Externally and internally headed rela.ve clauses in Marori

Transcription

1 HeadLex2016, Warsaw Poland 26 July 2016 Externally and internally headed rela.ve clauses in Marori I Wayan Arka Linguis/cs, CHL-CAP, ANU Centre of Excellence for the Dynamics of Language (CoEDL), ANU Udayana University Funded by ARC Discovery Grant (DP , the SNG project) 26 July 2016 Rela/ve clauses in Marori 1

2 Outline Introduc/on: some background & the main points An overview of Marori morphosyntax Rela/ve Clauses in Marori: preliminaries and basic facts (marking, types, and rela/vised gramma/cal rela/ons) Analysis & Discussion the internal structure EHRC/IHRCs LFG analysis Conclusion 26 July 2016 Rela/ve clauses in Marori 2

3 Background: Marori Marori, 20 km east of Merauke, West Papua Indonesia 26 July 2016 Figure 1 Rela/ve clauses 3 in Marori

4 The main points Marori is perhaps unusual: it has almost all the RC types one system: external and internally headed RCs, single and double headed RCs, pre and post head RCs, headed and headless RCs, a]ached vs. detached RCs All GFs can be rela/vised Intriguing proper/es of IHRCs in Marori agreement & ambiguity in IHRCs seman/c constraints due to the restric/ve type, responsible for disambigua/on in the IHRC type 26 July 2016 Rela/ve clauses in Marori 4

5 An overview of Marori morphosyntax 26 July 2016 Rela/ve clauses in Marori 5

6 Marori morphosyntax: an overview (1) Clausal word order: head final, rela/vely free word-order: (1) (2) a) b) c) 26 July 2016 Rela/ve clauses in Marori 6

7 Argument flagging & agreement (1) Cli/c =i marks the P/U role (3) 26 July 2016 Rela/ve clauses in Marori 7

8 Argument flagging & agreement (2) Agen/ve NPs cannot be marked by =i: (4) na (*=i) fis kund-ra-mon 1SG yesterday run-pl-1npl.dur.pst I was running yesterday. ARG-verb agreement with GENDER agreement for 3SG object (5) 26 July 2016 Rela/ve clauses in Marori 8

9 Nominal structures in Marori RCs are part of nominal structures (NPs/DPs) (6) (7) 26 July 2016 Rela/ve clauses in Marori 9

10 RELATIVE CLAUSES IN MARORI Defini/on of RCs RC markers in Marori RC Types in Marori Constraints in IHRCs 26 July 2016 Rela/ve clauses in Marori 10

11 (8) Defining Rela/ve Clauses Defini/on a subordinate clause which delimits the reference of an NP by specifying the role of the referent of that NP in the situa/on described by the RC (Andrews, 2007) Examples: English RCs The soldier [who fired the shot] was suspended un3l comple3on of the Military Police inves3ga3on. Salient RC proper/es: Structure & marking: externally/internally headed? Strategy to encode dependency: gapping? pron copy? Seman/cs: restric/ve or not? 26 July 2016 Rela/ve clauses in Marori 11

12 Marking RCs in Marori RCs can come with or without a rela/viser RC Markers are the same forms used as the proximal demonstra/ves: kefi/kei/ki, kemnde, keme Rela/visers Figure 1 26 July 2016 Rela/ve clauses in Marori 12

13 Pronouns vs. Rela/visers k- PROX ; only associated with the third person forms: Kefi/ki (<k-efi); kemnde (<k-emnde) Keme has a slightly different distribu/on: more flexible than kefi/kemnde, not constrained by PERS Table 1. Free pronouns in Marori 26 July 2016 Rela/ve clauses in Marori 13

14 Examples: EHRCs Rela/visa/on of POSS related to G/R argument: (9) 26 July 2016 Rela/ve clauses in Marori 14

15 Marori & RC Typology: structural proper/es Marori shows different RC types on the basis of headedness. RelativeClauses (RCs) the N head present? Headed RCs Headless RCs ( free relatives ) In how many positions? single-headed RCs double-headed RCs Where? Externally-headed RCs RCs Internal RCs Relative order? Pre-head RCs Post-head RCs (prenominal RCs) (postnominal RCs) Internally-headed RCs Correla/ves Figure 2 26 July 2016 Rela/ve clauses in Marori 15

16 Externally Headed RCs A RC can appear inside its DP as in (a), or it can be detached from its head noun as in (b): (10) 26 July 2016 Rela/ve clauses in Marori 16

17 Internally headed RCs An IHRC may give rise to ambiguity (if out of context): the rela/vised NP can be either the <pa/ent> (reading (a) or the <instrument> par/cipant of the IHRC (reading (b)): (11) 26 July 2016 Rela/ve clauses in Marori 17

18 More examples, with a Rela/viser: from natural texts (12) 26 July 2016 Rela/ve clauses in Marori 18

19 RCs without a rela/viser The rela/viser can be dropped, giving rise to an IHRC: (13) 26 July 2016 Rela/ve clauses in Marori 19

20 The posi/on of the rela/viser The rela/viser cannot come clause-finally: (14) 26 July 2016 Rela/ve clauses in Marori 20

21 DP with a RC D can appear to the lep or right of the NP complement (15) 26 July 2016 Rela/ve clauses in Marori 21

22 Headless RCs Headless RCs are open found in natural texts, where the copula verb is also open dropped: (16) 26 July 2016 Rela/ve clauses in Marori 22

23 RELATIVISATION OF DIFFERENT ROLES: Arguments, non-arguments/adjuncts and possessors can be rela/vised in Marori 26 July 2016 Rela/ve clauses in Marori 23

24 Subject rela/visa/on (17) (18) (19) 26 July 2016 Rela/ve clauses in Marori 24

25 Object rela/visa/on Rela/visa/on of the monotransi/ve O (20) (21) 26 July 2016 Rela/ve clauses in Marori 25

26 Three-place predicates (1) Rela/visa/on of the ditransi/ve T (22) 26 July 2016 Rela/ve clauses in Marori 26

27 Three-place predicates (2) Rela/visa/on of the G/R argument (23) 26 July 2016 Rela/ve clauses in Marori 27

28 Three-place predicates (3): Loc-Goal Rela/visa/on of the G:loc (24) 26 July 2016 Rela/ve clauses in Marori 28

29 Rela/visa/on of Loca/ve Oblique (25) 26 July 2016 Rela/ve clauses in Marori 29

30 Rela/visa/on of Oblique-adjunct Loca/ves (26) 26 July 2016 Rela/ve clauses in Marori 30

31 Rela/visa/on of source adjuncts Source (27) 26 July 2016 Rela/ve clauses in Marori 31

32 Rela/visa/on of Instrument Adjunct (28) 26 July 2016 Rela/ve clauses in Marori 32

33 Rela/visa/on of POSS (29) 26 July 2016 Rela/ve clauses in Marori 33

34 Analysis & discussion: The internal structure of nominals with EHRCs/IHRC LFG analysis to capture: (i) (dis)ambiguity & related agreement (ii) RC typology & definiteness constraints 26 July 2016 Rela/ve clauses in Marori 34

35 The internal structure of RCs: EHRCs What s the precise internal structure of RCs in Marori? A rela/ve clause is structurally a CP with an adjunct before the rela/viser part of the RC (30) 26 July 2016 Rela/ve clauses in Marori 35

36 The internal structure of RCs: IHRCs (1) An IHRC has the same nominal (DP) as the EHRC, except a non-branching matrix NP/DP: (31) 26 July 2016 Rela/ve clauses in Marori 36

37 The internal structure of RCs: IHRCs (2) D can appear externally in the matrix nominal structure: (32) 26 July 2016 Rela/ve clauses in Marori 37

38 Headless RCs When it s headless, it is unclear whether we have an EHRC or IHRC: (33) 26 July 2016 Rela/ve clauses in Marori 38

39 IHRCs & LFG: agreement & (dis)ambiguity (1) Recall that IHRCs in Marori may lead to ambiguity: (34) 26 July 2016 Rela/ve clauses in Marori 39

40 LFG analysis (1) (35) Lexical entries: the entry of the rela/viser: C-str annota/ons: We have to ensure that agreement is imposed and that matrix DP can select/share the right seman/c content of the rela/vised NP. 26 July 2016 Rela/ve clauses in Marori 40

41 LFG analysis (2) Par/al annotated c-str of sentence (34) (36) 26 July 2016 Rela/ve clauses in Marori 41

42 LFG analysis (3) F-str of sentence (34), reading (a) (37) 26 July 2016 Rela/ve clauses in Marori 42

43 (38) Seman/c constraints & IHRC typology Three seman/c types of RCs (Grosu 2012). (a) restric/ve, (b) apposi/ve and (c) maximalising 26 July 2016 Rela/ve clauses in Marori 43

44 Marori IHRCs: Restric/ve IHRCs in Marori are basically restric/ve rela/ves; i.e., with non-specific indefinite force not presupposing a definite/specific denota/on at the matrix level although it can appear with an overt D at the matrix level (cf. example (32)), other quan/fiers allowing IHRC stacking unique/definite NPs or NPs with quan/fica/on requiring definiteness import resist rela/visa/on in in IHRC 26 July 2016 Rela/ve clauses in Marori 44

45 Indefinite Rela/vised NP: IHRC (39) 26 July 2016 Rela/ve clauses in Marori 45

46 Quan/fiers & Overt D: definite NPs (40) (41) 26 July 2016 Rela/ve clauses in Marori 46

47 RC stacking (42) a. b. 26 July 2016 Rela/ve clauses in Marori 47

48 Disambigua/on (1) The restric/veness of IHRC in Marori is perhaps responsible for the intriguing definiteness constraint which disambiguates the reading in this sentence: (43) 26 July 2016 Rela/ve clauses in Marori 48

49 Disambigua/on (2) (44) 26 July 2016 Rela/ve clauses in Marori 49

50 Rela/visa/on of a pronoun: Double-headed RC (45) 26 July 2016 Rela/ve clauses in Marori 50

51 Summary & Conclusions Marori is perhaps unusual as far as its rela/ve clause typology (RCs) is concerned. It has almost all of the rela/ve clause types. The complexity of RCs in Marori (e.g. agreement and ambiguity in IHRCs) can be captured in LFG in a straighsorward way IHRCs in Marori are of the restric/ve type This seman/c property appears to be responsible for the salient and intriguing definiteness constraint of IHRCs in this language 26 July 2016 Rela/ve clauses in Marori 51

52 The RC facts in Marori and the proposed analysis contribu/on to the empirical basis for the typological and theore/cal study of RCs contribu/on to the study of RCs in Papuan languages Further studies Textual distribu/on of different types of RCs in Maori in actual/real texts Discon/nuous post-verbal RCs are preferred, but why? Any rela/on with the head final OV languages 26 July 2016 Rela/ve clauses in Marori 52

53 Takwerte Terima kasih Thank You! 26 July 2016 Rela/ve clauses in Marori 53