Extra Extra or Extra Short: Young Adults and Embracing Summarized News Formats

Transcription

1 Extra Extra or Extra Short: Young Adults and Embracing Summarized News Formats Sunny Zhang Advisor: Kenneth Rogerson Department of Public Policy Honors Thesis Duke University Durham, North Carolina 2017

2 I would like to extend my gratitude to the following people for the support, empowerment, and guidance they have offered me during this process: Professor Rogerson and Professor Gibson- Davis, for the advice and encouragement provided every step of the way My family, for nurturing me, and encouraging me in all of my academic endeavors My reader, Jill Reed, for the time and diligence given to this thesis My friends, for their kindness and keenness to help me at all hours 2

3 Table of Contents Acknowledgements... 2 Abstract... 4 Introduction... 5 Literature Review and Background... 7 Changes in News Formatting... 7 Different Types of News Formats Affect News Recall... 7 News Consumption Habits Are Formed During Young Adulthood... 9 News Consumption Leads to Active Government Participation The Debate on Young Adult News Consumption Levels Young Adults Have Negative Perceptions of News Reporting Studies Indicate Young Adults Prefer Mobile, Interactive News Summarized News s on the Rise Methods General Overview Recruitment of Experiment Participants The News Piece and Quiz Setup Survey on Experimental News Content Demographics Survey Methods of Data Analysis Data and Results Discussion Conclusion Best Practices for News Organizations Best Practices for Summarized News Consumers Limitations and Further Research References Appendix Figures Appendix 1: Examples of Summarized News Appendix 2: Experimental and Referenced News Pieces Appendix 3: Experiment Quiz and Survey Materials Appendix 4: Demographics Tables

4 Abstract Daily newsletters that quickly summarize current issues have recently and rapidly gained popularity, particularly among younger and college- educated readers. This study measures how the format of a summarized news piece affects college- aged young adults. Two hundred and forty- three Duke students participated in an online study which analyzed the differences of recall ability from exposure to a summarized news format, a traditional news article format, and a video format. Participants were given news in one of the three formats, regarding the same topic with similar content, and all participants took a standardized quiz regarding the topic. Results from the quiz indicated no significant difference in terms of recall ability among the three formats. However, students who were exposed to the summarized news format exhibited similar or lower levels of interest, preference for format style, and perceived information usability as compared to the students exposed to other formats. Overall these results suggest that summarized news promotes similar recall levels among young adults as full length articles or news videos, but is not necessarily preferred over these two formats. 4

5 Introduction News connects us to the world, influences our perceptions on issues, informs us of events, and helps shape our beliefs. Changes in news formatting have revolutionized how readers consume news, and in turn, how they interpret and understand what is happening across the globe. Transitions from print to radio, television, cable, Internet, and social media have widely transformed the way we comprehend and discuss news. Studies also indicate that knowledge of issues, civic participation, and interest in politics can be explained by level of news consumption (Livingstone, 2008). Therefore, understanding how young adults use and understand the news is critical to the future of our nation. Daily newsletters and websites that quickly summarize current issues have rapidly gained popularity recently, particularly among younger and college- educated readers. Outlets such as the Skimm, Need2Know, Circa, Daily Pnut, and the Morning Brew were created solely to provide summarized news service, while more established news institutions have created their own versions of summarized news, such as The New York Times (Morning Briefing, Evening Briefing, Today s Headlines), CNN (Nightcap), and The Daily Beast (Cheat Sheet). This research focuses on summarized news, defined as news that is abbreviated as compared to full length articles and that aims at reporting only the essentials of news events. The rising popularity of summarized news suggests that today s young people may be more engaged with news than they get credit for, a suggestion that runs counter to research and general beliefs that young Americans are not as engaged with news as compared to previous generations (Mellman, 2015; Kohut, 2013; Mindich, 2005). Thus, the trend of summarized news readership merits research on its impacts for readers, and the 5

6 extent to which it is integrated into news gathering habits and behaviors of young Americans. Summarized news could also potentially become part of the solution to motivate uninvolved young Americans to amass and store news knowledge. With summarized news formats on the rise, I was interested in determining how they compare to more traditional types of news formats, such as online news articles, and news videos. Through this study, I examined whether different formats affected news recall ability of young adults, specifically comparing summarized news with online news articles and news videos. I also considered differences in young adult perception of news, as defined through participant responses on news interest, preference for format style, and information usability. I conducted analysis to determine if young adults gain and retain more news knowledge with summarized news, if they prefer this type of format over others, and their perception of this new news presentation format. The results of this research can help foster a better understanding of how current trends in news formatting will affect young adult news habits and knowledge. 6

7 Literature Review and Background Changes in News Formatting Various media formats have emerged which have changed the way people consume their news. The transitions from print, radio, television, cable, Internet and social media have all disrupted the way news is spread, shared, perceived and accessed. The rapid rise of the Internet, for example, has changed the way in which Americans seek their news, with 79% of Americans reporting using their desktop/laptop to get news, and 72% reporting using their mobile devices (Mitchell for Pew Research Center, 2016). The uses and gratification theory posits that people choose news formats based on their ability to satisfy their needs, and provide them with knowledge, social interaction, entertainment or escape (Parker & Plank, 2000). With the advent of the Internet, news has also come to incorporate personalized, interactive, multimedia, and multisensory news content, impacting the way in which readers comprehend their news (Gu, 2015). Summarized news is a change in news formatting that could potentially affect the way young adults who currently utilize it understand their news. Different Types of News Formats Affect News Recall Research indicates that different types of news formats, or the way news is presented, have varying effects on audience ability to recall information. News format determines how information is presented, and how much time readers spend looking at the source, two variables which notably impact recall ability (Booth, 1971). News recall ability of an audience holds importance because it is a general indication of news awareness, information communication capacity, and capability of amassing news knowledge (Wicks, 1995). In general, the non- print formats such as radio and television news have lower 7

8 levels of recall ability (DeFleur, 1992; Stauffer 1981). The amount of time devoted to consuming a news piece is also a strong indicator of news recall, as a greater increase in time spent creates more opportunity to reinforce news event ideas through additional news details (Booth, 1971). However, the majority of news recall research has come to the consensus that recall capability of audiences across all formats is, in general, low (Wicks, 1995; Wilson, 1974). 1 With the rise of the Internet, more recent news recall studies have focused on the formats found on the web. In studies comparing general audience recall of news on the computer, no significant differences between participants ability to recall from newspaper or computer formats were found (DeFleur, 1992; d'haenens, 2004). Studies have also centered on how different demographic groups interact with online news. Research of recall ability from online formats shows a difference in results between experienced and inexperienced web users. When given simple news content, experienced web users retain less knowledge, compared to more interactive and complex news content; this is attributed to the the idea that the content did not challenge nor engage the participants enough to inspire greater recall (Opgenhaffen, 2011). Conversely, inexperienced web users have higher levels of recall on simple news content compared to more interactive and complex news content (Opgenhaffen, 2011). However, in studies specific to young adults, online news sources seem to cause them to work in a snatch- and- grab mindset, in which they feel the need to read faster, 1 To give reference, in a study conducted by Defleur, et al., the range of recall percentage on details in different types of news formats was 26-31% (Defleur, 1992). While the percentages assigned by studies are relative to how recall is evaluated, overall consensus is that readers do not recall information at high levels. 8

9 resulting in only shallow understandings of texts (Sutherland- Smith, 2002). Internet reading for young adults also generally encourages a need for instant gratification, which can promote frustration with longer articles or media (Coiro, 2003). Hyperlinks within electronic texts are often not utilized by their readers because they require active engagement, focus, and navigation ability to be able to fully utilize and understand (Sutherland- Smith, 2002). News Consumption Habits Are Formed During Young Adulthood Studies have shown that news consumption habits are a result of learned patterns that solidify during the formative years of young adulthood, and are carried on throughout the rest of life (Mindich, 2005; Chan- Olmsted, Rim & Zerba, 2012; Diddi & LaRose, 2006; Schlagheck, 1998). Once these news gathering habits are formed, they are rarely changed or subjected to reevaluation, due to habit strengthening from daily repetition (Diddi & LaRose, 2006). Studies have shown that the young adults of today are the first generation to begin developing their daily news gathering habits in conjunction with usage of the Internet (Althaus & Tewksbury, 2000). While research on the differences between print and online news gathering has been extensively studied in the early 2000 s, these observations have become somewhat obsolete as young adults have almost entirely moved away from print formats (Diddi & LaRose, 2006). The Millennial generation s 2 relationship with news has centered on the advent of the Internet, , social media, and mobile technologies, and the declining popularity of traditional forms of news such as radio, 2 I would like to draw a distinction between Millennials and young adults. Millennials are defined as the population born between 1982 and 2000 (Howe & Strauss, 2000). For the purposes of this thesis, I defined and studied young adults at the age range of 18-23, as this was the age range of experiment participants. Young adults as defined by my research are a subset within the Millennial Generation, but will not reflect the Millennial Generation in its entirety. 9

10 magazines, television, and newspapers (Poindexter, 2012). The current news habits and format choice of today s young adults will largely inform their adulthood news practices, and various news formats found on the Internet will define the way in which they take their news in the future. News Consumption Leads to Active Government Participation Along with news consumption habit formation during young adulthood, habits of participation in government are also developed during this stage in life. Active participation in political processes is crucial within a democratic government system. News consumption is a good indicator of civic engagement of the population, as those who tend to consume more news are also more politically active within their communities (Boulianne 2009; Lee & Chyi, 2014). Particularly for a democracy, where citizen input affects governmental decisions, the success of the government relies upon well- informed citizens. Research indicates that increased news consumption promotes civic engagement, through increased awareness of government structure, politics, and information on issues (Putnam, 2000; Mindich, 2005). For Millennials, news consumption via the Internet and social networking sites is significantly associated with political knowledge and civic engagement (Hao, Wen, & George, 2014). Polling reports show a recent trend in the decline of young adult voting rates, from 44% in the 2008 presidential elections to 38% in the 2012 presidential elections (The Center for Information and Research on Civic Learning and Engagement, 2016). In the 2014 general elections, less than 20% of young adult voters participated, the lowest ever recorded turnout rate in a federal election (The Center for Information and Research on Civic Learning and Engagement, 2016). Overall trends indicate that this generation of 10

11 young adults has been participating at lower rates than previous generations, with declines from a 51% turnout in young adults in 1964, and a 43% turnout in young adults in 1992 (File, US Census Data, 2014). Given that over half of young adults in the United States do not vote and many more are not informed on important issues, promoting young adult news consumption is fundamental to the future health of the country s democracy (Commission on Youth Voting and Civic Knowledge, 2013). The Debate on Young Adult News Consumption Levels Research on young adult news consumption levels yields conflicting results; an overall consensus has not yet been reached on whether or not young people have been consuming news at rates lower than previous generations. Some researchers have concluded that the Millennial generation is consuming less news compared to previous generations (Mindich 2005; Poindexter, 2012). The Pew Research Center reports that the average year- old in 1994 would spend 54 minutes consuming news a day, which declined to 45 minutes for the same age group in 2010 (Pew Research, 2010). These researchers substantiate a variety of reasons as to why young people are disinterested with the news. Environmental factors, such as the distraction by and unlimited access to social media and entertainment is one frequently cited reason, and is also viewed as most responsible for the change in news consumption behavior among young people (Poindexter, 2012). Young Adults Have Negative Perceptions of News Reporting Young adults continually posit that journalism does not reflect the needs of their generation and that news coverage is biased and dramatized, another explanation commonly cited as to why young adults might be disinterested in the news (Mindich, 2005; 11

12 Poindexter, 2012). Among young adults, there is the view that the news industry has been lackluster in catering to their demographic, instead focusing on coverage for older age groups (Lee & Chyi, 2014; Kaufhold, 2010). This can be reflected in the tone and vocabulary choice of a news piece, which impacts its ability to create a connection with readers (Opermann, 2013). Discussions with young adults yield reports that they believe news is boring, trivial, sensationalized, and commercialized (Buckingham, 2000). However, Millennials also state they are engaged with news for civic motivations, problem- solving needs, and social factors (The Media Insight Project, 2015). The Media Insight Project indicates that the Millennial generation connects with the news in the same way that they connect with the world in a continuous and mindful way, with social, civic, and entertainment elements (The Media Insight Project, 2015). Within the study, 85% of Millennials indicated that keeping up with the news is at least somewhat important to them and 69% get news daily. These statistics and research observations tell us that young adults are interested in obtaining news, but there appears to be a disconnect between the amount of news they say they want and the amount they actually get. Studies Indicate Young Adults Prefer Mobile, Interactive News The counterargument to young adults consuming less news is that even though they are not seeking news through traditional formats such as newspaper and radio, they still run into news through various other platforms such as the Internet and social media (The Media Insight Project, 2015; Chan- Olmsted, Rim & Zerba, 2012). In a national survey, 71% of young adults claimed the Internet as their primary source of news (Pew Research Center, 2013). Young adults tend to prefer news formats that feature accessibility, share- ability, link ease, reliability and coolness (Poindexter, 2012). Particularly with the advent 12

13 of mobile devices allowing on- the- go reading, which suits the needs of younger people, Millennial interaction with news is still growing and developing (Chan- Olmsted, Rim & Zerba, 2012). The widespread ownership of mobile devices capable of accessing news during these formative years has made mobile devices a staple in young adult news consumption patterns (Chan- Olmsted, Rim & Zerba, 2012). Young adults prefer mobile news because it offers to them multimedia, searchability, and topic- related links (Chan- Olmsted, Rim & Zerba, 2012). Summarized News s on the Rise News formats that quickly summarize current issues have gained popularity among young adults, especially those that are college- educated. In general, summarized news sources report news events in a couple of paragraphs or less, which is condensed relative to average article lengths. 3 Multiple outlets have sprung up to address the demand for summarized news, such as the Skimm, Need2Know, Circa, Daily Pnut, and the Morning Brew. Among some of these outlets, there is also diversity in the topics emphasized and the choice of expression when addressing the reader for example, some organizations choose to report exclusively political news, while others choose to engage in a satirical tone. More established news institutions such as The New York Times, CNN, and The Daily Beast have produced their own versions, with summaries of their own full length content. These summarized news outlets also provide external links for readers to click on if they are interested in reading more about the subject. External links are also used to determine 3 To give a reference, a New York Times Morning Briefing summarized news piece [12/08/2016] on Alternatives to Affordable Care Act was 85 words, as compared to the article it referenced and included through a link, Health Insurers List Demands if Affordable Care Act Is Killed with 1171 words. See Appendix 2. 13

14 the level of engagement of readers. Newspaper companies that are suffering readership and revenue losses may be interested in using summarized news s and subscription services as a method to bring more attention to their online news outlets (Nel, 2010). In July of 2012, Danielle Weisberg and Carly Zakin founded the Skimm, an subscription service that provides summaries of current event news to its readers (Business Insider, 2012). The intention of the Skimm was to provide time- crunched Millennials with a way to quickly access current events through summarized news every weekday morning. After three years, the Skimm had a subscription base of 1.5 million readers, with an open rate of 45%, which stands much higher compared to the 23% average open rate of other types of subscription services (Rosman WSJ 2014; Ellis Nieman Lab, 2015). In July of 2016, the Skimm reported an active membership of 3.5 million subscribers, mostly consisting of young working- professionals (Brooke, American Marketing Association, 2016). The majority of the Skimm s readers are between the ages of 22 to 33 years old, and are women (Ellis Nieman Lab 2015; Forbes, 2015). The Skimm sets itself apart from traditional news sources because of its claim in its ability to cater to the Millennial generation. Both of its founders are Millennials, under the age of 30, who state a strong understanding of the patterns and habits of the generation. They designed the Skimm to fit the needs of young people, with a daily news summary appearing in subscriber inboxes at 6AM, capable of being read on a mobile device or computer. The summarized news highlights the most relevant stories of the previous day through a chatty, often comedic tone. The Skimm appears to fit the needs of young adults well, with as this generation s most common digital activity (The Media Insight Project, 2015). Its format also lends itself well to the factors that make mobile news 14

15 appealing to young people, with summarized topics providing multiple links and share- ability (see Appendix 1) (Chan- Olmsted, Rim & Zerba, 2012). The Skimm aims to make news a lifestyle brand, act as a friend, and feel like that voice, and become a part of morning routines, similar to the way in which morning TV shows are integrated into routine (Forbes 2015; Ellis Nieman Lab 2015). The fast paced growth of the Skimm demonstrates the expanding sector of journalism that aims to deliver news in a format that is quick and conversational. Similar newsletters are also on the rise, though growth statistics and information are not as published. Methods Given this background information, I believed that it was necessary to conduct more research on the effect of summarized news formatting on news recall, as compared to the more commonly used forms of Internet news, full length articles and news videos. Is there an observable difference in recall ability when young adults are exposed to a summarized news format, as opposed to other formats? While previous research seems to indicate that young adults would prefer to obtain their news in a highly mobile, summarized , it also suggests that news knowledge recall ability from this format type is lower than those of article and video formats, due to the instant gratification and snatch- and- grab mindset given by shorter formats (Poindexter, 2012; Sutherland- Smith, 2002; Coiro, 2003). Additionally, as summarized news intentionally encourages readers to spend less time on content (due to brevity of the news piece), there likely would be lower levels of news idea reinforcement and, in turn, lower levels of news recall (Booth, 1971). Given this 15

16 information, I hypothesized readers of the summarized news would have lower levels of recall ability, due to the abbreviated format. I was also interested in how young adults given different formats might respond differently in terms of perception of the news content and news format. I defined news perception through participants level of interest, formatting preferences, and perceived information usability of the news piece they consumed. That is, would there be a difference in how interested participants were in the news topic after exposure, how well did the format match with participant preferences for news gathering, and how usable did participants consider the information of the news pieces? While previous research seems to indicate that young adults may not be interested in news, partly because it does not reflect their needs and is too biased, they are more open to quick and social forms of news (Poindexter, 2012; Chan- Olmsted, Rim & Zerba, 2012). Summarized news seems to address some of these shortcomings, by presenting news in a fast and engaging manner, directly to their readers inboxes. I hypothesized that young adults would prefer a summarized news format over the news article and the news video. General Overview The choice of methodology in conducting my study was through a controlled experiment with research participants via an online survey research platform, Qualtrics. A controlled experiment allowed me to test my hypothesis through the independent variable of the news formats that participants consumed, a summarized news piece, news article, or video. The dependent variable in the study was a score from a multiple choice news quiz, which would indicate the level participants could recall the knowledge they gained from the news pieces. By changing the format that participants received, I was able to better 16

17 understand the relationship between news format and young adult news recall. The online platform gave me access to a larger pool of participants, mimicked the normal settings under which participants would interact with their news pieces, and was the most efficient way to gather the data (Birnbaum, 2000) OVERALL HYPOTHESIS The summarized news format is associated with lower levels of news recall among young adults, compared to traditional text articles and news videos. The summarized news format is associated with a more positive perception of news from young adults, compared to traditional text articles and news videos. EXPERIMENTAL OBSERVATIONS Participants assigned the summarized news format will have significantly lower news quiz scores than the groups who consume traditional text articles and news videos. Participants assigned to the summarized news format will indicate higher levels of interest, preference for format style, and information usability than the groups assigned to a traditional text articles and news. Recruitment of Experiment Participants Constraints in access to Millennials who were not currently enrolled in college limited my participant age range to years of age; therefore, I only used the subset of the Millennial Generation age years old, which I define as young adults. College students were my target demographic to use in this study, to mirror the young working- professional demographic summarized news targets and reaches. Students were recruited mainly through campus Facebook page posts, but also through groups and DukeList, 4 Weaknesses of an online format included potential for multiple submissions, self- selection, and higher dropout rates (Birnbaum, 2000). Measures were taken to prevent this, by only allowing one submission per IP address, recruiting through general student body groups rather than niche groups, and mandating students to complete the study within a four- hour time frame. 17

18 a classified ad page. In total, I was able to recruit 382 Duke and UNC students to participate in the study, 246 of whom completed the study from start to finish. Due to a low number of responses from UNC students (only 3 students), the UNC responses were not included in data analysis. Therefore, 243 responses were used for analysis. The first 225 participants who completed the study were compensated $10 in the form of an Amazon online gift card. While participant ages were somewhat evenly distributed, participant gender was divided at 63.4% female and 36.6% male. The average age of participants was 20 years old. Tables regarding the demographics of the participants can be found in Appendix 4. The News Piece and Quiz Setup Figure 1 Qualtrics Experiment Flow Randomly Assigned: - Summarized news - News article Survey on Experimental News Content News Quiz Demographics Survey and General News Questionnaire - News Video The design of the experiment intended to best mimic natural conditions under which young adults would receive their news (Figure 1). Participants were randomly assigned by the Qualtrics system to one of the following three groups, each associated with a news piece type: summarized news piece, news article, or news video. Each participant was only given one news piece to read or watch, with all three pieces focused on the 2015 United Nations Climate Change Conference in Paris (COP21). The news pieces focused on this event topic because it was significant news, but was not as well known or as passionately followed as other major headlining issues. This was to prevent students who 18

19 were heavily invested in or knowledgeable about headline issues from skewing the news quiz score results. The news pieces used were a Skimm news summary on December 14 th 2015, a New York Times (NYT) article on December 13 th 2015, and a Cable News Network (CNN) video aired on December 12 th 2015 (see Appendix 2). The summarized news article contained 289 words, for an estimated reading time of 2 minutes, while the full length news article contained 1198 words, for an estimated reading time of 6 minutes. The news video was transcribed and had around 890 words spoken, with a run time of 4.4 minutes. Participants were encouraged to read or watch their news content in its entirety, but were not required by survey technology to stay on the content page for a certain length of time. The news company logos and signature fonts were removed in order to prevent news source preference bias from participants. Participants were also given equal opportunities to be redirected to more content on the same topic, in the form of hyperlinks. The hyperlinks were incorporated to mimic the way in which summarized news and news outlets give additional resources for readers who are interested in learning more. On each news piece page within the experiment, links were provided either in- text for the articles, or below the video. Participants were informed to follow the links if they were interested, and that these links would lead them to information that could potentially be found on the news quiz. The links were standard across all three formats of news, so they could be found within each. The Qualtrics system was capable of measuring the number of clicks by participants on a page, indicating the number of hyperlinks opened to be redirected to extra news content. 19

20 The quiz questions were used to assess how much information participants gathered and could recall from their news pieces and to what extent they clicked on external links to learn more information. Participants were asked to refrain from looking up the answers. Questions were designed to test participants on information that was presented through all three news pieces or available through external links, to control for the fact that the pieces were different and had varying levels of information, despite being on the same subject. 5 Additional questions in the quiz were aimed at determining how much more information participants sought out through the linked external articles, and could only be answered if those articles were read. 6 Survey on Experimental News Content Between the consumption of the news piece and the news quiz, participants were asked to answer questions regarding the type of news piece they consumed, which I titled as the survey on experimental news content section of the experiment. This was used as another criterion to evaluate young adult interaction with news formatting and determine participant perception on the type of format they received. The survey questions asked participants about their level of interest on the news piece, preference for format style, and their perceived information usability of the news piece. Level of interest was measured through a direct question, and also measured by likelihood of sharing the content and conducting additional research on the topic. Formatting preferences were measured through questions regarding tone of the content, 5 For example, all three news pieces mentioned capping temperatures at 1.5 degrees Celsius above pre- industrial levels. 6 For example, only through a linked Columbia Broadcasting System (CBS) news article would participants be able to learn that the Pentagon is concern with climate change because of its ability to act as a catalyst for terrorism due to resource competition. 20

21 capability of the format to match news gathering needs, and enjoyment of receiving news in the format. Information usability was measured through questions on source reliability, amount of information learned, and fairness in reporting. Participants were given a pre- determined set of responses to choose from, indicating how they felt (eg. After watching the video, how likely would you share the video with others?, possible responses ranged from extremely unlikely to extremely likely). This survey was placed before the news quiz in order to prevent feelings from taking the news quiz (and its difficulty or ease) from having an effect on how participants felt about the news piece. See Appendix 3 for a full list of news piece survey questions and possible responses. Demographics Survey After the quiz, all participants were asked to fill out a form with their demographic information, and a survey on their experiences (or lack of experiences) with newsletters. This section aimed to obtain general information about participants, such as gender, age and school attended, in order to ensure that participants matched demographics reflecting summarized news readership. Other questions in this section asked participants about their relationship with news, such as how many days in a week they consume news, in which format they typically receive their news, and words that come to mind when they think of news. Possible response categories are outlined in Appendix 3. This section also asked participants if they were subscribed to summarized news s. If participants answered yes, they were asked additional questions on their motivations for subscribing and the number of newsletters they subscribe to. 21

22 Methods of Data Analysis With the data collected, I conducted quantitative analyses using two- tailed T- testing, to determine if summarized news had any effect on news recall scores, as compared to news articles and to news videos. I also conducted two- tailed T- testing for the survey on the experimental news portion, to determine if there were differences in participant perception of news due to formatting. The experiment s null hypothesis was that there would not be a significant difference in news quiz scores between the summarized news article and news article. Findings of significance in the t- tests would allow me to reject the null hypothesis in favor of the alternative hypothesis (the overall hypothesis derived from my literature review and background research), that there is a significant difference in news quiz scores between the summarized news format and the news article format. The same tests were conducted between the summarized news format and the news video format. If the null hypotheses were rejected, I would then examine the direction of the score difference to determine if summarized news recall levels were higher or lower than those of the news article. Data and Results Key Results Results from the two- tailed t- tests indicate that scores did not differ significantly between the two comparisons of summarized news and news articles, or summarized news and news videos (Figure 2). T-tests showed no statistically significant or practically significant differences in news knowledge between the summarized news readers and the two other experimental groups. The difference in scores between summarized news readers and traditional news readers was only 1.4% (p = 0.20). The difference between traditional news readers and 22

23 viewers of the video news was 0.7% (p = 0.62). Failure to reject the null hypothesis of the experiment meant that I was unable to find evidence for alternative hypothesis that summarized news readers have lower levels of news recall as compared to news article readers and news video watchers. The results from the survey on experimental news content indicated that young adults generally did not prefer summarized news over news articles or videos, as demonstrated through levels of interest, format preference, and perceived information usability. Quiz Scores Between Treatment Groups Did Not Differ Significantly On average, summarized news treatment participants scored lower on the quiz (mean = 59.8%, SE = 1.8%) than participants who read the article (mean = 61.2%, SE = 2.1%), and almost the same as participants who watched the video (mean = 59.1%, SE = 2.1%) (see Figure 2). The average number of questions answered correctly out of thirteen were 7.77, 7.95, and 7.68, for the summarized news, article, and video, respectively. Differences between these three groups were not statistically significantly different from each other. The distribution of the quiz scores from the summarized news participants was similar to that of the article and video, but had a higher concentration of participants who scored in the 9 and 10 correct answer range, and a lower concentration of participants who were able to score above 10 answers correctly (see Figure 3). Participants who were given the article or the video were more likely than summarized news participants to answer 11 questions or more correctly. 23

24 No Score Difference with Subscribing Summarized Participants I was also interested to see if there would be a difference between two subsets of participants within the summarized news treatment group: those that were already subscribed to summarized news and had prior experience using it, as compared to those who were not subscribed. A two tailed T- test was conducted to determine if there was a difference among summarized news readers who were subscribed to summarized news outlets prior, and those who were not. The difference between the two groups was subscribers scoring 3% higher than non- subscribers scores, but this difference was not significant at the (p<0.10) level (see Figure 4). Significant Differences Between Questions While overall differences in total quiz score averages were not significant, certain questions demonstrated significant differences due to required recall of substance, and level of difficulty. The following sections analyze the scoring level differences on questions, between the summarized news and news article, and the summarized news and video. Results by Question: Summarized News vs. Article The majority of question results between the summarized news and news article were not significant (see Figure 5). The number of significant question differences between the summarized news and news article was less than the number of differences between the summarized news and the video, indicating higher levels of similarity in conveying information within text- based formats. Question 10 asked participants how many countries indicated they would participate in the agreement. While at insignificant difference levels, questions 1, 2, 4, 5, 8, and 10 were less likely to be answered correctly by summarized news participants than 24

25 article participants. The content of these questions required word and number recall, as well as concept recall. These results indicate that what the questions asked for and the level to which respondents in each group could answer had little effect. In other words, there was no pattern between the type of question asked and the ability of summarized news participants to answer correctly. Results by Question: Summarized News vs. Video When comparing results between the summarized news and the video treatment participant scores, questions 1, 4, 9 and 13 were significant, at varying levels (see Figure 6). Question 1 asked participants where the negotiations were held, question 4 asked about the level of contribution agreement, and question 13 asked about the Pentagon s concerns with climate change. In these questions, summarized news participants scored higher than video participants. On question 9, participants were asked how many countries were participating in the climate change negotiations, with summarized news participants being less likely to answer this question correctly. Again, there was no pattern between type of question and ability of summarized news participants to answer correctly. Additional Time Spent On Content Page Correlated with Higher Scores Across the board, more time spent on the news content page correlated with higher quiz scores. The article had the highest correlation, with R 2 =0.21, and an estimated 0.43 of a higher score with each additional minute (see Figure 7). The correlation coefficient, R 2 =0.21, was determined to be a weak positive linear relationship. The increase of 0.43 points per additional minute spent on the news article was the lowest among all three format categories. These findings indicate that it was costlier to obtain more information from the full length news article, in terms of time, as compared to the other types of news 25

26 formats. News article readers must expend more time in order to recall the same levels of information compared to the other two formats. The video had a correlation of R 2 =0.17 (weak positive linear relationship) and an estimated increase of 0.51 questions answered correctly with each additional minute spent on the content page (see Figure 8). The summarized news also had a weak positive linear relationship between time spent and number of questions answered correctly, with R 2 =0.15 but had the highest estimated increase of 1.58 points with every additional minute spent on the content page (see Figure 9). Participants who read summarized news could spend less time than news article or video participants, and obtain the same levels of recall of information. On average, summarized news treatment participants only spent around 1.6 minutes on the news content page, while participants who were assigned to the article or video spent over double and triple the amount of time, respectively (see Figure 10). The differences between expected content time and observed content time indicate that participants who were assigned to read their content were less likely to spend the time required, as compared to those who were assigned to watch the video. External Links Summarized news participants were less likely to click on an external link that would redirect them to external articles to obtain more information. Only 21% of participants who received the summarized news treatment clicked on an external link, as compared to 51% on the video and 34% on the article (see Table 1). However, the summarized participants who chose to click on the external links clicked around the same amount of times as those who were given the article or video treatments. 26

27 Survey on Experimental News Content Participants who were given the summarized news generally had a more negative perception of their format, as compared to how article or video participants felt about their format (see Appendix 3). Perception was measured from different aspects found within the content survey, which included questions to determine level of interest, preference for format style and perceived information usability (see Appendix 3 for a full list of experimental news content survey questions). Interest After given the news content, respondents within all three treatment groups demonstrated higher levels of interested on the topic (see Appendix 3). However, both the article and video categories saw higher levels of interest growth, and with the difference between the article and summarized news significantly different, at (p<0.05). Interest was also measured by a question asking the likelihood of sharing the content. Overall, all participants were unlikely to share their news content. However, the degrees to which they were unlikely to share content were not at the same level. Summarized news participants indicated a significantly higher level of likelihood to share the content compared to the video (p<0.05), but a lower likelihood when compared with news article participants. The last question that was used to assess level of interest was likelihood of conducting additional research on the topic, which had no significant difference across either of the two comparisons. Format Style Preference The format style preference subset of questions saw more significant differences in comparing the summarized news with the other formats than the level of interest group of 27

28 questions. In terms of choice of vocabulary and tone of the content, there was a noticeable difference in comparisons between summarized news treatment participants and those in the other treatment groups. The summarized news piece scored the lowest in vocabulary and tone usage, and was perceived to be almost slightly appropriate, while the the article and video were seen between slightly appropriate and moderately appropriate. This general idea was a theme when considering overall participant opinions on the summarized news piece. The news article treatment consistently had the highest ranking across all questions in the format style preference subset. The summarized news article also scored the lowest on a question asking participants how well the content and format matched their needs in news gathering, and had the same ranking as the video in terms of how the presentation of the content affected how well participants were able to connect to the topic. The summarized news was between the article and the video in terms of scoring on a question that asked participants if they would enjoy receiving news in the format of their randomized experiment assignment. Information Usability In every question within the information usability question subset, the summarized news format scored lower than both the article and the news video. This question subset also showed higher levels of significant differences from the two comparisons, as compared to the level of interest and format style preference subsets. The two most notable questions in terms of significant differences were questions 7 and 13, which asked about source reliability and dramatization in news reporting, respectively (see Appendix 3). In both these questions, the summarized news was significantly lower than the news article and news video at (p<0.01). Participants showed a significant 28

29 difference in how they viewed the summarized news, reporting that it was slightly too little information, and between slightly satisfied and slightly dissatisfied regarding amount of information learned. Participants were also between slightly agree and slightly disagree on the summarized news as a fair and unbiased source (see Appendix 3). Demographics Survey and General News Questionnaire After the end of the experimental segment of the study, participants were asked to respond to a demographics survey, and a news questionnaire on how they felt about news in general. These responses were used both to obtain a better understanding of why young adults choose to consume summarized news, and to compare the experiment population to that of young adults surveyed in other studies. Ranking of Formats All participants were shown the three different format types, and asked to rank their preference for news format (see Figure 11). Regardless of experiment group assignment, the full length article was ranked the highest for primary preference of news format, and the differences between ranking of the summarized news article and news video were small. For article participants, there was no difference in the percentage who ranked the summarized news article and news video formats first. Although article participants ranked the article format highest in terms of primary preference, the percentage of article participants who indicated this was the lowest compared to other experiment treatment groups. Summarized news participants ranked the summarized news format below that of the article and video formats. 29

30 Summarized News Demographics In this experiment, 34.2% of participants indicated that they are subscribed to a summarized news service, with the average subscriber subscribed to 1 to 2 newsletters. Of the summarized news subscribers, almost 62% were subscribed specifically to the Skimm during the time of this experiment, representing 25% of all participants. The New York Times Daily Brief held the second highest amount of subscribers from participants, but only represented 5% of all summarized news subscribers and 2% of all participants (see Figure 12). An analysis was conducted to determine the primary preference among participants who indicated they were subscribed to summarized news (see Figure 13). Both the article and summarized news were ranked highest for primary preference among subscribing participants, each at 42.2%. The highest secondary preference among subscribing participants was summarized news, at 38.6%, which was 8.5% higher than the next highest secondary preference of the news article. Summarized news subscribers, when asked to rank their motives for subscribing to such newsletters, indicated their primary reason as convenience. This was followed, in order, by news gathering, reliable news source, useful for social aspects and entertainment. Participants were also given an empty text box and asked to type in words that came to mind about news in general. The words that were typed in most often were biased, information, current, important, politics, and depressing. 30

31 Discussion Quiz Demonstrated Summarized News Efficiency in Conveying Information The effect of format on news recall ability of young adults was tested through the experiment with results indicating that participants given the summarized news condition did not have a significant difference in recall ability compared to those given the article or video condition. There was not enough evidence to reject the null hypothesis for the overall hypothesis that summarized news participants would have a lower score than article or video participants. These findings merit conversation due to their contrast with expectations given by previous research, and suggest that previous research might not be fully applicable to this format. First, these finding contrasts with research that suggesting that young adults, as experienced web users, would have lower recall levels due to boredom with simple content and speed- reading for instant gratification (Opgenhaffen, 2011; Sutherland- Smith, 2002; Coiro, 2003). It also contrasts with research indicating that more time spent would reinforce news details and enhance news recall (Booth, 1971). These findings are promising to note with the increasing trend of summarized news outlets gaining young adult subscribers. It indicates that although young adults are getting their information in this alternative form, they are still capable of recalling information at the same levels as those who are reading or watching traditional news forms. Another important point to note is that the summarized news conveyed an increase of nearly three times as many questions answered correctly per minute on the content page, making it far more time efficient than any other sources of news in terms of recall. While some previous research indicates that young adults are spending less time gathering 31

32 news, the results of this experiment indicate that perhaps young adults are simply more efficient in the way they are gathering news, and so, might be capable of recalling more news than is suspected (Pew Research, 2010). The efficiency of summarized news indicates that perhaps research on young adult interaction with news should not focus on how much time is spent news gathering, but rather, how much information is actually learned and retained. Given the incredible succinctness of summarized news and its ability to quickly convey information without any difference in recall ability, the increasing trend of young adults switching from traditional news formats to summarized news is not necessarily cause for alarm. Survey Comparisons Between News Formats Findings did not indicate that summarized news participants had a more positive perception on the news, as measured through level of interest, preference for format style, and information usability. Across almost all averages of experimental news content survey questions, the summarized news article scored lower or similar to the article and the video. This contrasted with expectations, as summarized news in general is believed to be tailored to better suit the needs of young adults. This sentiment was also reflected when all participants were asked to rank their preference among the three different types of news formats, with news articles being ranked as the primary format of choice, and the summarized news format being the secondary choice. Level of Interest The summarized news piece did not show any difference in increasing participant level of interest compared to the other two formats. It had the lowest percentage of participants who chose to click on the hyperlinks that would lead them to more 32

33 information about the news topic, suggesting that summarized news is not as effective at encouraging readers to read more news, as compared to traditionally formatted news articles and videos. Lower levels of reader engagement and focus, which could be encouraged by the simple format of summarized news, would decrease attention to hyperlinks and encourage further reading about the news topic at lower levels (Sutherland- Smith, 2002). This is also corroborated by the fact that after exposure to the news content, summarized news participants indicated the lowest level of interest in the news topic. Summarized news participants were also not more likely to share the news content with their social groups, or conduct additional research on the topic, except in the case of a difference between the summarized news piece and the news video on likelihood of sharing. The qualitative claims of summarized news and its ability to deliver to the needs of young adults (in a manner different from traditional news sources) were not accepted by the results of this experiment (Forbes 2015; Ellis Nieman Lab 2015). This finding was concerning to note, as summarized news, in part, should intend to promote readers to conduct additional research on the topics, as the amount of information presented is reduced to only news essentials, and often does not give readers the entire story. Format Style Preference and Perceived Information Usability The format style preference and perceived information usability portions of the experimental news content survey also contrasted with expectations based on previous research. The literature indicated that young adults would prefer the concise and relaxed nature of the summarized news piece over the two other formats that have been shown to be viewed as biased and unfitting for the needs of young adults (Poindexter, 2012; Chan- Olmsted, Rim & Zerba, 2012). However, the results of this experiment show that 33

34 summarized news does not suit the needs of all young adults in their news gathering habits. Even the group of participants who subscribe to summarized news did not strongly indicate a preference of a summarized news article over a full length news article. These findings, combined with Poindexter s research on what young adults want, highlight the complexities that news organizations face when trying to cater to the Millennial generation s diverse set of news needs (Poindexter, 2012). Conclusion Media formats did not have a significant effect on subjects ability to recall news. This indicates that summarized news services can be just as effective as traditional news articles or news videos at presenting information for recall. Given that summarized news articles are on the rise and seem to be where a substantial portion of the future of news lies, this finding suggest that young adults who choose to receive their news in this format will not demonstrate lower levels of news recall. While some studies may show that young adults are spending less time on news as compared to older generations, perhaps they are simply more efficient in their news gathering habits. Given the information from previous research and the results of this study, there are a few best practices that would improve the way in which information from summarized news is delivered, for both news organizations and readers. Best Practices for News Organizations The results of this experiment show the efficiency of news gathering in young adults is a direction that should be further explored. The capability of summarized news to transmit information in such a short period of time, while not sacrificing news recall, is 34

35 impressive. Especially to young adults, the value of time saving through conciseness of information should be emphasized. In this study, the summarized news piece usually received a lower score on the experimental news survey portion questions. This finding falls in line with the Millennial perception that journalism does not suit the needs of the generation, and contrasts with the idea that summarized news fits the needs of young adults (Poindexter, 2010). To say that summarized news fits the needs of young adults because it is summarized is not enough. Clearly, there are a multitude of preferences that young adults have in their news gathering habits. Outlets that distribute summarized news should be more aware of what young adults want in terms of format style. Perhaps it would benefit news organizations to explicitly differentiate their formatting styles to young adults, helping them decide which format suits their needs the best, and to create niches based on different needs, such as time or detail of information. One way to better determine what young adults prefer is to conduct experiments or focus groups focused on informational length, and to ask about motivations for subscription. News organizations should also not discount the capability of summarized news to benefit groups that are not as experienced with web technologies. As Opgenhaffen points out, inexperienced web users who are presented simple content benefit in terms of news recall ability, as compared to more experienced web users (Opgenhaffen, 2011). Groups that are traditionally not experienced in web- usage, such as elderly adults, would also benefit from the quick and simple format of summarized news, and could potentially expand the subscriber demographic. The study conducted by Opgenhaffen also indicates that more experienced web users are less effective at reading simple content, perhaps due 35

36 to the need for more stimulating content. This indicates that summarized news services should consider ways to engage more experienced web users, which almost completely overlaps with their core audience of young, college- educated adults. Best Practices for Summarized News Consumers The results of this experiment also suggests improvements to the way in which young adults who subscribe to summarized news read their news. First, as demonstrated by the time spent versus scores graphs, the summarized news article yielded the highest score increase per minute spent on the news content page (see Figures 7-9). Although the intention of summarized news is to reduce the amount of time spent gathering news, young adults can significantly improve their recall ability by spending more time absorbing the content, being mindful of the snatch- and- grab mindset and actively reading (Sutherland- Smith, 2002). Second, the results of the survey portion of the experiment showed that there are clear preferences that young adults have for the way in which summarized news is constructed. Young adults should be aware that there are a variety of news outlets that provide news in the summarized news format, and find an outlet that fits their needs and interests best. Lastly, hyperlinks can be used to learn more information about news topics, and should be used more often and integrated into the news gathering habits of young adults. Limitations and Potential for Further Research The experiment only used data from students of Duke University, which potentially limits the generalizability of the results to the larger population of young adults. Duke students are not representative of the entire young adult population, and results could differ at other universities and for young adults who do not receive higher education. 36

37 Distribution of this experiment was conducted through campus Facebook page posts, groups and DukeList (classified ad page), and students had the option to click on the recruitment materials and participate in the experiment. This was a source of self- selection bias, as students who were more interested in news would be more likely to participate. A large portion of summarized news readership also consists of young working- professionals and Millennials age 24-34, both which this study was not able to include. Further research that examines the more general population that subscribes to summarized news could create deeper understanding of the impact of this type of format on recall. This study focused the summarized news piece on the Skimm, and used it to represent summarized news outlets. Clearly, there are a variety of outlets, each with differing approaches to summarizing, choice of vocabulary, method of delivery, and so on. Further research should be conducted on differences between summarized news outlets, and their ability to relay information to readers. Consideration of what news and details these organizations choose to report, and what they choose to withhold from their summaries would also be worthy of research attention, as these decisions have direct implications on the information their readers are receiving. The Skimm was chosen because it was the summarized news source with the most information readily available about its readers demographics, and has been a pioneer in the summarized news format. Comparing recall ability of a summarized news article to its full length news article (for instance, the New York Times Morning Briefing summary to that of its full length article) would be an interesting possibility to explore. Additionally, this study only looked at the recall ability of readers based on one summarized news story, but summarized news s usually contain multiple news 37

38 stories spanning a variety of recent events, which could lower news recall ability and increase news event disinterest due to information overload. Future studies which consider how the entirety of the summarized news is read would shed more light on the impacts of this format. Summarized news is mostly delivered to readers via subscription newsletters on a daily or weekly basis. Each day, fewer than half of these s are opened (Ellis Nieman Lab, 2015). The news habits of young adult subscribers could be better investigated with a longitudinal study, which would allow examination of attention paid to news reading over a period of time, mimicking subscription over time behavior. Lastly, summarized news has the capability of impacting young adult political outlook and participation. Summarized news has the ability to reach time- constrained readers that otherwise would have been completely uninformed. Previous research indicates that summarized news can also promote civic engagement, through higher awareness of government structure, politics, and information on issues (Putnam, 2000; Mindich, 2005). Additional research on summarized news should investigate if this is true, and if so, to what extent. 38

39 References Althaus, Scott L., and David Tewksbury. "Patterns of Internet and Traditional News Media Use in a Networked Community." Political Communication 17, no. 1 (2000/01/ ): Birnbaum, M.H. Psychological Experiments on the Internet. Elsevier Science, Booth, Alan. "The Recall of News Items." The Public Opinion Quarterly 34, no. 4 (1970): Boulianne, Shelley. "Does Internet Use Affect Engagement? A Meta- Analysis of Research." Political Communication 26, no. 2 (2009): Brooke, Zach. "How E- newsletter TheSkimm Acquired 3.5 Million Subscribers." How E- newsletter TheSkimm Acquired 3.5 Million Subscribers. July 21, Accessed November 14, newsletter- theskimm- subscribers.aspx. Buckingham, David. The Making of Citizens: Young People, News and Politics. New York: Routledge, Coiro, Julie Exploring Literacy on the Internet: Reading Comprehension on the Internet: Expanding Our Understanding of Reading Comprehension to Encompass New Literacies. The Reading Teacher 56 (5). [Wiley, International Reading Association]: Caumont, Andrea. "12 Trends Shaping Digital News Pew Research Center." Center, Pew Research. "Section 1: Watching, Reading and Listening to the News." (September 12, ). Chan- Olmsted, S., H. Rim, and A. Zerba. "Mobile News Adoption among Young Adults: Examining the Roles of Perceptions, News Consumption, and Media Usage." Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 90, no. 1 (2013): CIRCLE - The Center for Information and Research on Civic Learning and Engagement. "Youth Voting." Accessed November 14, facts/youth- voting/. Defleur, M. L., L. Davenport, M. Cronin, and M. Defleur. "Audience Recall of News Stories Presented by Newspaper, Computer, Television and Radio." Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 69, no. 4 (January/February, 1992): doi: / D'haenens, L., N. Jankowski, and A. Heuvelman. "News in Online and Print Newspapers: Differences in Reader Consumption and Recall." New Media & Society 6, no. 3 (June 01, 2004): doi: / Diddi, Arvind, and Robert LaRose. "Getting hooked on news: uses and gratifications and the formation of news habits among college students in an internet environment." Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media, June 2006, Expanded Academic ASAP (accessed November 27, 2016). 39

40 ns&v=2.1&it=r&id=gale%7ca &sid=summon&asid=8b13a53fdc4fa5d4 7e0dec34c2e Ellis, Justin. "How the Skimm s Passionate Readership Helped Its Newsletter Grow to 1.5 Million Subscribers." (2015). Published electronically August 18th the- skimms- passionate- readership- helped- its- newsletter- grow- to million- subscribers/. File, Thom. "Young- Adult Voting: An Analysis of... - Census.gov." Young- Adult Voting: An Analysis of Presidential Elections, April Accessed November 14, Forbes. "30 under 30: Media." Gu, Wanrong, Shoubin Dong, and Mingquan Chen. "Personalized News Recommendation Based on Articles Chain Building." Neural Comput & Applic Neural Computing and Applications 27, no. 5 (June 16, 2015): doi: /s x. Hao, Xiaoming, Nainan Wen, and Cherian George. "News Consumption and Political and Civic Engagement among Young People." Journal of Youth Studies 17, no. 9 (2014): Howe, Neil, and William A. Strauss. Millennials Rising: The next Great Generation. New York: Vintage Books, Kaufhold, Kelly. "Journalists Show Unified Optimism About Young Adults' News Consumption.Pdf." Newspaper Research Journal 31, no. 2 (2010): Kohut, Andy. "Pew Surveys of Audience Habits Suggest Perilous Future for News." Poynter. October 04, Accessed October 18, surveys- of- audience- habits- suggest- perilous- future- for- news/225139/. Knowledge, Commission on Youth Voting and Civic. "All Together Now: Collaboration and Innovation for Youth Engagement." (2013): circle/commission- on- youth- voting- civic- knowledge/ Lee, A. M., and H. I. Chyi. "Motivational Consumption Model: Exploring the Psychological Structure of News Use." Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 91, no. 4 (2014): Lee, Angela M., and Hsiang Iris Chyi. "The Rise of Online News Aggregators: Consumption and Competition." International Journal on Media Management 17, no. 1 (2015): "When Newsworthy Is Not Noteworthy." Journalism Studies 15, no. 6 (2013): Livingstone, Sonia, and Tim Markham. "The Contribution of Media Consumption to Civic Participation." The British Journal of Sociology 59, no. 2 (May 2008): Accessed November 14, doi: /j x. 40

41 Mellman, Mark. "Mark Mellman: The Young and the Newsless." TheHill. January 27, Accessed October 18, mellman/ mark- mellman- the- young- and- the- newsless. Mindich, David T. Z. Tuned Out : Why Americans under 40 Don't Follow the News. New York: Oxford University Press, Mitchell, Amy, Jeffrey Gottfried, Michael Barthel, and Elisa Shearer. "1. Pathways to News." Pew Research Centers Journalism Project RSS. July 07, Accessed October 30, to- news/. Nel, François. "Where Else Is The Money?" Journalism Practice 4, no. 3 (July 08, 2010): Accessed October 30, doi: / Opermann, Signe. "Understanding Changing News Media Use: Generations and Their Media Vocabulary." Northern Lights: Film & Media Studies Yearbook 11, no. 1 (June ): 24. Opgenhaffen, Michaël. "The Impact of Online News Features on Learning from News: A Knowledge Experiment." International Journal of Internet Science 6, no. 1 (2011): Parker, Betty J. and Richard E. Plank. "A Uses and Gratifications Perspective on the Internet as a New Information Source." American Business Review 18, no. 2 (06, 2000): ?accountid= Poindexter, Paula M. Millennials, News, and Social Media: Is News Engagement a Thing of the Past? New York: Peter Lang Publishing, Inc., Project, The Media Insight. "How Millennials Get News: Inside the Habits of America's First Digital Generation." Putnam, Robert D. Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Communit. New York: Simon & Schuster, Rosman, Katherine. "At Year Two, Theskimm Hits 500,000 Subscribers." (2014). year- two- theskimm- hits subscribers/. Scott P. Robertsona, Ravi K. Vatrapub and Richard Medinaa. "Off the Wall Political Discourse: Facebook Use in the 2008 U.S. Presidential Election." (2010). Schlagheck, Carol Newspaper reading choices by college students. Newspaper Research Journal 19, (2) (Spring): 74-87, 670?accountid=10598 (accessed November 27, 2016). Shontell, Alyson. "Roommates Carly Zakin and Danielle Weisberg Quit Jobs at Nbc to Help You Skim News Every Morning." (2012). Published electronically July 18, zakin- and- danielle- weisberg- launch- the- skimm

42 Sutherland- Smith, Wendy. " Weaving the Literacy Web : Changes in Reading from Page to Screen." Reading teacher 55, no. 7 (2002): Wicks, Robert H. "Remembering the News: Effects of Medium and Message Discrepancy on News Recall Over Time." Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly 72, no. 3 (Jan 01, 1995): ?accountid= Wilson, C. E. "The Effect of Medium on Loss of Information." Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 51, no. 1 (1974): doi: / Wolf, Cornelia, and Anna Schnauber. "News Consumption in the Mobile Era: The Role of Mobile Devices and Traditional Journalism s Content within the User s Information Repertoire." Digital Journalsim, August 14, 2014, Accessed October 30,

43 Appendix Figures: Figure 2 News quiz scores as percentages with standard error 100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% News Quiz Scores as Percentages Article Summarized News Video Figure 3 Distribution of Quiz Scores by Format 25% Comparison of Distribution of Quiz Scores Percentage of respondants 20% 15% 10% 5% 0% Number of questions answered correctly Article Summarized News Video 43

44 Figure 4 Comparison of Quiz Scores Between Subscribers and Non- subscribers Comparison of Quiz Scores Between Subscribers and Non- Subscribers 100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% 61.8% 58.8% Subscribers of Summarized News Non- Subscribers of Summarized News Figure 5 Comparison of Questions Between Summarized News vs. Article Results by Question [Summarized News vs. Article] 100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% Q1 Q2 Q3 Q4 Q5 Q6 Q7 Q8 Q9* Q10 Q11 Q12 Q13 Summarized News Article ***indicates significance at p<0.01 ** indicates significance at p<0.05 *indicates significance at p<

45 Figure 6 Comparison of Questions Between Summarized News vs. Video Results by Question [Summarized News vs. Video] 100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% Q1*** Q2 Q3 Q4* Q5 Q6 Q7 Q8 Q9*** Q10 Q11 Q12 Q13* Summarized News Video ***indicates significance at p<0.01 ** indicates significance at p<0.05 *indicates significance at p<0.10 Figure 7 Time Spent vs. Article Scores number of questions answered correctly Time Spent vs. Article Scores y = x R² = time spent in minutes 45

46 Figure 8 Time Spent vs. Video Scores Time Spent vs. Video Scores number of questions answered correctly y = x R² = time spent in minutes Figure 9 - Time Spent vs. Summarized News Scores Time Spent vs. Summarized News Scores number of questions answered correctly y = x R² = time spent in minutes 46

47 Figure 10 Time Differences by Format Time Differences by Format Actual time spent on content Expected time spent on content minutes Article Skimm Video Table 1 Statistics for Click Counts on Content Page Type % of people who clicked on hyperlinks Average number of clicks, of those who clicked Article 34.3% 2.2 Summarized 21.1% 2.1 news Video 51.3% 2.0 Figure 11 - Primary Preference for News Format Style, by Experiment Assignment Group Primary Preference for News Format Style 100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% 30.1% 26.7% 21.3% 25.9% 30.1% 39.7% Article Participants 24.4% 23.8% 48.9% 53.8% Summarized News Participants Video Participants 26.3% 47.7% Overall Article Summarized News Video 47

48 Figure 12 Primary Preference of Format Among Subscribing Participants Format Preference of Summarized News Subscribers 100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% 19.3% 42.2% 38.6% 27.7% 30.1% 42.2% 53.0% 31.3% 15.7% Primary Preference Secondary Preference Tertiary Preference Video Article Summarized News Figure 13 Breakdown of Summarized News Outlet Subscriptions of Participants Breakdown of Summarized News Outlet Subscriptions of Participants Skimm NYT The Morning Brief Need to Know Broadsheet The Morning Brew Finimize Other 48

49 Appendix 1: Examples of Summarized News An example of the Skimm s news summary 49

50 An example of The New York Times Morning Briefing 50

51 Appendix 2: Experimental and Referenced News Pieces 7 The Skimm News Summary [word count: 289] CAPTAIN PLANET 12/14/15 THE STORY Over the weekend, pretty much every country in the world reached a landmark climate deal in Paris. Gas, passed. GIMME SOME BACKGROUND. Because Mother Earth s been feeling the effects of global warming (think: rising sea levels, droughts), world leaders have been trying to shake on a climate deal for decades. This deal went down at the end of the UN climate change conference - kinda like the environmental World Cup. SO WHAT S IN THE DEAL? An agreement from nearly 200 countries to cut greenhouse gas emissions. Also checked off the to- do list: an agreement to keep global temps in check, and a pledge of $100 billion a year to help developing countries meet their goals. WHAT ARE PEOPLE SAYING? President Obama called it the most ambitious climate change agreement in history. French President Hollande called the deal beautiful, since it was sick of being called hot. Who s not celebrating? The GOP, which is worried about how many jobs will get cut in industries like coal, with some members unsure about how much human activity influences global warming. theskimm This is the first time this many developing countries which are hit hardest by natural disasters caused by climate change have pledged to cut emissions. Big deal, since they ve been reluctant in the past to pay up to make changes. This time, they re thinking the green juice is worth the squeeze. New York Times article [word count: 1198] Leaders Move to Convert Paris Climate Pledges Into Action By Sewell Chan and Melissa Eddy 12/13/15 PARIS Before the applause had even settled in the suburban convention center where the Paris Agreement was adopted by consensus on Saturday night, world leaders warned that momentum from the historic accord must not be allowed to dissipate. Today, we celebrate, said Miguel Arias Cañete, the European Union s energy commissioner and top climate negotiator. Tomorrow, we have to act. With nearly every nation on Earth having now pledged to gradually reduce emissions of the heat- trapping gases that are warming the planet a universal commitment that had eluded negotiators and activists since the Earth Summit meeting in Rio de Janeiro in 1992 much of the burden for maintaining the momentum shifts back to the countries to figure out, and carry out, the concrete steps needed to deliver on their vows. The task may prove most challenging for India, which is struggling to lift more than half of its population of 1.25 billion out of poverty and to provide basic electricity to 300 million of them. But rich countries are intent that India not get stuck on a coal- dependent development path. 7 Logos and affiliated fonts from news outlet organizations were removed to prevent implicit biases and familiarity bias 51

52 It is essential that the developing countries are able to transform their energy system before they develop a level of dependence on coal that we have in the industrialized countries, said Jan Burck of the activist group Germanwatch. During negotiations, India insisted that it would not be able to make the transition without assistance. There will have to be new mechanisms, Environment Minister Prakash Javadekar of India told reporters after the agreement was adopted. China, meanwhile, is investing so heavily in clean energy that some observers think its carbon emissions might have hit a peak a milestone that China had promised to reach only by Its top climate negotiator, Xie Zhenhua, said Saturday that China will actively implement its nationally determined contributions so as to reach a peak as soon as possible, but privately its officials have expressed pride that it no longer has the coal- stained reputation it had at the Copenhagen climate talks of Giza Gaspar Martins, an Angolan diplomat who represents the Least Developed Countries, which negotiated in Paris as a bloc, said of the accord: This puts a system in place to do climate action, but we will have a lot of work to do. He said the pledges were designed to emphasize participation rather than ambition, but now we have to make sure our national contributions are aligned with what the scientists tell us we need to be doing. Leaders here agreed that while legislation and regulation are essential to set the ground rules for the marketplace, the goal of replacing fossil fuels with renewable energy will require accelerated research and investment, and technological breakthroughs. By calling albeit indirectly, and in delicately worded phrases for net carbon emissions to be effectively brought down to zero in the second half of this century, the Paris Agreement could mark the beginning of the end of the fossil- fuel era, as Marcelo Mena Carrasco, a Chilean biochemical engineer and climate negotiator, put it. That is certainly the hope of the Obama administration. Secretary of State John Kerry said the American government had helped catalyze the agreement by toughening fuel- efficiency standards for cars and light trucks, cracking down on emissions from coal- fired power plants, and reaching a deal with China, the only country that emits even more greenhouse gases than the United States. Still, the GOP is concerned about how many jobs will get cut in industries such as coal, with some members unsure about how much human activity influences global warming. President Obama has endorsed the idea of a price on carbon in the form of a tax, or a cap- and- trade system like California s and leaders of Canada, Chile, Ethiopia, France, Germany and Mexico endorsed the idea at the start of the Paris conference. But there was not nearly enough support to incorporate it into the Paris Agreement. While attention is shifting to the marketplace, the United Nations process will move ahead. The Paris Agreement s provisions will not kick in until Indeed, though adopted by consensus, no nation has signed it yet. Countries will be invited to do so in a ceremony at the United Nations in New York on April 22; the agreement officially will take effect after at least 55 countries, representing at least 55 percent of total greenhouse gas emissions, have signed on. The United States will be one of them; through careful legal craftsmanship, the Paris Agreement will not be considered as its own treaty under American law but rather as an extension of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, which the Senate ratified in

53 The United Nations has several short- term priorities. One is to get the remaining countries that have not submitted emissions- reduction pledges to do so. Venezuela and St. Kitts and Nevis submitted their plans on Saturday, bringing the total to 188. By May, the United Nations climate staff will update its estimate for the combined impact of the national pledges (now known as nationally determined contributions, the qualifying word intended having been dropped). Estimates of the first round of pledges suggested that, if carried out, they would still result in a rise of 2.7 to 3.5 degrees Celsius (4.9 to 6.3 degrees Fahrenheit) above preindustrial levels far above the newly adopted goal of just 1.5 degrees Celsius. Those national plans must be revised every five years. Also every five years, starting in 2018, the United Nations will take stock of the pledges to see how much progress has been made in the aim of reaching peak carbon emissions as soon as possible and limiting temperature rise. The Paris Agreement also strongly urges rich countries, which in 2009 pledged to spend $100 billion a year by 2020 to help poorer countries mitigate and adapt to the effects of climate change, to scale up their commitment. The agreement calls for a new financial goal with $100 billion a year as the minimum to be agreed upon by But as the Paris Agreement is put into place, the front lines of the battle to stabilize the planet s atmosphere will shift elsewhere. At the start of the talks, 20 governments pledged to double spending on clean- energy research and development over the next five years, while a coalition of business leaders led by Bill Gates vowed to invest billions on developing renewable energy. Many governors, mayors and other leaders of subnational governments have announced their own commitments to reducing emissions including one effort led by Michael R. Bloomberg, the United Nations special envoy for cities and climate change, and one headed by California and the German state of Baden- Württemberg. Gov. Jerry Brown of California and Winfried Kretschmann, president of Baden- Württemberg, convened in Paris during the talks to attract more supporters. You have to do many different things and each place it s different, said Mr. Brown, a Democrat. It is a process of shifting and balancing and it takes a lot of people. Climate activists have long used a power of the people approach to promote sustainability and organize globally, and the world leaders who met here credited civil society for keeping up the pressure. Now the work to hold them to their promises begins, the American environmentalist and activist Bill McKibben wrote on Twitter, moments after the gavel fell on the Paris Agreement. 1.5? Game on. 53

54 Cable News Network (CNN) Video [word count: 890] Zain Asher talks to David Sandalow about the historic deal between 196 nations at COP21 in Paris. URL: change- agreement- sandalow- asher- intv.cnn News Content Articles "Start Me up." E- mail to TheSkimm. December 14, Chan, Sewell, and Melissa Eddy. "Leaders Move to Convert Paris Climate Pledges Into Action." The New York Times. December 13, move- to- convert- paris- climate- pledges- into- action.html. Zain Asher Talks to David Sandalow about the Historic Deal between 196 Nations at COP21 in Paris. Performed by Zain Asher and David Sandalow. December 13, URL: change- agreement- sandalow- asher- intv.cnn. Hyperlinked Articles: Valdmanis, Richard, and Emmanuel Jerry. "How the World Learned Its Lesson and Got a Climate Deal." Reuters. December 13, Accessed December 09, climatechange- summit- ticktock- iduskbn0tw0pr Dokoupil, Tony. "Climate Deal Analysis: The Good, the Bad, the Still Unknown." NBCNews.com. December 12, Accessed December 09, deal- analysis- good- bad- still- unknown- n Flores, Reena. "Who Are the Winners and Losers of the COP21's Climate Deal?" CBSNews. December 13, Accessed December 09, are- the- winners- and- losers- of- the- cop21- climate- change- deal/. 54