of women in work were employed in this sector in 27 (around 6 percentage points more than on the mainland). In Åland, the proportion was even larger at over 33%. An interesting initiative relating to the sectoral division of work between men and women was undertaken in La Réunion, where the Femmes Plus project (24-27) was set to inform women about employment opportunities in sectors traditionally reserved for men, through a campaign in the local press, as well as through counselling forums and job fairs. In Italy, the employment situation in the island regions is not much different from that in other Southern regions, as education and the distributive trades together employ almost 21

34 4% of women in work. In this case, however, tourism, in the form of hotels and restaurants is a less important source of jobs on the islands than on the mainland, employing only around 4% of women in work. In Portugal too, health and social services are a larger employer of women on islands than on the mainland (accounting for 16% of women in work as against 12.5%), while education is also more important (accounting for 15% of the total). Equally, more women work in hotels and restaurants on islands than on the mainland (11% as against just under 7%), most especially in Madeira (13%). 3.3 Unemployment and activity rates The large differences in the employment rates of women between islands and the mainland are mainly due to differences in unemployment rates in France whereas in Italy, Portugal and Finland, they are a result of differences in activity rates i.e. women not entering the labour market at all. On Spanish, Greek and Portuguese islands, over half of women not actively looking for a job reported that this was because of caring or other family or personal responsibilities. On the Greek and Portuguese islands, the proportion so reporting was much larger than on the mainland, suggesting a shortage of care facilities. In France and Italy, the unemployment rate of women is significantly higher on the islands than on the mainland (Figure 9). This is especially the case in the former where unemployment of women was almost three times higher in the French overseas islands than on the mainland in 27 (22% as against 8.5%), which reflects perhaps the much lower educational attainment levels of women on these islands (Hecquet, V. and Parain, C.). Fig.9 Female unemployment rates, 27 4 % of labour force Women Men Ionia Nisia Voreio Aigaio Notio Aigaio Kriti Illes Balears Canarias FR Corse Guadeloupe Martinique Réunion Sud () Sicilia Sardegna PT RA Açores RA Madeira FI Åland Sud (): Abruzzo, Molise, Campania, Puglia, Basilicata, Calabria. At the same time, the activity rate of women of working age was also lower on the islands than on the mainland (57% as compared with 65.5% Figure 1), largely due to the low activity rate in La Réunion (only just over 51%). 22

35 Fig.1 Female activity rates, % population aged Women Men Ionia Nisia Voreio Aigaio Notio Aigaio Kriti Illes Balears Canarias FR Corse Guadeloupe Martinique Réunion Sud () Sicilia Sardegna PT RA Açores RA Madeira FI Åland Sud (): Abruzzo, Molise, Campania, Puglia, Basilicata, Calabria. In Italy, unemployment of women is also higher on the islands than on the mainland, though the difference is much smaller (7 percentage points as against almost 17 points) than in France. On the other hand, there is a difference of almost 15 percentage points in the activity rate of women of working age between the islands (just under 38%) and the mainland (just over 52%). Unsurprisingly, the gap is much smaller for men only around 6 percentage points. In Italy, therefore, in contrast to France, the main factor underlying the difference in employment rates of women between the islands and the mainland is the difference in activity rates rather than in unemployment or, in other words, the failure of the majority of women to enter the labour market at all. Unlike the other Member States, in Portugal and Finland, the unemployment rate of women in island regions is lower than on the mainland (3 and 5 percentage points lower, respectively). In Portugal, therefore, the difference in the employment rate of women between islands and the mainland is entirely due to differences in activity rates (69% on the mainland as against only 59% on the islands). In Finland, the activity rate of women in Åland was as high as 85% in 27 as compared with under 74% on the mainland. (It was also 3 percentage points higher than that of men, the only case where this is so in the EU.) As in Portugal and Italy, the difference in the employment rates of women between Åland and the mainland is due much more to differences in activity rates than to those in unemployment. Reasons for not searching for a job Figure 11 shows for 27 the main reasons reported by women for not participating in the labour market. The aim here is to assess the extent to which this decision is due to caring responsibilities, and hence the lack of available and/or affordable childcare, and how far the situation differs in island as compared with mainland regions. According to the data available (Finland does not appear in this graph because the figures for Åland are too small to be reliable), the situation varies significantly between Member States. In Greece, the proportion of women who were not looking for a job because of 23

36 caring responsibilities (looking after children or disabled adults) amounted to 11% of the total concerned as against 8% on the mainland, while another 46% on the islands referred to other personal or family responsibilities as the main reason as against 38% on the mainland. The share of women who are inactive because of caring responsibilities was also larger in the French islands (9%) than on the mainland (6%), though the difference was small 1. Fig.11 Reasons for not searching a job among women, 27 FR Sud () PT % inactive women aged looking after children or incapacitated adults own illness or disability other personal or family responsibilities other reasons Sud (): Abruzzo, Molise, Campania, Puglia, Basilicata, Calabria. In Spain, there is no marked difference between islands and mainland regions, in both cases just over 6% of women inactive not searching for a job because of caring, personal or family responsibilities. In Portugal, more than half of women inactive living on islands reported caring, personal or family responsibilities as the reason for not participating in the labour market, compared with only 38% of those on the mainland (i.e. a 15 percentage points difference the largest observed across the five countries). In Italy, there seems to be no significant difference between the shares of women not searching for a job because of caring responsibilities on islands and on the mainland (around 21%). 3.4 Professional status No large differences are evident between islands and the mainland in the proportion of women in work who are self-employed or unpaid family workers, except in Greece and Portugal. Unlike in the other countries covered here, a significant proportion of women in work are employed as unpaid family workers in Greece, especially on the islands (14% of all those in work in 27 as against just under 1% on the mainland). Most of the women concerned work in agriculture. The number of self-employed women is also higher in Greece than elsewhere, making up 27% of all women in work on islands as against 2% on the mainland, many of them again working in agriculture. 1 The option relating to "other personal or family responsibilities" was not included among the questions asked in France and is therefore included in the figure under other reasons. 24

37 In Portugal, on the other hand, women are less likely to be self-employed if they live on islands, reflecting perhaps the relative importance of public services. Just as on the mainland, most women in employment on islands work as employees in the six Member States covered here (Figure 12). In Greece, the share of employees is however considerably smaller than in other countries for both women and men, which reflects the importance of agriculture. Moreover, around 1% of women in work were employed as unpaid family workers in 27 much the largest proportion in the six countries. This proportion, moreover, was even larger on the Greek islands (around 14%). On the islands in the other countries, the figure was below 2%. Self-employment also accounts for a significant share of women in work in Greece, as it does in Italy and Portugal (17-21% of the total in 27). In Spain, the share is smaller (13%) and in France and Finland, smaller still (9%). In Greece, Finland and France, women are more likely to be self-employed on islands than in mainland regions. In Greece, the difference between the two is again relatively large (27% on the islands as against 2% on the mainland), though much the same difference is also evident for men. Fig.12 Professional status of female workers, 27 % employed women aged Ionia Nisia Voreio Aigaio Notio Aigaio Kriti Illes Balears Canarias FR Corse Guadeloupe Martinique Réunion Employee Family worker Self-employed w/o employees Self-employed with employees Sud () Sicilia Sardegna PT RA Açores RA Madeira FI Åland Sud (): Abruzzo, Molise, Campania, Puglia, Basilicata, Calabria. In Italy, there s not much difference in the proportion of self-employed between islands and the mainland, whereas in France, the proportion of women in work who are selfemployed is larger on islands (1% in 27) than on the mainland (7%), which is partly attributable to the relatively large number of self-employed in Corse (15%). The difference is especially marked for those who are self-employed without employees: the proportion being almost three times larger in Corse than on the mainland (15% as against less than 6%). A study undertaken in September 26 by the French Department of trade, handicraft, services and the liberal professions on the regional density of very small enterprises 25

38 (less than 2 employees) 11 indicates that Corse is one of the regions with the highest density of very small firms in the EU, many of them operating in the tourist industry. An example of good practice in the support provided to women on islands creating their own business is the Initiat elles project (22-27) in Guadeloupe. This involved giving advice and guidance and setting up an incubator centre for embryonic firms where women could get information about training as well as other support, including expert advice on the products they intended to produce. On the other hand, the reverse is the case in Portugal and to a lesser extent in Spain, in both of which women in work are more likely to be self-employed on the mainland (18.5%) than on islands (11.5%), whereas there is virtually no difference for men (22.5% in both cases). 3.5 Temporary jobs On all EU islands covered here, except the Portuguese ones, the proportion of women in work employed on temporary contracts is larger than on the mainland, as well as being larger than for men. The difference was greatest on the Greek islands in 27, with twice as many women employed on such contracts as on the mainland. Though the difference is smaller in Spain, around 3% of women employees on islands had fixed-term contracts, which was still more than on the mainland. The proportion of women on islands employed on fixed-term or temporary contracts in 27 ranged from 14.5% in Portugal to 3.5% in Spain, in each case larger than the proportion on the mainland of the respective countries (Figure 13). Fig.13 Share of women with temporary contracts, % female employees aged Ionia Nisia Voreio Aigaio Notio Aigaio Kriti Illes Balears Canarias FR Corse Guadeloupe Martinique Réunion Sud () Sicilia Sardegna PT RA Açores RA Madeira FI Åland Sud (): Abruzzo, Molise, Campania, Puglia, Basilicata, Calabria. This is particularly so on the Greek islands, where 22.5% of female employees worked under a temporary contract of employment, more than twice the proportion on the

39 mainland (11%) the relative number being particularly high in Notio Aigaio (28.5%) and Ionia Nisia (25%). The difference is also wide in Italy, where 22% of women employees on the islands had temporary contracts as against 13% on the mainland. In Spain, where temporary contracts are more important than in other parts of the EU, some 3% of women employees had such contracts on the islands, some 3 percentage points more than on the mainland. In the Canarias, a third of female employees worked under temporary contracts. Portugal is the only country of those covered here in which the share of female employees on fixed-term contracts is lower on the islands than on the mainland (2% as against around 25% in 27), especially in Madeira (around 12%). In most cases, women on islands are also more likely to be employed in temporary jobs than men, the only exceptions being Guadeloupe and Madeira. The difference is most extreme on the Åland archipelago, where almost 23% of women employees had a fixedterm contract in 27 as against only just over 1% of men (the respective shares on the mainland were 16% and 9%, respectively). 3.6 Part-time employment The proportion of women working part-time is generally slightly smaller on islands than on the mainland. The only exceptions are Greece but most especially Finland, where 22% of women in employment have a part-time job on Åland as compared with 15% on the mainland. In Greece and Portugal, the proportion of women working part-time because of caring or family responsibilities is both significant and larger on islands than on the mainland, suggesting a lack of suitable care facilities. While the reverse seems to be true in Spain, France and Italy, on the Spanish islands, over 7% of women report a lack of suitable and/or affordable care services as a reason for either not looking for a job or not working full-time, as against over 6% for the mainland. In Spain, France, Italy and Portugal, part-time employment among women is less prevalent on islands than on the mainland, with a difference ranging from 1.5 percentage points to 5 percentage points in 27 (Figure 14). The reverse, however, is the case in Finland and to a lesser extent in Greece. In Åland, almost a quarter of women in employment worked part-time as against only 15% in mainland regions. In Greece, relatively few women work part-time. Although the proportion of women employed part-time on islands was slightly larger, on average, than on the mainland (11% against 9%), the proportion in Ionia Nisia and Voreio Aigaio was marginally below the mainland average. 27

40 Fig.14 Share of women working part-time, % employed women aged Ionia Nisia Voreio Aigaio Notio Aigaio Kriti Illes Balears Canarias FR Corse Guadeloupe Martinique Réunion Sud () Sicilia Sardegna PT RA Açores RA Madeira FI Åland Sud (): Abruzzo, Molise, Campania, Puglia, Basilicata, Calabria. Reasons for working part-time On the Portuguese islands, almost half the women working part-time reported doing so because of looking after children or adults with disabilities or because of other family or personal responsibilities, whereas the corresponding proportion is significantly smaller among women on the mainland (36%). The situation is similar in Greece where about a third of women living on islands reported caring, family or personal reasons as the reason for working part-time as against only 21% of women living on the mainland (Figure 15). These results echo those described above (see Figure 11) on the reasons for women not searching for a job; highlighting, in these two Member States in particular, the apparent lack of available and/or affordable care facilities on islands compared to the mainland. Fig.15 Reasons for working part-time, 27 % women aged employed part-time FR Sud () PT looking after children or incapacitated adults undergoing school education/training other reasons other family or personal reasons could not find a full-time job Sud (): Abruzzo, Molise, Campania, Puglia, Basilicata, Calabria. On the other hand, this factor seems less important as a reason for working part-time on islands in the other three countries for which there are reliable data (again, in Finland the sample size is too small to be able to conclude anything in this regard). The difference is most marked in France where only 15% of women living on islands report caring, family or personal responsibilities as reasons for working part-time against over 56% for women 28

41 living on the mainland which may well be a consequence of the very different family structure in the former as compared with the latter. On the other hand, 61% of the women on the islands concerned reported that they were working part-time because they could not find a full-time job, against only 3% in mainland France. Much the same is the case in Italy, where there were also fewer women on islands reporting lack of access to suitable care provision as the reason for not working full-time but where most of those in part-time jobs would prefer to work full-time. The influence of care facilities on inactivity and part-time work Figure 16 shows the relative importance of the lack of care facilities in the decision to work part-time or not to search for a job among women. This, however, is only possible to do for four of the six countries because of data problems. In France and Italy, the decision to work part-time or to remain inactive does not seem to be influenced by the lack of care facilities for the great majority of women. The difference between the mainland and islands in this respect is virtually non-existent in Italy, while it seems more important on the French islands than on the mainland (though because of the small sample size, any conclusion to this effect has to remain tentative). Fig.16 Care facilities as a reason for not searching a job or for working part-time, 27 % women not searching a job or working part-time Sud (): Abruzzo, Molise, Campania, Puglia, Basilicata, Care facilities do not influence decision for working PT/not searching for a job Suitable care services for both children/ill/disabled/elderly are not available/affordable Suitable care services for ill, disabled, elderly are not available/affordable Suitable care services for children are not available/affordable FR Sud () The situation is different in Greece and Spain, where over half of women report not looking for a job or not working full-time because of problems relating to the suitability, availability and/or affordability of care facilities. In Greece, the proportion so reporting is larger on the mainland than on islands (67% as against 57%), while in Spain, the reverse is the case (64% as against 73%). The major problem seems to lie in the lack of care services for children, a problem which affects women living on islands and on the mainland to similar extents in the two countries (around half in both cases). A good example of what can be done to reconcile employment with family responsibilities is the EQUAS project (22-24) in Illes Balears, which was aimed at getting those who had left the labour market back into work by developing more flexible and effective ways of work organisation as well as support services. As part of the project, a childcare service was opened for women mainly working in the tourist industry during the summer months. 29

42 3.7 Living on islands but working elsewhere A number of women living on the Italian, French and Spanish islands commute to work on the mainland, though the figure is relatively small except in Corse, so that the vast majority of women living on islands also work there. In almost all cases, the number of women commuting to work is smaller than for men. In Corse, almost 4% of women and 5% of men live on the island and work elsewhere, by far the highest figures for outward commuting as regards the islands covered here (Figure 17). Moreover, most of the people concerned work a long distance from the island, many of them in Ile-de-France (where Paris is located) and in Aquitaine, in the South West of the country, implying that commuting takes place on a weekly or monthly basis rather than daily. Fig.17 Proportion of people living on a particular island but working elsewhere in the country, % people at work living on a particular island Women Men islands Ionia Nisia Voreio Aigaio Notio Aigaio Kriti islands Illes Balears Canarias FR islands Corse Guadeloupe Martinique Réunion islands Sicilia Sardegna PT islands RA Açores RA Madeira Åland In Italy, which has the second highest figures, 1.5% of women in employment in Sicilia work elsewhere in the country, mainly in the North of the country in Lombardia (48%), Lazio (11%), Toscana and Emilia-Romagna (7% each), all of which are some distance away. While the figure is smaller in Sardegna (only.6% of women), again most of the women concerned work in the Northern part of the country. In the Canarias,.5% of women in employment work outside the archipelago. Of these, almost half work in Madrid and around 2% in Cataluña. The figure is much smaller in Illes Balears (only.2%) and in Açores and Kriti, smaller still. In almost all cases, more men living on islands commute to work in other regions than women. This is especially so in Corse and the Italian islands. The reverse direction of commuting, from the mainland to islands, is much smaller. The proportion of women is less than 1% of all those employed on islands, except in the particular case of Åland (Figure 18). In this group of islands, almost 1% of women employed on the island live on the mainland, almost four times higher than for the proportion of men. 3

43 Fig.18 Proportion of people working on a particular island but living elsewhere in the country, 27 5, 4,5 4, 3,5 3, 2,5 2, 1,5 1,,5, % working in a particular island 9.6% (women) Women Men 5, 4,5 4, 3,5 3, 2,5 2, 1,5 1,,5, islands Ionia Nisia Voreio Aigaio Notio Aigaio Kriti islands Illes Balears Canarias FR islands Corse Guadeloupe Martinique Réunion islands Sicilia Sardegna PT islands RA Açores RA Madeira Åland Although the scale of inward commuting is considerably less in the other islands, it is still larger in size than outward commuting in Ionia Nisia (just under 1% of all women employed on the island), Illes Balears (.8%) and Madeira (.5%). 31

44

45 4 Education Because of the geographical remoteness and in many cases the relative small size of population, women as well as men living on islands can have a more limited access to education than those in other regions. This is generally not so much in relation to compulsory schooling but from upper secondary level education and initial vocational training and beyond, where there is often a need to travel to the mainland. This is particularly so with regard to university education. This section considers the potential disadvantages of young women living on islands in this regard on basis of the latest statistical data available. A number of studies have highlighted the difficulties of access to education for those living on islands. Historically in Canarias, for example, access to education for women was much more limited than in the rest of Spain because of poverty, illiteracy and insularity (González Pérez, T.). Very few women went even to secondary school, let alone into higher education. The importance of overcoming remoteness by establishing close links between the French Caribbean islands and metropolitan France has been emphasised in a number of studies and a number of different means have been put in place to achieve this, including the mobility passport (financial aid to allow young people to undertake special training or higher education in metropolitan France), though these schemes can be relatively costly (Ranély Vergé-Dépré, C.). Other studies have pointed to high rates of school drop-out on many islands, including the Illes Balears, though the rate tends to be higher among men than among women (Bélen, P.), as well as to the links between remaining in education after compulsory schooling and the family structure and environment (see the study by Martínez García, J.S. which refers to the Canarias). For those that drop out of school, encouraging a return to education is also a way of improving the situation of women on islands. In the Italian islands, the evidence indicates that the rates of return of women to education are significantly higher than for men (Mendolicchio, C.). The following analysis, which is based on data from the Labour Force Survey (LFS) for 27, examines the division of men and women by educational attainment level (between those with only basic schooling, upper secondary education and tertiary education), how educational levels affect access to employment and how women on islands with a high level of education have access to similar high-level jobs as those in other regions. In addition, the section also considers the extent of participation in upper secondary and tertiary education of women aged on islands as compared with those elsewhere, the scale of drop-outs from the education system before women obtain adequate qualifications and the relative number of those aged 25 and over who have access to lifelong learning. 4.1 Educational attainment levels In all the countries covered, women living on islands tend to have a lower level of education than those on the mainland, in the sense that they are fewer of them with upper secondary level education and, even more especially, with tertiary or university level education. At the same time, women living on islands invariably have a higher level of education than their male counterparts. 33

46 At national level, the proportion of women and men with different levels of educational attainment varies markedly across the EU. The proportion with no education beyond basic schooling is particularly large in the Mediterranean countries (Greece, Spain, Italy and Portugal) (see Table 17 in annex). In Portugal, some 72.5% of people aged fell into this category in 27. The proportion with tertiary, or university, qualification is also small in Portugal and Italy, at under 14% of the age group, while in Spain, it reaches 3%, with the figures in Greece and France in between. In France, however, almost twice the proportion of people in this age group have upper secondary education than in Spain (42% as against 22%). The largest share of people with tertiary education is in Finland, at around 36%. In all countries, there are more people with low educational attainment levels on the islands than on the mainland and fewer with high education (Figure 19). This holds for both women and men. In Greece, nearly 22% of women living on the mainland had tertiary education in 27 as against 16% of those on islands. In France, under 13% of women in Corse (the only French island for which data on education attainment level is available) had this level of education as against 28% on the mainland, while in Åland, the figure was also 28%, though again this was much less than on the mainland (41%). In both cases, however, the proportion of women with tertiary qualification on the islands was 2-3 percentage points larger than for men. At the same time, the share of women with upper secondary education is larger in Corse (44%) and Åland (63%) than on the mainland (39.5% and 41.5% respectively). The implication is that while the proportion of women with only basic schooling is much larger in Corse than on mainland France (44% as against 3%), the reverse is the case in Åland as compared with mainland Finland (only 1% as against 17%). Women tend to be better educated than men throughout the EU and this is equally evident on islands. The largest gender difference is on the Portuguese islands where around 12.5% women have high education attainment as against just 6% of men. In Sardegna, the gap is also wide (13.5% of women compared to 8.5% of men). Fig.19 Proportion of men and women aged by education attainment level, 27 1 % Left bar: men; right bar: women. Low Medium High mainland mainland FR mainland Corse Sud () PT mainland FI mainland Åland Sud (): Abruzzo, Molise, Campania, Puglia, Basilicata, Calabria. 34

47 4.2 Participation in education and training and early school leaving The concern here is to analyse the participation in education and the rate of school drop out of women living on islands as compared with those in other regions. In practice, the rate of participation in education and training of women aged is similar on most islands as in the respective mainland regions, with the exception of the Greek islands where it is lower and Canarias where it is higher. However, the rate of participation of women aged 2-24 is lower on islands than on the mainland. This is particularly so in Greece, especially in Ionia Nisia and Notio Aigaio where the proportion of women in this age group participating in education and training is only half that on the mainland. While the rate of early school leaving among women tends to be higher on the Portuguese and Greek islands than on the mainland, it is still much lower than for men. Participation of those aged At national level, the share of men and women aged participating in education and training is larger in France and Finland than in the other countries covered by the study (see Table 18 in annex) and smaller in Spain and Portugal. Participation in education and training is similar on the Italian islands to that in the south of Italy generally, if much less than in the North of the country, while the level of participation on the Greek islands is below that on the mainland. In the latter case, some 73% of women aged were in education or training in 27 as against 77% on the mainland in 27 (72% compared to 76% for men). In Spain, on the other hand, the share of women receiving education and training was larger on islands than on mainland (79% against 75% Figure 2), due mainly to the high figure for Canarias (nearly 83% in 27). In a number of island regions, more women aged participated in education than men and the extent of the difference on the islands was wider than on the mainland. For instance, in Portugal, 69.5% women in Madeira were in education in 27 as compared with only 58.5% of men and in Açores, nearly 67% as against just 53.5% On the other hand, in Voreio Aigaio and Notio Aigaio, more men of this age participated in education or training in 27 than women. 35

48 Fig.2 Participation of men and women aged in some education or training, 27 1 % of total men/women aged Men Women Ionia Nisia Voreio Aigaio Notio Aigaio Kriti Illes Balears Canarias Sud () Sicilia Sardegna PT RA Açores RA Madeira Sud (): Abruzzo, Molise, Campania, Puglia, Basilicata, Calabria. Participation of those aged 2-24 Participation in education and training of 2-24 year-olds living on islands is in part related to the presence of higher education establishments. Most of the island regions have at least one university and in Sicilia, four, which means that most fields of study are available for students. Some of the universities have several sites located on different islands, such as in the case of the University of the West Indies and Guyana and the University of the Aegean. This means that some students need to move in order to study certain subjects. Several initiatives have been taken to overcome problems of geographical remoteness which affect young people wanting to pursue their education beyond compulsory schooling. For instance, the Mobility Passport introduced in 22 by the French Ministry of Education provides financial support to students from the DOMs to cover their travel to the mainland. In Spain, Séneca allowances help students to move from one university to another by again covering travel costs. ICT is also increasingly used to reduce the problems created by long distances. For example, a group of students in the University of the Aegean, based in Mytilene on Lesbos, consisting of 5 schools and 16 departments located on five different islands in the Aegean, created a network portal for the whole of the University community in 22 to facilitate communications both between students themselves and between students and staff. At national level, the proportion of men and women aged 2-24 participating in education and training was the highest in Finland in 27 (around 55%) among the 6 countries and lowest in Portugal (under 31%) (see Table 19 in annex). In general, the proportion was smaller among those living on islands than among those on the mainland (Figure 21). The largest difference was in Greece where 44.5% of women of this age were in education or training on the mainland as against only 35% of women on islands (though this was still smaller than the gap for men (42% as against 29%). In Italy, levels of participation were lower on the islands than on the mainland, but in Sardegna, significantly higher than in other parts of the South (56.5% compared to 48%). 36

49 At the same time, women on islands tend to participate to a larger extent in education or training than their male counterparts 12. The same tendency is also apparent on the mainland, but the differences are smaller. In Greece, for instance, differences between women and men in participation in education or training amounted to 6.5 percentage points on the islands and 2.5 percentage points on the mainland in 27. On Portuguese islands, the difference was some 1 percentage points, twice the difference on the mainland. In Italy, the difference was 15.5 percentage points on the islands and 1.5 percentage points on the southern mainland. The largest gender gap was in Sardegna, where 56.5% of women were in education or training as opposed to just 36% of men. In Canarias, however, the gap was almost as large (45% as against 3.5%). Fig.21 Participation of men and women aged 2-24 in some education or training, 27 1 % of total men/women aged 2-24 Men Women Ionia Nisia Voreio Aigaio Notio Aigaio Kriti Illes Balears Canarias Sud () Sicilia Sardegna PT RA Açores RA Madeira Sud (): Abruzzo, Molise, Campania, Puglia, Basilicata, Calabria. Early school leaving Early school leavers, those aged with only basic schooling and no longer participating in education or training, are more numerous among men than women across most of the EU 13 (see Tables a and b below). In 27, the proportion of early school leavers among men aged in Spain amounted to nearly 33% as against 23.5% for women and in Portugal to 34% as against 27.5%. 12 With the exception of Ionia Nisia and Illes Balears where the share of men aged 2-24 in education and training was higher than the share of women in Nevertheless, in Voreio Aigaio and Notio Aigaio, school drop out affects more women aged than men. 37

50 a. Early school leavers aged 15-19, 27 b. Early school leavers aged 2-24, 27 % Men Women % Men Women Ionia Nisia Ionia Nisia Voreio Aigaio Voreio Aigaio Notio Aigaio Notio Aigaio Kriti Kriti Illes Balears Illes Balears Canarias Canarias FR : : FR : : Corse : : Corse 28. : Sud () Sud () Sicilia Sicilia Sardegna Sardegna PT PT RA Açores RA Açores RA Madeira RA Madeira ":" data not available The figures were also higher for men among those aged In Portugal, 47.5% of men of this age group were early school leavers as against 34% of women, while in Spain, the figures were 35.5% and 22.5%, respectively. Generally, gender differences tend to be larger on islands than on the mainland, especially among those aged In 27, therefore, the rate of early school leaving among men aged was some 13.5 percentage points larger than for women on Portuguese islands and nearly 22 percentage points larger for those aged 2-24, in both cases, around twice as large as on the mainland. In Spain, gender differences in this regard on the islands amounted to 12.5 percentage points for those aged and nearly 18 percentage points for those aged 2-24 as against 9.5 percentage points and 12.5 percentage points on the mainland. The largest gender differences were in Açores and Canarias for those aged (around 14 percentage points) and in Madeira and Voreio Aigaio for those aged 2-24 (3 percentage points and 27.5 percentage points, respectively). Nevertheless, the rate of early school leaving among women is higher on the Portuguese and Greek islands than on the mainland, especially among those aged In the former, 43.5% of women in this age group fell into this category in 27 as against under 34% on the mainland, while in Greece, the figures were 19% and 11%, respectively. In Spain, however, the relative number of women aged leaving school early was larger on the mainland than on the islands, though the reverse is the case for those aged Moreover, in Italy, although the relative number of early school leavers among 38

51 women was larger on the islands than in the rest of the country taken together, it was still smaller than in the southern mainland regions for both age groups. 4.3 Employment rates and unemployment rates by education level The concern here is to examine how women living on islands are disadvantaged in term of employment given their level of educational attainment as compared with women on the mainland. In particular, the aim is to see if women with university education or the equivalent have more restricted access to employment. In the majority of countries, apart from Italy and Portugal, employment rates of women with only basic schooling are higher on islands than on the mainland, due in large part to the relatively high demand for low skilled workers in agriculture and tourism. While women with university education are much more likely to be in employment than those with lower education levels, whether they live on islands or the mainland, those on islands tend to be employed more in the public sector, especially in education and health and social services. Their male counterparts seem to have more options open to them. Over half of women in Corse with this level of education were, therefore, employed in public administration in 27 as compared with only just over 1% on the mainland, while around 6% of women were employed in health and social services in Åland, twice the proportion in mainland Finland. The tourist industry is also a major source of employment for university-educated women on islands, especially on Greek and Spanish islands. Moreover, on a number of islands, women with this level of education are more likely to be employed in low-skill jobs than if they live on the mainland. This was the case in Canarias, in particular, where over 21% of women with university degrees or the equivalent worked in such jobs, significantly more than in mainland Spain. Employment rates tend to vary significantly with education levels, though the extent of the variation itself differs between countries as well as between men and women. It is much wider for women than for men. The variation reflects opposite variations in both unemployment and inactivity rates, both of which tend to be higher for those with low education than for those with higher levels. Again the differences tend to be larger for women than for men, especially so far as rates of inactivity are concerned (see Tables 2 and 21 in annex). Employment and unemployment rates of women aged with basic schooling In the majority of countries, the exceptions being Italy and Portugal, employment rates of women with low education are higher on islands than on the mainland (Figure 22). This can be attributed to a large extent to the relatively high demand for low skilled workers in agriculture and tourism. In Kriti, the employment rate of women with this level of education was 52.5% as against 38.5% on the mainland while in the Illes Balears, it was 51.5% compared to 41.5% on mainland Spain. In Åland, the difference was wider still (almost 79% as against 52% in the rest of Finland), most of the women concerned being employed in fishing and manufacturing. In Italy, however, women with only basic schooling were much less likely to be employed if they lived in island regions than if they lived on the mainland, though in Sicilia, their 39

52 employment rate was similar to that in the rest of the south of the country, and in Sardegna it was higher (though still well below the national average). In Voreio Aigaio and Notio Aigaio, women with basic schooling also had employment rates below that in mainland Greece in 27. Fig.22 Employment rates of women aged with basic schooling, % Ionia Nisia Voreio Aigaio Notio Aigaio Kriti Illes Balears Canarias FR Corse Sud () Sicilia Sardegna PT RA Açores RA Madeira FI Åland Sud (): Abruzzo, Molise, Campania, Puglia, Basilicata, Calabria. In terms of rates of unemployment too, the situation varies widely across islands (Figure 23). While unemployment of women with only basic schooling was low in the Portuguese islands, Illes Balears and Kriti (around 6-6.5% and lower than in mainland regions); in Sicilia (22%), it was higher than in southern Italy, and in Notio Aigaio (at 2.5%) higher than in mainland Greece. Fig.23 Unemployment rates of women aged with basic schooling, 27 3 % Ionia Nisia Voreio Aigaio Notio Aigaio Kriti Illes Balears Canarias Sud () Sicilia Sardegna PT RA Açores RA Madeira FR and FI: no data for islands. Sud (): Abruzzo, Molise, Campania, Puglia, Basilicata, Calabria. Employment and unemployment rates of women aged with upper secondary education Employment rates of women with upper secondary education are higher than for women with only basic schooling in most parts of the EU. In Portugal, women with upper secondary education living on islands were more likely to be in employment in 27 than those living on the mainland (Figure 24). In Greece, on the other hand, employment rates of women with this education level in Voreio Aigaio and Notio Aigaio were below the 4

53 mainland average (as was also the case for women with only basic schooling), while in Italy, they were similar in Sicilia to that in the rest of the South and in Sardegna slightly higher, though in both cases well below the rate in the north of the country. Fig.24 Employment rates of women aged with upper secondary education, 27 1 % Ionia Nisia Voreio Aigaio Notio Aigaio Kriti Illes Balears Canarias FR Corse Sud () Sicilia Sardegna PT RA Açores RA Madeira FI Åland Sud (): Abruzzo, Molise, Campania, Puglia, Basilicata, Calabria. Unemployment rates of women aged with upper secondary education also vary across the islands in different parts of the EU (Figure 25). In Greece, the unemployment rate for women with this education level was 17.4% in Notio Aigaio in 27, well above the average for the country (12.9%), and 9.7% in Kriti, well below. In Italy, unemployment rates of women with this level of education in Sicilia (12.6%) and Sardegna (11.6%) were much higher than the national average (5.6%) and also slightly higher than in the south of the country (1.9%). In Spain, unemployment rate of the women concerned was well above the national average in the Canarias (13%) but below in Illes Balears (7.5%). In the Portuguese islands, as well as in Corse and Åland, unemployment rates of women with upper secondary qualifications were relatively low and less than the mainland average in each case. Fig.25 Unemployment rates of women aged with upper secondary education, 27 3 % Ionia Nisia Voreio Aigaio Notio Aigaio Kriti Illes Balears Canarias FR Corse Sud () Sicilia Sardegna PT RA Açores RA Madeira FI Åland Sud (): Abruzzo, Molise, Campania, Puglia, Basilicata, Calabria. 41

54 Employment and unemployment rates of women aged with tertiary education Employment rates of women with tertiary, or university, education are relatively high throughout the EU and, consequently, the variation across countries is much narrower than for those with lower education levels. In Greece, in Voreio Aigaio, some 85% of women aged with tertiary education were in work in 27 and around 81.5% in Kriti, both above the national average (78%) (Figure 26). This was also the case for women in Corse and in Åland, while in Italy, employment rates of women with this education level in Sicilia and Sardegna were below the national average (75%) but above the rate in the rest of the south of the country (around 71% as against 66.5%). Fig.26 Employment rates of women aged with tertiary education, 27 1 % Ionia Nisia Voreio Aigaio Notio Aigaio Kriti Illes Balears Canarias FR Corse Sud () Sicilia Sardegna PT RA Açores RA Madeira FI Åland Sud (): Abruzzo, Molise, Campania, Puglia, Basilicata, Calabria. Unemployment rates of women with tertiary education were correspondingly low in all countries and in Greece and Portugal, for women on islands, below the rate on the mainland except in Ionia Nisia (where the rate was 12.8% in 27 compared to 8.3% for women on the mainland) (Figure 27). In stark contrast, the unemployment for women with tertiary education in Voreio Aigaio was only around 2%. In Spain and Italy, unemployment rates of the women concerned were higher in the islands than on the mainland (7.5% in Canarias against 5.7%, 7.2% in Sardegna and 6.9% in Sicilia compared to 5.2%). In both Sardegna and Sicilia, however, the rates were well below the average in the south of Italy (almost 1%). 42

55 Fig.27 Unemployment rates of women aged with tertiary education, % Ionia Nisia Voreio Aigaio Notio Aigaio Kriti Illes Balears Canarias Sud () Sicilia Sardegna PT RA Açores RA Madeira FR and FI: no data for islands. Sud (): Abruzzo, Molise, Campania, Puglia, Basilicata, Calabria. Employment of those with tertiary education by sector of activity A large number of women with tertiary education were employed in public administration, education and health and social services in most EU island regions (see Table 22 in annex). On the Greek islands, around 36% of the women concerned were employed in the education sector in 27, much more than on the mainland, while in Voreio Aigaio, the proportion was as high as 44%. In addition, some 16% women on the islands taken together were employed in health and social services (23% in Notio Aigaio), again more than on the mainland. In Spain, much the same proportion of university-educated women worked in education on the islands as on the mainland. Here a relatively large proportion as compared with elsewhere were employed in hotels and restaurants on the islands (11.5% in Illes Balears and 7% in Canarias as against only around 3.5% on the mainland). In Corse (the only French island for which data are available), more than half of women with this level of education worked in public administration and over a quarter in health and social services, both figures well above those in overall France. In Italy, women with tertiary education on islands were, as in Greece, largely employed in education (44%) and health and social services (2%), more in both cases than in the rest of the Southern regions of the country (4% and 16%). On Portuguese islands, even more of the women with this education level were employed in the education sector (over 5% as against 31% on the mainland) and health and social services (28% as against only 2% on the mainland). In Åland, a far larger proportion of women with tertiary education were employed in health and social services than elsewhere (around 6%), several times larger than the proportion on the mainland, while another 15% worked in transport and communications. In sum, therefore, the evidence suggests that women on islands with university education in most cases seems to have a more restricted range of jobs open to them than those on the mainland, reflecting the more limited pattern of economic activity. 43

56 Employment of those with tertiary education by occupation The great majority of women with university degree or the equivalent work in high level occupations throughout the EU, in the sense of being employed as managers, professionals or technicians (according to the ISCO system of classification), jobs which tend to require a relatively high level of intellectual ability and know-how and involve a relatively high degree of responsibility. In three of the 6 countries, women on islands with tertiary education are more likely to be employed in such jobs than their counterparts living on the mainland (see Table 23 in annex). In Italy, 9% women with this level of education living on islands worked in the jobs concerned in 27, slightly more than in the rest of the Mezzogiorno. In Portugal, the proportion working in these jobs was even larger on islands (94.5%) and well above the proportion on the mainland (84%). In Åland, the relative figures were similar (93.5% as against 78%). On the other hand, university-educated women living on Greek and Spanish islands seem to have fewer opportunities to work in a high level job than women living on the mainland, though only marginally so (8% of women on Greek islands being employed as managers, professionals or technicians as against 81.5% in mainland Greece and 63% on Spanish islands as against 66%). Women with tertiary education living on Greek islands tend to work more as clerks and office workers than their mainland counterparts, especially those in Ionia Nisia (18.5% as against 1% on the mainland). On Spanish islands, a much smaller proportion of women with tertiary education are employed in high level jobs than in other countries and fewer of those on the islands than on the mainland. This is particularly so in Canarias where 21% of women were employed in sales and service jobs or low skill manual jobs. In France, the relative number of university-educated women in Corse employed in sales and service jobs was also much higher than on the mainland (11.5% as against 6%), though lower than in Canarias. In Sardegna, the proportion of women with this level of education employed in sales and services was equally well above the average on the mainland (7% as against 4%) and twice the proportion in the rest of the South. It was also well above the proportion in Sicilia (2%), where 9% of the women concerned worked as managers, professionals or technicians, well above the national average (83%). 44

57 5 Healthcare Access to healthcare is not always straightforward for people living on EU islands. In the case of an archipelago, for instance, the hospital is often located on the main island which means that patients living on small islands have to face additional travel costs, and logistical problems, in order to be treated. This can pose particular difficulties for the elderly or in cases of emergency. Moreover, costly medical equipment and high level specialists are often not present and islands rarely have large teaching hospitals. In most cases, the health authorities concerned have to choose between equipping hospitals on islands with specialist services, such as for example for cardiac surgery, which may be under-used or transporting people to the mainland whenever they need specialist treatment. The concern here is to try to compare the extent of healthcare services available to women and men on EU islands with those on the mainland on the basis of the data available, which are relatively sparse. This issue of access to health care services is covered relatively little in the literature. A study carried out in Italy (Costa, G. et al.) highlights the fact that the geographical distribution of health status across Italian regions shows a North-South divide, with both men and women reporting being significantly healthier in the North than the South of the country. The divide, however, seems to be largely related to differences in the education levels of the people in the two parts of the country and only slightly to other factors, such as the availability of healthcare. It is also the case that socio-demographic and socioeconomic factors affect medical support provided to women and can partly explain the differences observed between islands and the mainland, as in the case of Martinique (see Pierre-Louis, K.), where, for example, some obstetrical operations are carried out by general practitioners rather than by specialists as on the mainland (see Rousseau, A. et al.). The need for better support and supervision of patients on some of the islands is also highlighted by a number of studies. One study, for example (Ledrans, M. et al.), has pointed to specific health risks in the French overseas territories which require better coordination, more exchange of information and the more widespread implementation of screening to combat epidemics such as the spread of the chikungunya disease in La Réunion. The one study on this general theme carried out for Åland (Häggblom, A., Hallberg, L. and Möller, A.), indicates that the training of nurses does not adequately equip them to take care of women who have been abused on the island and to respond to their problems. In addition, a number of studies have investigated the gender dimension in health policies, indicating that the gender sensitivity expressed in the health plans of various Spanish Autonomous Communities, including Canarias was largely symbolic and tended not to be translated into practice (Peiró, R. et al.). The following analysis attempts to identify the relative availability of healthcare on EU islands from the data which exist and the indicators which can be constructed, in particular on the number of health personnel and hospital beds in relation to population. These data come from the health survey conducted in different countries at various time and relate to the last year available for each of the countries covered here (which, in practice is between 22 and 26). Data from the EU Labour Force Survey for 26 and 27 have also been used to estimate the number of doctors, nurses and other health and social 45

58 workers employed in island regions as compared with other parts of the respective countries. In addition, data from the EU-SILC (the Statistics on Income and Living Conditions), which contains a small module on health, including a question on unmet need for health care, are also used to throw light on any difficulties of access to healthcare. 5.1 Healthcare facilities and staff Access to healthcare on the islands depends to a large extent on the services and facilities available. The evidence on hospital beds in relation to population indicates that the number is smaller on islands in Greece and Italy than on the mainland, while in both Spain and Portugal, the number is slightly higher. The main differences, however, are the French overseas islands, where the number is well below that on mainland France, especially in La Réunion. The number of doctors, on the other hand, is smaller in relation to population on islands than on the mainland in all countries, except Italy. In Guadeloupe, it is only two-thirds of the French average. Density of hospital beds Data on the number of hospital beds in relation to the population suggest that for the most part there are no major differences between the mainland and the islands in this respect (Figure 28). Fig.28 Rate of hospital beds, latest year available 9 Per 1, inhabitants Ionia Nisia Voreio Aigaio Notio Aigaio Kriti Illes Balears Canarias FR Corse Guadeloupe Martinique Réunion Sud () Sicilia Sardegna PT RA Açores RA Madeira FI Åland, FR,, FI: 26; :25; PT: 24, Regional health statistics In Greece, there were just under 46 beds per 1, inhabitants on the islands as against around 48 on the mainland. In Voreio Aigaio, however, the number was only just over 3 per 1, people, less than two-thirds of the Greek average, which suggests that women and men might have to seek hospital treatment on the mainland when they need it. In Kriti, on the other hand, the number was higher than in the rest of Greece. The data show a large difference in France between the density of beds on the islands (535 per 1, people) and the mainland (just over 72 per 1,). The difference is due entirely to the small number of beds in the three overseas departments and notably in La Réunion, where there were only 346 beds per 1, inhabitants, according to the latest data, only two-thirds of the average for the islands taken together and less than half 46

59 that in mainland France. In Corse, on the other hand, the density of beds, at over 8 per 1,, is significantly higher than on the mainland. In Italy, the density of beds (355 per 1, people) in Sicilia and Sardegna is around 1% lower than on the mainland but roughly the same as in the other Southern regions. In both Spain and Portugal, the density of beds is higher on the islands than in the mainland. While in Spain the difference is relatively small, in Portugal, the islands have almost twice as many beds per 1, inhabitants as the mainland. Density rate of physicians The published data on healthcare staff available are limited to physicians 14. Figure 29, which shows the number of practising physicians per 1, inhabitants, indicates that, except for Italy, the rate tends to be lower on islands than on the mainland in all countries. Fig.29 Density of physicians, latest year available 9 Per 1, inhabitants Ionia Nisia Voreio Aigaio Notio Aigaio Kriti Illes Balears Canarias FR Corse Guadeloupe Martinique Réunion Sud () Sicilia Sardegna PT RA Açores RA Madeira FI Åland, FR, : 26; : 25; PT: 23; FI: 22. The data for Italy relate to all licensed and professionally active physicians and are therefore overestimated., Regional health statistics In Greece, taking all island regions together, there are some 43 physicians per 1, inhabitants as against almost 52 on the mainland, a difference of around 18%. The rate on the islands, however, varies from 35 per 1, in Ionia Nisia to 51 per 1, in Kriti. In Spain, the density rate for the islands 347 physicians per 1, people is not significantly lower than on the mainland (376 per 1,) with the rate being slightly higher in the Canarias than in the Illes Balears. In France, as in the case of hospital beds, the much lower density of physicians on the islands (267 per 1,) as compared with the mainland (341) is due entirely to the situation in the three overseas departments Guadeloupe, for example, has a rate which is only two-thirds of the French average with Corse having the same number of physicians per 1, inhabitants as the mainland. In both Portugal and Finland, the rate on the islands is only around 75% of that on the mainland. Italy is the only country where the density of physicians is significantly higher on the islands than in the rest of the country. The average rate per 1, people on the 14 The data available in Eurostat from the national administrative sources include different categories of professionals - dentists, physiotherapists, nurses and midwives, pharmacists and physicians - but the only data available for all the countries covered here are those on physicians. 47

60 islands, at around 423, is well above both that in the other Southern regions and the Italian average. This is particularly so in Sicilia where the rate is 3% higher than in the rest of the Mezzogiorno, which might reflect the relatively large numbers of physicians employed in the private sector 15. (It should be noted that the data for Italy relate to all licensed and professionally active physicians and not to practising physicians alone and are therefore overstated in relation to other countries.) The relative number of healthcare personnel The administrative data on the number of physicians can be supplemented by estimates of health personnel derived from the EU Labour Force Survey which contains data on the number of people employed in the relevant occupations in the healthcare sector, along with the region in which the people concerned work. These data are based on a sample of people surveyed and, therefore, may not be as accurate as the administrative data presented above, but they are both more up-to-date and cover most healthcare professionals rather than just physicians. Table c shows the number of health service personnel employed per 1, inhabitants (rather than per 1, as in Figure 29) in the mainland and island regions of the countries in Health personnel include medical doctors, dentists, pharmacists and other health professionals, as well as medical assistants, hygienists, dieticians and nutritionists, optometrists and opticians, dental assistants, physiotherapists pharmaceutical assistants and nurses. 48

61 c. Number of health personnel per 1, inhabitants, 27 Health professionals (except nursing) Nursing and midwifery professionals (with associates) Health associate professionals (except nursing) Personal care and related workers All health service occupations Ionia Nisia Voreio Aigaio Notio Aigaio Kriti Illes Balears Canarias FR : : : : : : : : : : Corse Sud () Sicilia Sardegna PT R.A Açores R.A Madeira FI Åland FR: data refer to year 26. The figures are in many cases based on a small sample and therefore should be regarded as approximate only. Accordingly, small differences between figures may not be significant. In the majority of countries, the data indicate that the density of health personnel is lower on islands than on the mainland. In Greece for instance, the number of health professionals per 1, inhabitants was 123 on islands in 27 as against on mainland. In Portugal, there were just under 161 per 1, on islands as against almost 18 per 1, on the mainland. In Spain, the gap between the number of healthcare personnel on islands and the mainland is wider still (158 per 1, as compared with 181 per 1,). In Italy, the gap is narrower on the islands in relation to the mainland (nearly 162 per 1, on average as against 173 per 1,). Moreover, the number of personnel in Sardegna and Sicilia taken together is much higher than in the other Southern regions (129.5 per 1,). Indeed, in Sardegna, the number is higher in relation to population than in the North of Italy. In Åland too, the number of healthcare personnel is higher than on the mainland, though together with Kriti, these are the only island regions where this is the case. These data indicate, therefore, that in most of the islands, there are fewer healthcare personnel than in the respective mainland regions, a conclusion in line with that reached above on the basis of a much more limited indicator of personnel. 49

62 5.2 Unmet need for health care The aim of this section is to assess the extent of access to healthcare in island regions as compared with the others. It is based on EU-SILC data and, more specifically, on the responses of those surveyed as to the reasons why they did not receive the care treatment they considered they needed. The data available mean that this analysis is possible for only three of the 6 countries, Greece, Spain and Italy. Both men and women living on islands in Greece and Spain report having more difficulty obtaining care or treatment (because of long waiting lists, having to travel too far or not knowing any good doctor or specialist), than those living on the mainland. In general, the elderly living on islands seem to be more affected by difficulties of access to care than their counterparts living on the mainland. This is particularly so on Greek islands where those reporting the difficulty of access to care as the main reason for not having had medical care or treatment is twice as high on the islands as on the mainland for women aged and three times as high for men aged 65 and above. In the three countries for which data are available Greece, Spain and Italy there is no discernible common pattern as regards access to healthcare in the island regions relative to others (Figure 3). In Spain, a larger proportion (just under 11%) of the total population all age groups and women and men taken together on the islands than on the mainland (6%) reported having needed medical treatment but not having had it. On the other hand, in Greece, the proportion so reporting was slightly smaller on islands than on the mainland (6% as against 7%). In Italy, the proportion was slightly larger on the islands (9%) than on the mainland (just under 7%) but below in the other Southern regions (1.5%). Fig.3 Proportion of women and men reporting to have been in need of medical examination or treatment but not having had one, % of women/men in each age group Left bar: women, right bar: men GREECE SPAIN ALY : data for islands exclude Ionia Nisia. : data on mainland refer to Southern continental regions. The situation is very similar for women and men considered separately. Differences increase with age in all countries, though to differing extents and in differing directions. 5

63 In Spain, fewer women and men aged 65 and over living on the mainland seem to have experienced unmet need for medical care as compared with women and men of working age (16-64). On islands, on the other hand, the data show two contrasting pictures. The proportion of women aged 65 and over reporting not having been able to have a medical examination or treatment (almost 7%) is smaller than for those aged (1%) while the proportion of men (just over 15%) is significantly larger than for men of working age. In Greece, more women and men aged 65 and over reported unmet needs for medical care than people aged However, while the difference between the two age groups is significant on the mainland for both women and men, the difference tends to be smaller for those on islands. In both cases, access to care seems to be less of a problem on islands (it should be noted that, the aggregate for the Greek islands here excludes Ionia Nisia for which no separate data are available). Similarly, access to healthcare seems easier on the two islands of Sicilia and Sardegna taken together than in the rest of the Mezzogiorno. As in Greece, for both women and men the proportion of those reporting having experienced an unmet need for medical care or treatment increases with age. In the case of women, however, the extent of the variation between the two age groups examined is broadly the same on the mainland and on the islands, whereas for men the proportion of older men reporting unmet needs is significantly higher (almost twice as high as that of men of working-age) on the islands than for the mainland. As regards the main reasons reported for not having been able to have had medical care or medical treatment, the data suggest that difficulty of access to care (in terms of long waiting lists, the care facility or doctor being too far to travel to or having no means of transport, or not knowing any good doctor or specialist) is the main reason for more women and men living on islands in Spain and Greece than on the mainland. This is also the case, if to a lesser extent, on the Italian islands, where the situation is compared with that in other Southern regions (Figure 31). In Spain, almost 4 times as many women aged 65 and over as women of working age report difficulty of access to care as the main reason for not having had medical care or treatment that they needed, with virtually no difference between those living on islands and on the mainland (around 6% for year olds and 21-22% for the older age group). Living on an island seems to give rise to more difficulty for men. Around 11% of men aged and almost 22% of men aged 65 and over living on islands, who reported an unmet need for medical care, considered that difficulty of access to care was the main reason for this, as against 4.5% and 15% in the same age groups living on the mainland. The picture is similar in Greece, where access to care seems to be a more important issue for people living on islands than for those on the mainland. The proportion of those reporting difficulty of access to care as the main reason for not having had medical care or treatment was, therefore, twice as large on islands than on the mainland for women aged and three times as large for men aged 65 and above. 51

64 Fig.31 7 Share of women and men reporting access to care as the main reason for unmet need for medical examination or treatment, 26 % of women/men in each age group Left bar: women, right bar: men GREECE SPAIN ALY : data for islands exclude Ionia Nisia. : data on mainland refer to Southern continental regions. Italy shows a somewhat different picture, with variations between the islands and the rest of the Mezzogiorno being relatively small, except in the case of women of working age (the analysis also shows similar results when the figures for the two islands together are compared with the country average). The proportion of those reporting difficulty of access to care doubles for both women and men as they become older, irrespective of whether they live on the islands or in the other Southern regions. Moreover, whereas access to care is given as a primary reason for not having had medical care or treatment by more women of working age living on islands than on the mainland (almost 22% against 16%), in the case of older men, the proportion is slightly smaller on the islands (4% against 43%, respectively). The use of ICT can be a means of improving access to healthcare on EU islands and reduce travel costs to treatment. Three examples are presented below, the two first on Spanish islands and the last on Greek islands. In Illes Balears, the Son Làtzer hospital recently introduced a new computer system to improve the overall management of the hospital as well as to reduce administrative costs and improve services to patients. As part of this, the implementation of a system of information exchange through SMS (mobile phones) has reduced the number of external consultations significantly, while the development of telemedicine services has made it possible to transfer images and information between patients and doctors through the internet. In El Hierro, the most westerly of the Canarias, a telepsychiatry service, using ISDN videoconferencing, has been established for psychiatric consultations. During the first year of routine operation, some 4 patients received initial and follow-up teleconsultations. A survey carried out indicated that patients were happy with the technology. In their first teleconsultations, around a third of them reported experiencing some initial inconvenience which, however, disappeared after a few minutes. 9% of the patients considered that they received the follow-up care they required. In Kriti, the Technological Educational Institute (TEI), in an effort to assist remote clinics, has developed a telemedicine and teleconsulting web application so that the clinics concerned can have immediate access to the opinion of a specialist. The initial purpose of the web application was the instant transfer of electrocardiograms (ECGs) from a remote clinic to a specialist at the hospital in Heraklion so that the doctor concerned can obtain an expert opinion on the ECG. In the future, the application is planned to transmit a live capture of ECG and support video conferencing. The application can potentially be extended to other medical fields relatively straight-forwardly. 52

65 CONCLUSION AND POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS The report presents a contrasting picture of EU islands but it is possible to draw some general conclusions. The share of young people in the population tends to be larger in the island regions in the EU than in other parts of the respective countries, which in some ways is an advantage in terms of economic potential but it also means a greater need than elsewhere to provide the necessary schooling and access to further and higher education. Access to employment varies between island regions and disparities in access between islands and the respective mainland regions are more marked in some countries than others. Women of working age living on the French overseas islands in particular have a lower employment rate than women living in mainland France. The same is the case on Portuguese and Italian islands, though in the latter in relation to the Northern part of Italy, but not other parts of the South. On the other hand, the proportion of women of working age in employment in Åland, Kriti and Illes Balears exceeds that in the respective mainland regions. The main employer of women living on islands in many cases is the public sector, a large proportion of them working in public administration, education and health and social services. This is particularly the case on French, Portuguese and Finnish islands. University-educated women living on islands are especially likely to be employed in the public sector. In Voreio Aigaio in Greece, nearly 44% women with tertiary education work in education, more than half of those in Corse are employed in public administration and 6% of those in Åland in health and social services. While there is little evidence that women with tertiary education on islands have less chance of working in high-level jobs which fit their qualifications, in Canarias, 21% of them are employed in low skill jobs. In all countries, there are more women with low educational attainment levels on the islands than on the mainland and fewer with high education, which has implications for their economic potential. Every island region has at least one university, but in some cases these are spread across several islands and the fields of study available can be limited. Many young people, therefore, have either to move or to travel to the mainland in order to pursue their studies. The rate of school drop out is generally higher on islands than on the mainland. This is particularly the case for women on Greek and Portuguese islands, though in almost all cases, the rate of early school leaving before acquiring adequate qualifications is higher among men than women Access to healthcare on the islands seems to be more limited in many cases than in other regions. This is the case both for the availability of hospital beds, which is an indicator of the capacity of the system, and the number of doctors and other healthcare personnel in relation to population. Access seems much more limited, in particular, on the French overseas islands, especially La Réunion, than in mainland France. Older people aged 65 and over living on islands seem more affected by a difficulty of access to healthcare than their counterparts living on mainland. This is particularly so on the Greek islands. The analysis has a number of policy implications. 53

66 Access to employment: 1. There is a need to widen, as well as in some cases to increase, employment opportunities on islands, such as for women with tertiary education who at present tend to be disproportionately employed in the public sector. Support for women setting up their own businesses could contribute to this as well as encouraging the employment of women in traditionally male-dominated activities. 2. There is a need to strengthen measures to help women reconcile family responsibilities with the pursuit of a working career, in the form especially of the increased provision of affordable childcare facilities. 3. More needs to be done to help women migrants integrate into society as well as to have access to decent jobs. Access to education: 1. The mobility of students living on islands should be encouraged, since there are often limited fields of study available locally, which implies the provision of both more information about possibilities for study elsewhere and the financial assistance to help them do so. 2. More support should be given to the use and diffusion of ICT to reduce the problems arising from geographical remoteness and the location of universities across several different islands. 3. More effort needs to be made to reduce early school leaving particularly on Portuguese and Greek islands, which implies both improving the quality of the education system and increasing support for families with social difficulties. Access to healthcare: 1. More investment is needed in the healthcare system in a number of islands, but particularly in the French overseas islands and, most especially, in La Réunion, where facilities seem to be even more limited than on the other overseas islands. 2. More possibility needs to be given for women and men on islands to travel to the mainland for specialist treatment when this is needed. 3. The development of ICT applications represents an important means improving diagnosis and treatment when there are long distances between medical centres and where specialist expertise is concentrated in particular places. 4. The availability of data on access of women living on islands to healthcare services should be improved. 54

67 REFERENC Aroian, K. et al., Gender Differences in Psychological Distress among Latin American Immigrants to the Canary, Sex Roles, Vol. 59 (1-2), 28, pp Bélen, P., El sistema educativo en las Islas Baleares: fortalezas, debilidades y propuestas de mejora, University of Balearic, 27. Bonnal, P. et al., Approche de la multifonctionnalité de l agriculture à la Réunion, Centre de coopération internationale de recherche agronomique pour le développement, 23. Cole, J. and Booth, S., Domestic work, family life and immigration in Sicily, Journal of Modern Italian Studies, Vol. 11 (1), 26, pp Cole, J. and Booth, S., Dirty work: Immigrants in Domestic Service, Agriculture and Prostitution in Sicily, Lexington Books, 27. Condon, S., Transatlantic French Caribbean Connections: Return Migration in the context of increasing circulation between France and the, in The Experience of Return Migration: Caribbean Perspectives, Ashgate Publishing, 25. Costa, G. et al., Individual and contextual determinants of inequalities in health: the Italian case, International Journal of Health Service, n 33(4), 23, pp Costa, J.A., Empowerment and Exploitation: Gendered Production and Consumption in Rural Greece, Consumption Markets and Culture, Vol. 8 (3), 25, pp Daniel, J. et al., Pauvreté, précarité et formes d exclusion en Martinique : une approche qualitative, 27. Domínguez Mújica, J., La inmigración extranjera en Canarias en el cambio de siglo, Estudios Geográficos, LXVII, 26, pp González Pérez, T., Algunas referencias históricas sobre la educación de la mujer en Canarias, Tebeto, n 12, 1999, pp Häggblom, A., Hallberg, L. and Möller, A., Nurses attitudes and practices toward abuse women, Nursing and Health Sciences, Vol. 7(4), 25, pp Hecquet, V. and Parain, C., Le marché du travail and les Dom : un chômage encore élevé malgré une forte croissance économique, INSEE, 26. Ledrans, M. et al., Outbreak of chikungunya in the French Territories, 26: lessons learned, Eurosurveillance, Vol. 12(36), 27, pp Lizana Varona, L., La inmigración feminina : un derecho sin derechos?, Jornadas sobre Salud, Género y Calidad de Vida, Arona, 26. Martínez García, J.S., Clase social, tipo de familia y logro educativo en Canarias, Papers, 87, 28, pp Mendolicchio, C., A Disaggregate Analysis of Private Returns to Education in Italy, Discussion Paper 26-54, Université catholique de Louvain, 26. Navinés Badal, F. and Pol Matheu, C., Cambios en el sector turístico, el empleo y la sociedad en las Islas Baleares, II Jornadas sobre Turismo y Sociedad,

68 Parra Lopez, E. and Calero García, F., Agro-tourism, sustainable tourism and ultraperipheral areas: the case of Canary, PASOS Revista de Turismo y Patrimonio Cultural, Vol. 4 n 1, 26, pp Peiró, R. et al., Sensibilidad de género en la formulación de planes de salud en España : lo que pudo ser y no fue, Gac Sanit, n 18 (supl. 2), 24, pp Pierre-Louis, K., Enquête périnatale Martinique: situation en 23 et évolution depuis 1998, Observatoire régional de la santé de la Martinique, 24. Polomaque, L. and Antoine, H., Femmes et agriculture, Délégation régionale aux droits des femmes et à l égalité de Martinique, 27. Ramos, V., Rey-Maquieira, J. and Tugores, M., The role of training in changing an economy specializing in tourism, International Journal of Manpower vol. 25, 24, pp Ranély Vergé-Dépré, C., Transport aérien et intégration territoriale : l exemple des Antilles françaises, Études caribéennes, 3/25, Varia, 25. Rousseau, A. et al., Évaluation du dépistage organisé et du dépistage individuel du col de l utérus : utilité des données de l Assurance maladie, BEH, n 19, 22, pp Sdrali, D. and Chazapi, K., Cultural Tourism in a Greek insular Community: the residents perspective, Tourismos, vol.2 n 2, 27, pp Zurru, M., Etnie in transito. Vecchie e nuove migrazioni in Sardegna, FrancoAngeli Edizioni,

69 DATA AVAILABILY AND RIABILY A comparative analysis of the position of women living on islands across the EU requires the use of data which are reliable, consistent and comparable. For this reason, the analysis is limited to NUTS 2 island regions for which statistical data are available at EU level. All the data have then been extracted from Eurostat s databases during the first period of the project, either from the online resource or through direct requests to statisticians in Luxembourg. Data for the last year available have been used throughout. Data on population structure come from the Eurostat online database on demographic statistics for 27 (26 for France), while data on GDP and disposable income come from the regional accounts for 25. The EU Labour Force Survey (LFS) which is a long-established survey based on a sample of households which covers all EU Member States and contains a broad range of relevant information broken down by sex and age is the source of data for the sections on access to the labour market, access to education, as well as access to healthcare (health staff employed in Health sector). Data from LFS cover all NUTS 2 regions across the EU and the most recent data available relate to 27. Data from Eurostat have the merit of being harmonised in terms of definitions and systems of classification which ensures a relatively high degree of comparability across countries and, for the most part, consistency over time. Limitations of analysis come from the fact that data are sometimes not available for all the regions and for all the issues which ought to be covered. Indeed, education statistics are not available for Guadeloupe, Martinique and La Réunion. Furthermore, EU-SILC are not available for the French islands (including, in practice, Corse, because of the small sample size which makes the data unreliable) for Åland (Finland) and for the Portuguese islands. All Greek islands are included at the NUTS-1 level and it is not possible to distinguish Ionia Nisia which is included with the mainland. Data on access to healthcare are most problematic, as noted above. The data indicated above have been extracted from the Eurostat online database and again relate to the latest year available for each country covered. Data from the EU-SILC relate to 26. The EU-SILC contains a small module on health, including a question on unmet need for health care, which is the respondent's own assessment of whether he or she needed a medical examination or treatment, but did not have one, and a follow up question on the main reason for not having had one. The answers include: 1 Could not afford to (too expensive) 2 Waiting list 3 Could not take time because of work, care for children or for others 4 Too far to travel/no means of transportation 5 Fear of doctor/hospitals/examination/ treatment 6 Wanted to wait and see if problem got better on its own 7 Didn t know any good doctor or specialist 8 Other reasons For the purpose of the analysis in this report, the answers 2, 4 and 7 were selected in order to capture the dimension of restricted access to care. 57

70 The data on Health care staff' and 'Health care facilities' are based largely on administrative data sources in the countries. Therefore, they reflect the country-specific way of organising health care and may not always be completely comparable across countries. The definition of hospitals, following the OECD recommendation, refers to the number of available beds (occupied or unoccupied) which are immediately available to be used by an admitted patient if required. That means fully staffed and equipped beds excluding provisional beds and beds for accompanying persons. However, data on the number of beds reported to Eurostat are normally given as an annual average of beds in use during the year of reporting or according to concepts of registration or budgetary or planned approval. The comparability is still weak and therefore, data on hospital beds must be treated with caution due to the different concepts of hospital and hospital beds in the EU countries. Data on physicians should refer to all practising doctors providing healthcare services irrespective of whether they are independent, employed by a hospital or by any other healthcare provider. However, Member States use different concepts when they report the number of healthcare professionals, both for national purposes and for international comparison. Therefore, for some countries, the data might refer to professionally active physicians (i.e. practising physicians plus other physicians for whom their medical education is a prerequisite for the execution of the job) or physicians licensed to practice (i.e. practising physicians, professionally active and economically active physicians as well as all physicians being registered and entitled to practise as healthcare professionals), as in the case of Italy. However, since the analysis in this report focuses on differences within countries, it can be assumed that the data are sufficiently consistent and reliable to provide a broad picture of the situation on the islands and the mainland. In general, regions sample size limits the degree of detail for which it is possible to carry out the analysis, such as for instance in the case of the reasons for working part time, and means that a limited breakdown of age groups is possible. Nevertheless, despite the limitations, the data used in the analysis provide an objective insight into various aspects of the situation of women on EU islands and an indication at least of the extent of any disadvantage they experience. 58

71 ANNEX TABL 59

72 Table 1. Structure of the population, 1st January 27 Ionia Nisia Voreio Aigaio Notio Aigaio Kriti Illes Balears Canarias FR Corse Guadeloupe Martinique Réunion Sud () Sicilia Sardegna PT RA Açores RA Madeira FI Åland 6 % population in each age group Women < Men < Total < Data for France refer to 26. Sud (): Abruzzo, Molise, Campania, Puglia, Basilicata, Calabria.

73 Table 2. Net migration of working age population over the period 2-25 Ionia Nisia Voreio Aigaio Notio Aigaio Kriti Illes Balears Canarias FR Corse Guadeloupe Martinique Réunion Sicilia Sardegna PT RA Açores RA Madeira FI Åland 61 % population in each age group Women : 7.8 : : : : -1.8 : : : : 4. : : : : 21.4 : : : : 13.8 : : : : 6.7 : : : : 4.2 : : : : 4.4 : : : : 7.7 : : : : 1.5 : : : : 1.8 : : : Men : 4.7 : : : : 1.6 : : : : 1. : : : : 1.8 : : : : 9.6 : : : : 4.8 : : : : 1.6 : : : :.9 : : : : 2.9 : : : : 7. : : : : 9.2 : : : Total : 6.2 : : : : -.1 : : : : 2.4 : : : : 15.9 : : : : 11.7 : : : : 5.8 : : : : 3. : : : : 2.6 : : : : 5.3 : : : : 8.7 : : : : 1. : : :

74 Table 3. Share of women in each age group, 27 Ionia Nisia Voreio Aigaio Notio Aigaio Kriti Illes Balears Canarias FR Corse Guadeloupe Martinique Réunion Sud () Sicilia Sardegna PT RA Açores RA Madeira FI Åland 62 % total population in each age group < Data for France refer to 26. Sud (): Abruzzo, Molise, Campania, Puglia, Basilicata, Calabria. Table 4. Crude birth rates*, 25 and 26 per 1, inhabitants Ionia Nisia Voreio Aigaio Notio Aigaio Kriti : 1.8 : Illes Balears 11.2 : Canarias 1.4 : FR 12.8 : 14.7 : Corse 1.3 : Guadeloupe 16.9 : Martinique 12.7 : Réunion 19. : 9.5 : 9.1 : Sicilia 1.1 : Sardegna 8. : PT R.A dos Açores R.A da Madeira FI Åland * Ratio of the number of births during the year to the average population in that year.

75 Table 5. Employment rates, 27 % population in each group Mainla Ionia Ni Voreio Aiga Notio Aiga Mainla Illes Balear Cana Mainla Guadel Cor Martini Réuni Mainla Sud ( Sicilia Sardegna Mainla RA Açore RA Made Mainla Åla Ionia Nisia Voreio Aigaio Notio Aigaio Kriti Illes Balears Canarias FR Corse Guadeloupe Martinique Réunion Sud () Sicilia Sardegna PT RA Açores RA Madeira FI 63 Åland Women Men Total The figures are in many cases based on a small sample and therefore should be regarded as approximate only. Accordingly, small differences between figures may not be significant. ".": Data not published because the sample size is too small. Table 6. Gender gap in employment, 27 nd sia io io Kriti nd s rias FR nd se oupe que on nd ) PT nd s ira FI nd nd women's rate as % men's The figures are in many cases based on a small sample and therefore should be regarded as approximate only. Accordingly, small differences between figures may not be significant. ".": Data not published because the sample size is too small.

76 Table 7. Distribution of employment by broad sectors, 27 Ionia Nisia Voreio Aigaio Notio Aigaio Kriti Illes Balears Canarias FR Corse Guadeloupe Martinique Réunion Sud () Sicilia Sardegna PT RA Açores RA Madeira FI Åland 64 % employed Women Agriculture (A) : 2.5 : : : F ishing (B) :. : : : Mining & quarrying (C ) :. : : : Manufacturing (D) : 2. : : : Electricity gas & water supply (E) :. : : : Construction (F) :. : : : Wholesale & retail trade (G) : 16.2 : : : Hotels & restaurants (H) : 2.7 : : : Transport storage & communication (I) : 5.8 : : : Financial intermediation (J) : 2. : : : Real estate renting & business activities (K) : 8.8 : : : Public administration (L) : 12.6 : : : Education (M) : 8.6 : : : Health & social work (N) : 27.4 : : : Other community social & personal service (O) : 3.8 : : : Private households (P) : 7.6 : : : Extra-territorial organisations (Q) :. : : : Men Agriculture (A) : 2.7 : : : Fishing (B) :. : : : Mining & quarrying (C ) :. : : : Manufacturing (D) : 13.7 : : : Electricity gas & water supply (E) : 6. : : : Construction (F) : 15.2 : : : Wholesale & retail trade (G) : 15.1 : : : Hotels & restaurants (H) : 1.5 : : : Transport storage & communication (I) : 7.5 : : : Financial intermediation (J) : 1.1 : : : Real estate renting & business activities (K) : 1. : : : Public administration (L) : 9.9 : : : Education (M) : 9.8 : : : Health & social work (N) : 3.2 : : : Other community social & personal service (O) : 4.4 : : : Private households (P) :. : : : Extra-territorial organisations (Q) :. : : : Total Agriculture (A) : 2.6 : : : Fishing (B) :. : : : Mining & quarrying (C ) :. : : : Manufacturing (D) : 7.5 : : : Electricity gas & water supply (E) : 2.8 : : : Construction (F) : 7.1 : : : Wholesale & retail trade (G) : 15.7 : : : Hotels & restaurants (H) : 2.1 : : : Transport storage & communication (I) : 6.6 : : : Financial intermediation (J) : 1.6 : : : Real estate renting & business activities (K) : 9.4 : : : Public administration (L) : 11.3 : : : Education (M) : 9.1 : : : Health & social work (N) : 16.1 : : : Other community social & personal service (O) : 4.1 : : : Private households (P) : 4. : : : Extra-territorial organisations (Q) :. : : :

77 Table 8. Unemployment rates, 27 Ionia Nisia Voreio Aigaio Notio Aigaio Kriti Illes Balears Canarias FR Corse Guadeloupe Martinique Réunion Sud () Sicilia Sardegna PT RA Açores RA Madeira FI Åland Women Men Total The figures are in many cases based on a small sample and therefore should be regarded as approximate only. Accordingly, small differences between figures may not be significant. ".": Data not published because the sample size is too small. Table 9. Activity rates, 27 Ionia Nisia Voreio Aigaio Notio Aigaio Kriti Illes Balears Canarias FR Corse Guadeloupe Martinique Réunion Sud () Sicilia Sardegna PT RA Açores RA Madeira FI Åland 65 % active population in each group % population in each group Women Men Total The figures are in many cases based on a small sample and therefore should be regarded as approximate only. Accordingly, small differences between figures may not be significant. ".": Data not published because the sample size is too small.

78 Table 1. Reasons for not searching a job, 25-64, 27 Ionia Nisia Voreio Aigaio Notio Aigaio Kriti Illes Balears Canarias FR Corse Guadeloupe Martinique Réunion Sud () Sicilia Sardegna PT RA Açores RA Madeira FI Åland 66 % inactive population Women awaiting recall to work (persons on lay-off) looking after children or incapacitated adults believe that no work is available education or training own illness or disability retirement other personal or family responsibilities other reasons Men awaiting recall to work (persons on lay-off) looking after children or incapacitated adults believe that no work is available education or training own illness or disability retirement other personal or family responsibilities other reasons Total awaiting recall to work (persons on lay-off) looking after children or incapacitated adults believe that no work is available education or training own illness or disability retirement other personal or family responsibilities other reasons The figures are in many cases based on a small sample and therefore should be regarded as approximate only. Accordingly, small differences between figures may not be significant. ".": Data not published because the sample size is too small.

79 Table 11. Professional status of working people aged 25-64, 27 io io Kriti Illes Balears Canarias FR se pe on nd ) lia na PT nd RA Açores ira FI nd nd s a % employees Women Permanent Temporary Men Permanent Temporary Total Permanent Temporary Table 13. Working people aged by type of contract, 27 Ionia Nisia Voreio Aigaio Notio Aigaio Kriti Illes Balears Canarias FR Corse Guadeloupe Martinique Réunion Sud () Sicilia Sardegna PT RA Açores RA Madeira FI Åland Island Ionia Nisi Voreio Aiga Notio Aiga Cor Guadelou Martinique Réuni Mainla Sud ( Sici Sardeg Mainla RA Made Mainla Åla Women Employee Family worker Self-employed with employees Self-employed w/o employees Men Employee Family worker Self-employed with employees Self-employed w/o employees Total Employee Family worker Self-employed with employees Self-employed w/o employees Table 12. Employees aged by type of contract, 27 Ionia Nisia Voreio Aigaio Notio Aigaio Kriti Illes Balears Canarias FR Corse Guadeloupe Martinique Réunion Sud () Sicilia Sardegna PT RA Açores RA Madeira FI Åland 67 % employed % employed Women Full-time Part-time Men Full-time #### Part-time Total Full-time Part-time

80 Table 14. Reasons for part-time work, 25-64, 27 Ionia Nisia Voreio Aigaio Notio Aigaio Kriti Illes Balears Canarias FR Corse Guadeloupe Martinique Réunion Sud () Sicilia Sardegna PT RA Açores RA Madeira FI Åland 68 % part-time employed Women Looking after children or incapacitated adults Own illness or disability Person could not find a full-time job Person is undergoing school education or training Other family or personal reasons Other reasons Men Looking after children or incapacitated adults Own illness or disability Person could not find a full-time job Person is undergoing school education or training Other family or personal reasons Other reasons Total Looking after children or incapacitated adults Own illness or disability Person could not find a full-time job Person is undergoing school education or training Other family or personal reasons Other reasons The figures are in many cases based on a small sample and therefore should be regarded as approximate only. Accordingly, small differences between figures may not be significant. ".": Data not published because the sample size is too small.

81 Table 15. Care facilities as a reason for not searching a job or for working part-time, 25-64, 27 Ionia Nisia Voreio Aigaio Notio Aigaio Kriti Illes Balears Canarias FR Corse Guadeloupe Martinique Réunion Sud () Sicilia Sardegna PT RA Açores RA Madeira 69 % inactive and people working part-time Women Care fa cilities do not influence decision for working PT or not searching for a job Suitable care services for both children/ill/disabled/elderly are not available/affordable Suitable care services for children are not available/affordable Suitable care services for ill, disabled, elderly are not available/affordable Men Care fa cilities do not influence decision for working PT or not searching for a job : : : : : : Suitable care services for both children/ill/disabled/elderly are not available/affordable.. : : : : : : Suitable care services for children are not available/affordable : : : : : : Suitable care services for ill, disabled, elderly are not available/affordable : : : : : : Total Care fa cilities do not influence decision for working PT or not searching for a job : : : : : Suitable care services for both children/ill/disabled/elderly are not available/affordable : : : : : Suitable care services for children are not available/affordable : : : : : Suitable care services for ill, disabled, elderly are not available/affordable : : : : : FI: no data for 2 The figures are in ".": Data not publ 6 nor 27. many cases based on a small sample and therefore should be regarded as approximate only. Accordingly, small differences between figures may not be significant. ished because the sample size is too small.

82 Table 16. Proportion of island population working elsewhere and proportion of people living elsewhere but working in island, 27 % employed island residents working on the mainland or in another island region % working in islands and living on the mainland or in another island region Women Men Total Women Men Total Ionia Nisia Voreio Aigaio Notio Aigaio Kriti Illes Balears Canarias FR Corse Guadeloupe Martinique Réunion Sicilia Sardegna PT RA Açores RA Madeira FI Åland

83 Table 17. Proportion of women and men aged by education attainment level, 27 % Total Men Women Low Medium High Low Medium High Low Medium High Ionia Nisia Voreio Aigaio Notio Aigaio Kriti Illes Balears Canarias FR Corse Sud () Sicilia Sardegna PT RA Açores RA Madeira FI Åland Table 18. Participation of women and men aged in some education and training, 27 % Total Men Women Ionia Nisia Voreio Aigaio Notio Aigaio Kriti Illes Balears Canarias FR Sud () Sicilia Sardegna PT RA Açores RA Madeira FI Åland ".": Data not published because the sample size is too small. 71

84 Table 19. Participation of women and men aged 2-24 in some education and training, 27 % Total Men Women Ionia Nisia Voreio Aigaio Notio Aigaio Kriti Illes Balears Canarias FR Corse Sud () Sicilia Sardegna PT RA Açores RA Madeira FI Åland... The figures are in some cases based on a small sample and therefore should be regarded as approximate only. Accordingly, small differences between figures may not be significant. ".": Data not published because the sample size is too small. Table 2. Employment rates of women and men aged by educational level, 27 % Men Basic schooling Upper secondary Tertiary education Women % points difference Men Women % points difference Men Women % points difference Ionia Nisia Voreio Aigaio Notio Aigaio Kriti Illes Balears Canarias FR Corse Sud () Sicilia Sardegna PT RA Açores RA Madeira FI Åland

85 Table 21. Unemployment rates of women and men aged by educational level, 27 Basic schooling Upper secondary Tertiary education % % points % points % points Men Women Men Women Men Women difference difference difference Ionia Nisia : 12.8 : Voreio Aigaio Notio Aigaio Kriti Illes Balears Canarias FR Corse : : : Sud () Sicilia Sardegna PT RA Açores RA Madeira FI Åland 9.4 : : : : : 73

86 Table 22. Employment of highly educated women and men aged by sector of activity, 27 Ionia Nisia Voreio Aigaio Notio Aigaio Kriti Illes Balears Canarias FR Corse Sud () Sicilia Sardegna PT RA Açores RA Madeira FI Åland WOMEN Agriculture - Fishing :.7 : :.6.6 : : : Manufacturing : : : : : Mining - Electricity, gas, water supply - Construction : : : : Wholesale and retail trade : : Hotels and restaurants : : : Transport storage and communication : : Financial intermediation - Real estate & business activities : : Public administration : Education : : Health and social work : Other community social and personal service : : : : Activities of households - Extra-territorial organizations : : : : : :. : : : : Ionia Nisia Voreio Aigaio Notio Aigaio Kriti Illes Balears Canarias FR Corse Sud () Sicilia Sardegna PT RA Açores RA Madeira FI Åland 74 MEN Agriculture - Fishing : : Manufacturing : Mining - Electricity, gas, water supply - Construction : Wholesale and retail trade : Hotels and restaurants : : Transport storage and communication : Financial intermediation - Real estate & business activities : Public administration : Education : Health and social work : Other community social and personal service : Activities of households - Extra-territorial organizations : : : : : :.3 : : The figures are in many cases based on a small sample and therefore should be regarded as approximate only. Accordingly, small differences between figures may not be significant. ".": Data not published because the sample size is too small.

87 Table 23. Employment of highly educated women and men aged by occupation, 27 Ionia Nisia Voreio Aigaio Notio Aigaio Kriti Illes Balears Canarias FR Corse Sud () Sicilia Sardegna PT RA Açores RA Madeira FI Åland WOMEN Legislators, senior officials & managers; Professionals; : Technicians & associate professionals Clerks : : Service workers and shop and market sales workers : : Craft and related trades workers; Plant and machine : : : :. : : operators ors and assemblers Skilled agricultural and fishery workers; Elementary : : : :. : occupations; Armed forces Ionia Nisia Voreio Aigaio Notio Aigaio Kriti Illes Balears Canarias FR Corse Sud () Sicilia Sardegna PT RA Açores RA Madeira FI Åland 75 MEN Legislators, senior officials & managers; Professionals; : Technicians & associate professionals Clerks : Service workers and shop and market sales workers : Craft and related trades workers; Plant and machine : operators ors and assemblers Skilled agricultural and fishery workers; Elementary : occupations Armed forces : : : The figures are in many cases based on a small sample and therefore should be regarded as approximate only. Accordingly, small differences between figures may not be significant. ".": Data not published because the sample size is too small.

88 LIST OF FIGUR Fig.1a Greece: age pyramid in 27 Fig.1b Spain: age pyramid, 27 Fig.1c France: age pyramid, 26 Fig.1d Italy: age pyramid, 27 Fig.1e Portugal: age pyramid, 27 Fig.1f Finland: age pyramid, 27 Fig.2 Share of women in the age group, 27 Fig.3 Share of women aged 75 and over, 27 Fig.4 GDP in PPS per inhabitant, 25 Fig.5 Household net disposable income, 25 Fig.6 Female employment rates, 27 Fig.7 Gender gap in employment rate, 27 Fig.8 Distribution of employed women by main sectors of activity, 27 Fig.9 Female unemployment rates, 27 Fig.1 Female activity rates, 27 Fig.11 Reasons for not searching a job among women, 27 Fig.12 Professional status of female workers, 27 Fig.13 Share of women with temporary contracts, 27 Fig.14 Share of women working part-time, 27 Fig.15 Reasons for working part-time, 27 Fig.16 Care facilities as a reason for not searching a job or for working part-time, 27 Fig.17 % of people living on a particular island but working elsewhere in the country, 27 Fig.18 % of people working on a particular island but living elsewhere in the country, 27 Fig.19 Proportion of men and women aged by education attainment level, 27 Fig.2 Participation of men and women aged in some education or training, 27 Fig.21 Participation of men and women aged 2-24 in some education or training, 27 Fig.22 Employment rates of women aged with basic schooling, 27 Fig.23 Unemployment rates of women aged with basic schooling, 27 Fig.24 Employment rates of women aged with upper secondary education, 27 Fig.25 Unemployment rates of women aged with upper secondary education, 27 Fig.26 Employment rates of women aged with tertiary education, 27 Fig.27 Unemployment rates of women aged with tertiary education, 27 Fig.28 Rate of hospital beds, latest year available Fig.29 Density of physicians, latest year available Fig.3 % of women and men reporting to have been in need of medical examination or treatment but not having had one, 26 Fig.31 % of women and men reporting access to care as the main reason for unmet need for medical examination or treatment, 26 76

89