BTI 2010 Chile Country Report

Transcription

1 BTI 2010 Chile Country Report Status Index # 9 of 128 Democracy # 8 of 128 Market Economy # 10 of 128 Management Index # 2 of 128 scale: 1 (lowest) to 10 (highest) score rank trend This report is part of the Transformation Index (BTI) The BTI is a global ranking of transition processes in which the state of democracy and market economic systems as well as the quality of political management in 128 transformation and developing countries are evaluated. The BTI is a joint project of the Bertelsmann Stiftung and the Center for Applied Policy Research (C A P) at Munich University. More on the BTI at Please cite as follows: Bertelsmann Stiftung, BTI 2010 Chile Country Report. Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Stiftung, Bertelsmann Stiftung, Gütersloh

2 BTI 2010 Chile 2 Key Indicators Population mn HDI 0.88 GDP p.c. $ Pop. growth % p.a. 1.0 HDI rank of Gini Index 52.0 Life expectancy years 78 UN Education Index 0.92 Poverty 2 % 2.4 Urban population % 88.2 Gender equality Aid per capita $ 7.2 Sources: UNDP, Human Development Report 2009 The World Bank, World Development Indicators Footnotes: (1) Gender Empowerment Measure (GEM). (2) Percentage of population living on less than $2 a day. Executive Summary After 19 years of center-left coalition governments Chile has consolidated its political stability, international insertion and economic development and has corrected some of the negative social effects of the economic model inherited from the Augusto Pinochet regime. But the country still suffers from problems of inequality (income distribution, labor relations, and employment). It has been unable to pass a new constitution that would replace the Pinochet-era constitution adopted in 1981 which despite substantial reforms after 1990 is still in force, impeding further development and the deepening of democracy. The fourth government of the center-left Concert of Parties for Democracy (Concertación de Partidos por la Democracia) coalition, comprised of the Christian Democrats, the Social Democrat Radical Party, the Party for Democracy and Michelle Bachelet s Socialist Party, saw the first cabinet in the country s history in which gender parity was observed. A major reform of the state system of social protection, a partial constitutional reform in education (especially directed at private education) and a law on public probity were approved in this period. However, the electoral system introduced under authoritarian rule remained unchanged. It gives a kind of veto power to the right-wing alliance as the second majority, and excludes a third force particularly the political left leaving the two dominant alliances to share all important posts, and allowing for only marginal participation by the Communists in local government. The current constitution is the result of nearly 50 reforms designed to gradually eliminate the authoritarian enclaves that prevent the proper functioning of democratic institutions. More farreaching social reforms are impossible due to the veto power of groups linked to the business sector, which have great influence on the mass media. These veto actors have impeded a number of policy measures, including tax reform aimed at changing the income distribution, the state intervention during the economic crisis, and attempts to improve equity and quality of education as demanded by the student movement in The electoral system forces parties to form

3 BTI 2010 Chile 3 alliances in order to gain representation in Congress. Significant sectors of the left are therefore excluded, discouraging political participation. Almost a third of the population (especially young people) has not registered to vote. In economic terms, the country s growth rate has decreased. However, Chile has confronted the world economic crisis in very good shape, in part due to savings accrued during the recent boom in copper prices. In mid-2008, inflation reached an annual rate of 9.5%, significantly increasing the risk of being unable to achieve government goals. The central bank has noted that the country is well-placed in confronting the current global financial crisis. The government has introduced four packages of economic measures to confront the crisis, with particular attention paid to the disadvantaged sectors of the population. The budget for 2009 includes an allocation of $37 billion for spending on pensions, health, education and housing for Chilean families. Growth in public spending will reach 5.7% in 2009, with an increase of investment resources of 8.8%. While poverty pressures have lessened, there is still a very high level of inequality. On the other hand, businessmen have announced that a significant reduction in unemployment would require greater labor flexibility, and that the concentration of property would damage small and middle-sized enterprises. Workers still seek, among other things, improvements in the welfare system, especially relating to the damage caused by mandatory integration into the private system during the military regime. History and Characteristics of Transformation The widespread economic crisis of 1930 hit Chile particularly hard due to the country s outwardoriented model of development and the collapse in the nitrate trade. After the crisis, the country adopted an import substitution industrialization model, with strong economic and social roles for the state. This process was conducted within the context of a stable democracy, established by the 1925 constitution, although political participation was restricted. Political development was marked by extensive pluralism, a relatively strong party system, and increasing social participation especially among the middle class, but also among organized urban workers. However, this integration excluded the peasantry and urban shantytown dwellers, who were not incorporated into the political system until the reformist governments of the 1960s and early 1970s. Between the 1950s and the beginning of the 1970s, Chile s economy grew at about 2.3% annually. This socioeconomic and political model was transformed during the government of Salvador Allende and his Unidad Popular (a leftist coalition), with their program of nationalization. The program, called the Chilean road to socialism, aimed to transform the capitalist economy through institutional and democratic means, nationalizing monopolistic enterprises such as the copper mines. The subsequent political polarization allowed the military, led by General

4 BTI 2010 Chile 4 Augusto Pinochet and supported by the United States, to overthrow Allende in A military dictatorship was established that put an end to the extant socioeconomic and political models and attempted to build a new one through repressive politics and neoliberal economic reforms. Today, a consensus exists about the destructive character of the Pinochet regime concerning politics and social issues. The dictatorship was characterized by systematic and massive violations of human rights: disappearances, murders, torture, exile, permanent states of siege, suppression of liberties and press freedom, etc. The relations between parties and social organizations were dissolved due to repression and a ban on political activities. Under the socioeconomic model imposed by a financial capital-linked group of technocrats, known as the Chicago boys, the state withdrew from its social role in education, health, social security and labor relations. The rate of poverty went up to 40% and the real income of the workers fell back to its 1973 level. However, some sectors of society, though recognizing the catastrophic political and social aspects of the military regime, continue to propagate the myth that the Pinochet regime was the founder of a solid, open market economy, and the creator of the basis for a modern society. All indicators such as growth rate, inflation, poverty, corruption and state management prove exactly the contrary: Compared with the 20 years previous to the coup and the 17 years of democracy following its end, the Pinochet government s performance was the worst of the three. The foundations and solidity of the Chilean economy are due exclusively to the governments of the Concertación de Partidos por la Democracia (Concertación) coalition. In 1980, Pinochet imposed a constitution that provided the framework under which the democratic opposition organized, ultimately winning the 1988 referendum designed to keep Pinochet in power. After this plebiscite, presidential and parliamentary elections were held in 1989, and the center-left Concertación coalition won with its candidate, Christian Democrat Patricio Aylwin. During the last 18 years, the Concertación has won all national elections, including the four presidencies since The Aylwin government ( ) successfully avoided any relapse into authoritarianism, achieved economic stability and combated poverty by means of increased social expenditures. The most important advances regarding human rights violations under the dictatorship were the Commission and the Report on Truth and Reconciliation, the first attempt by Chilean authorities to estimate both the number of victims murdered and the number of the disappeared under the military regime. Both the military and the political right opposed the report. The government of Christian Democrat Eduardo Frei Ruiz-Tagle ( ) deepened the market economy by extending international trade and implementing a new round of privatization. Under this government, Chile s market economy was consolidated and the country reached the highest rates of economic growth in its history, close to 7% per annum. Though poverty was significantly reduced, by 1998 Chile had climbed to second place in Latin America in terms of unequal income distribution. The third Concertación government, led by President Ricardo Lagos ( ), a socialist and founder of the Partido por la Democracia (PPD), managed to restore the economy after the Asian crisis. It also promoted and implemented significant reforms aimed at combating extreme

5 BTI 2010 Chile 5 poverty and modernizing education, health, culture (elimination of censorship, law of divorce, creation of the Consejo Nacional de la Cultura), labor relations (unemployment insurance, decreasing working hours), public financing of electoral campaigns, laws on probity in state management, and constitutional reforms. The economy recovered, and in 2005, Chile had a growth rate of 6.3% and had improved all of its macroeconomic indicators, having become very active in the world economy with economic agreements with the United States, Europe and Asia. However, inequality and wealth concentration in Chile is still among the worst in the world (the country s GINI coefficient is 0.57). In the area of human rights, prominent trials of some highranking officers of the Pinochet regime (and of Pinochet himself), along with the Valech Report on Torture and Political Imprisonment, marked historic steps toward justice and reparation. The fourth coalition government ( ), led by socialist Michelle Bachelet, has initiated major reforms to the state system of social protection, especially the social security and pensions systems. Her administration has created advisory councils for policy development and launched projects in addressing childhood development, education and social security, all with the goal of promoting protection and equity in both coverage and quality. The signing of new trade agreements and education conventions with other countries has continued. In spite of efforts to achieve equal workplace opportunities for men and women, Chile took 96th position out of 104 nations in a recent World Economic Forum Competitiveness Report. In sum, during the past 19 years, the country has witnessed the most important economic development in its history. Major advances have been made with respect to overcoming poverty and reinstating truth and justice after years of human rights violations under the dictatorship. The period has also seen the subordination of the military to civilian power, international economic insertion and judicial, health and educational reforms. However, Chilean society still suffers from social inequality (with respect to income distribution, quality of education, unemployment and labor relations, among other issues). The constitution imposed by Pinochet has not been replaced, despite essential reforms passed in The electoral system gives enormous veto power to the minority right-wing parties founded under the Pinochet regime, and excludes an important leftist sector from parliament. Also, inadequate institutional frames for other spheres of society remain unchanged.

6 BTI 2010 Chile 6 Transformation Status I. Democracy 1 Stateness The political system in Chile is highly institutionalized. The state has the authority to enforce the laws and possesses the monopoly on the use of force. All groups in society, including the indigenous population, accept the nation-state as legitimate. State institutions have a relatively high degree of legitimacy. However, the state does not explicitly recognize the country s various ethnic groups in its constitution. The constitution imposed by the Pinochet regime still exists, although modified by almost 50 reforms. Because of its origin, it has not been fully accepted by all citizens. Immigrants rights have been addressed in only a partial way. Official figures do not reveal the magnitude of immigration flows; this is used as an argument for not giving priority to an immigration policy that would ensure realization of fundamental economic and social rights. Faced with a continuing increase in migratory flow, some limited legislation been passed that will allow immigrants access, in time, to some of these rights. An attempt was made in 2008 to pass a more comprehensive immigration reform. The Peruvian community of immigrants, comprised of 65% women, is the most vulnerable part of the population. Chile is a secular state. Its legitimacy and legal order are defined without noteworthy reference to religious dogmas. Since 1925, the Catholic Church has been separate from the state. In recent years, laws have been enacted that give more opportunities and rights to religious organizations besides the Catholic Church. The Catholic Church presents itself as an actor that seeks consensus on specific issues (e.g., discussion of minimum wage). However, there are instances in which the institution has exerted great pressure on various aspects of social life that involve considerations of ethical values, and in which it has tried to influence the formulation and promulgation of laws. The country s divorce law, for example, took nearly a decade to be enacted. The Catholic Church has in the past also tried to force the government and Congress to change rules related to sexuality and reproduction (e.g., with regard to rules ensuring that pharmacies carry the morningafter pill), as well as to health and education. Monopoly on the use of force State identity No interference of religious dogmas

7 BTI 2010 Chile 7 The state has a differentiated and well-developed administrative structure throughout the country. Its operation has been further improved by the laws on probity (2003) and on transparency (2009). To some extent, however, its operation exhibits shortcomings that arise from the concentration of resources in areas close to the cities home primarily to people of a middle-high socioeconomic stratum. There are some weaknesses in the effectiveness and legitimacy of public policy. The Inter-American Development Bank s (IADB) Network on Public Policy Management and Transparency gives the Chilean civil service 61 points out of a potential 100 on its Bureaucratic Merit Index, the second-best ranking in the region after Brazil (88 points) and before Costa Rica (58 points). The centralism in the way public policy is defined remains, and thus the specific needs of the country s political-administrative divisions and the particular characteristics of the population are not always reflected. As there is no real regional autonomy, regional governments and administrative structures depend heavily on centralized decisionmaking. Basic administration 2 Political Participation All elections are held according to international standards, the constitution and the law with only sporadic cases of fraud. In general, election results are not contested. Political parties and citizens may be present when votes are counted. However, the binominal electoral system introduced under authoritarian rule gives a kind of veto power to the right-wing alliance as the second majority, and de facto excludes a third force, leaving the two dominant alliances to share all the posts. Thus, unrestrained free elections result in narrowed social representation. According to the 2008 National Study on Political Parties and Electoral Systems, 71% of the voting population is enrolled in the electoral registry. That means that almost a third of the population (skewing especially toward young people) does not participate in elections. A bill for automatic registration has recently been passed, but at the same time establishing the voluntary vote. Thus, voter turnout will probably decrease in the long term. In principle, the effective power to govern has been guaranteed since the 2006 constitutional reforms. There are no longer veto powers as such, notwithstanding the strength of some actors that serve as pressure groups. Since 1990 the veto powers and political enclaves in the hands of the military have been increasingly eroded, especially after 1998, the year of Pinochet s arrest in London. In 2006, the institution of appointed senators was abolished and the president also regained the right to remove the commander-in-chief of the armed forces, thus further strengthening democratically elected rulers power to govern. A certain restriction may be seen in the electoral system, which provides for the overrepresentation of the right-wing alliance as the so-called second majority. The Catholic Church, Free and fair elections Effective power to govern

8 BTI 2010 Chile 8 business elites and the media are strong political actors that can heavily influence the agenda on key issues (during the period under review, these included debates over dispensing the morning-after pill, educational reform, tax reform, etc). The institutional framework, and in particular the constitution, do not endow the state or the government with the necessary tools and means to intervene in moments of crisis, as was the case with the crisis of the Transantiago transport system in The freedoms of association and assembly are unrestricted within the democratic order. Independent political and civil society organizations are generally allowed to form freely. Political activity on the part of unions is not subject to restrictions, but their collective bargaining rights are still subject to some provisions that do not meet international labor law conventions. The freedoms of opinion and the press are constitutionally guaranteed. The media landscape is sufficiently differentiated; media organizations cover sensitive issues as well as fulfilling a watchdog role vis-à-vis the government and other political authorities. The censorship that affected some issues has been removed in recent years. In 2005, laws that impeded reporting on the military and the government were eliminated from the penal code. The constitutional reforms of 2005 eliminated defamation as an offense against public persons. Association / assembly rights Freedom of expression However, there are huge differences between print and electronic media. Pluralism of the press is limited by the concentration of media ownership in two groups all over the country, El Mercurio and Copesa. The influence of these newspapers is mostly on the political elites rather than the broader public. The few alternative print media are often forced to close due to a lack of private advertising and public support. According to a study by Observatorio de Medios Fucatel, the central government, municipalities, state institutions and services collectively spent about 4.3 billion pesos (between $7 million and $8 million) on newspaper advertising during The government and ministries alone spent 1.2 billion pesos on printed media. The main recipients of state newspaper advertising were El Mercurio (48%) and the Copesa group (29%), accounting for 77% of the total. The mainly stateowned La Nación accounted for 9% of advertising expenditure. Thus, only about 15% of the whole was spent on advertising in independent newspapers and magazines. On the other hand, the country has an independent television landscape of private and public stations, as well as a vibrant radio scene with over 800 stations and an increasingly important online media presence. The TV landscape, with seven nationwide terrestrial television channels, is more diversified today than in the 1990s when there were only three channels. In addition, there are 13 national cable/satellite channels. In December 2008, CNN-Chile launched a 24-hour news channel, diffusing political news more widely and leading the public TVN to launch a similar channel. A broad range of radio stations of national and partially

9 BTI 2010 Chile 9 transnational ownership are seen as credible, and also provide political news. In addition, online media such as El Mostrador are becoming more popular, especially among the elites. 3 Rule of Law The constitution guarantees the separation of powers. The various branches of government work independently and serve as a check on each other. The presidential system allows the president to act as a co-legislator. In 2005 s constitutional reforms, parliament s capacity to check the executive branch was reformed somewhat. For example, parliament was granted the power to summon ministers. The judiciary has also been strengthened during the last 12 years. Chile s judiciary is independent and performs its oversight functions. Several constitutional reforms have further improved its performance. In 1997, the election procedure for Supreme Court judges was reformed, as was the penal code, introducing the public prosecutor s office and district attorneys. The 2005 reform enhanced the Constitutional Tribunal s autonomy and jurisdiction concerning the constitutionality of laws and administrative acts. Some observers even see it today as one of the most powerful such tribunals in the world, able to stop governmental decrees (as in the case of the day-after pill) or to protect citizen s rights against powerful private entities. A certain threat to the judiciary s independent functioning arises not so much from the executive but rather from the ideological influence of the press and de facto societal powers, which distort its processes and public opinion. According to surveys, the public still has a low level of trust and confidence in the judiciary. In general, authorities involved in corruption and/or misappropriation of public funds have been subjected to an audit by the Comptroller General s Office and the judiciary and have been severely punished. Particularly heinous individual instances are denounced by the public and prosecuted by the judiciary. Officeholders accept the judicial system s procedures, as was evident in a case of corruption involving members of the Lagos government. A suspicious press also monitors the state s behavior, ensuring that it is abiding by the rules. There are virtually no restrictions on civil liberties. Significant progress has been made in relation to censorship and limits on the freedom of opinion, as well as in the political and judicial treatment of human rights violations. The Bachelet government also engaged to approve the ratification of Chile s access to the International Criminal Court, which had long been delayed due to the resistance of the right and the Constitutional Tribunal s demand for necessary constitutional reforms (ratification took place in June 2009). However, the rights of indigenous peoples, sexual minorities, the disabled and women are not always fully guaranteed. Separation of powers Independent judiciary Prosecution of office abuse Civil rights

10 BTI 2010 Chile 10 Access to the judicial system has been improved for the lower social strata through a specific program within the context of judicial reforms, although this is still insufficient in a Chilean society marked by great disparities. According to the 2008 human rights report issued by the Universidad Diego Portales, special review is required of the judicial system, the state prison for adults and minors, and the situation of women, sexual minorities, and indigenous peoples. Prison facilities do not comply with high international standards. The same report states that there have been persistently severe conditions of overcrowding, lack of adequate medical care, death, torture and abuse, police corruption, and generally a lack of transparency and proper control of the management. There are serious limitations on access to this information. The situation is even more dramatic in relation to the situation of children and youthful law offenders, noting that the most widespread problems are related to the quality of infrastructure facilities, geographical location, feeding of children, the conditions of the right to visits and access to adequate health benefits. Also, torture and mistreatment persist, including the use of punishment cells in violation of international standards, and sexual abuse. Rehabilitation programs are totally ineffective. The implementation of a mixed system that incorporates the private sector in infrastructure has led to some significant change. 4 Stability of Democratic Institutions Democratic institutions are stable to a high degree. They operate in accordance with their functional purposes and are effective and largely efficient. Institutional stability has been underpinned by widespread support for the rules of the game, in place even before the democratic transition. The current constitution is the result of nearly 50 reforms designed to eliminate authoritarian enclaves, but this has taken place in such a gradual manner that the functioning of institutions remains somewhat hampered by the authoritarian legacy of the constitutional framework. To date, stability has been favored over the implementation of changes that would improve performance and deepen democracy (in particular, a new democratic constitution should be developed and the electoral system should be changed). All relevant political and social actors, including the military, accept Chile s democratic institutions as legitimate. A genuine debate over social, economic and political issues that could lead toward the establishment of a new constitution has yet to occur, but deep agreement exists on adhering to the institutional structure in the course of all reforms. There is thus strong instrumental consensus on basic procedures, but this consensus does not extend to shared values. Performance of democratic institutions Commitment to democratic institutions

11 BTI 2010 Chile 11 5 Political and Social Integration Despite some signs of debilitation, Chile still has a stable, moderate, socially rooted party system with low fragmentation, low polarization and low voter volatility. However, though parties are still sufficiently anchored in society, consent among the population and stable linkages with civil society have weakened in recent years. Party system Chile has a multiparty system, but the electoral system induces it to operate as a two-party system with two major alliances: the ruling coalition and the opposition. Parties are forced to form alliances in order to gain representation in Congress. One of the alliances is formed by center-left parties the Partido Demócrata Cristiano (PDC), the Partido por la Democracia (PPD), the Partido Radical Social Demócrata (PRSD) and the Partido Socialista (PS) and is called the Concert of Parties for Democracy (Concertación de Partidos por la Democracia). The Concertación has served as the ruling coalition since the reinstatement of democracy in The other party block, the Alliance for Chile (Alianza por Chile), consists in large part of the Unión Demócrata Independiente (UDI), the hard-right-wing party that was closely allied to Pinochet, and to a lesser extent the more democratic Renovación Nacional (RN). The Communist Party, the Humanist Party and other groups of the left that the electoral system has de facto excluded from representation in Congress together form the Together We Can (Juntos Podemos) coalition. In October 2008, the Alianza won its first election since the return to democracy, gaining more mayors in the municipal elections, while the Concertación won at the level of municipal councils. In general, the party system is organizationally stable and sufficiently anchored in society, with stable but weakening connections to civil society. It is well rooted in classic socioeconomic, ideological and political cleavages, but has some difficulties in expressing new social and cultural cleavages. The degree of voter volatility is rather low when measured in terms of the two politically relevant blocs. The degree of polarization is overall moderate when the parties not represented in parliament are included, although comparatively high in relation to some issues, such as reconciliation concerning human rights violations. Independent candidates and free riders do not attract many votes. On political issues, there is no alternative to parties. However, parties are severely criticized and have fallen to a very low level of public trust. According to a December 2008 survey performed by the Centro de Estudios Públicos (CEP), 18% of the population identifies with the right and centerright, 13% with the political center, 22% with the center-left and left, but 38% does not identify with any political current at all. Chile s network of interest groups is relatively dense but dominated by a few strong interests. Associations representing capital and the Catholic Church play a particularly powerful role. The trade unions, which were weakened greatly under Interest groups

12 BTI 2010 Chile 12 the dictatorship, have been able to achieve some organizational stability under the subsequent democratic governments. By international standards, however, their bargaining power (strikes, collective bargaining) and affiliation rate have remained low. In addition, unions are confronted by strong business associations which have been able to maintain their powerful position since the economic model has been left largely unchanged since Employers associations wield great influence on the executive in shaping economic policies. There is no law that regulates the links between lobby groups and the public sector. According to the 2008 National Study on Political Parties and Electoral Systems, 45% prefer democracy to any other form of government, 29% express indifference toward democracy or autocracy, and 18% say that in some circumstances, an authoritarian government can be preferable to a democracy. In the same survey, 57% evaluated the functioning of democracy as regular, 15% thought democracy works in a good-very good way, and 24% thought it worked in a bad-very bad way. In short, while there is clear support for democratic institutions in abstract terms, there is simultaneously strong criticism of the existing system. Consent to democratic norms The elitism and narrowness of the political system in Chile contributes to political disaffection. This is evident in polls in which Chile holds one of the highest ranks in terms of institutional distrust. According to the results of a December 2008 public opinion survey by the Center for Public Studies (CEP), 43% of the population approved of the administration of President Bachelet, compared to 49% in In the same survey, 60% believed that Bachelet acts with weakness when pressured by interest groups. These figures changed dramatically at the beginning of 2009, surpassing 60% in favor of the president and her government due to her management of the economic crisis. Civil society s organizational landscape has become increasingly differentiated. Alongside numerous religious organizations, there is a very dense network of civil society organizations. The self-organization of civil society for political, cultural, socioeconomic and other purposes operates in a spontaneous and temporary form. The UNDP National Map of Partnership for the year 2000 estimated that 56 associations exist for every 10,000 inhabitants (i.e., about 80,000 organizations in all). According to the National Study on Political Parties and Electoral Systems, 36% approve of or fully support participation in public demonstrations, 39% feel the same about participation in organizations or political parties, and 42% about electoral campaigns. Only 1% of respondents had come to a political party to seek help for personal problems. The same survey reported that 73% believe they cannot trust anyone and that 62% are not interested in politics. This is consistent with the low level of association: Only 21% of the population belongs to a church or religious institution, 14% to a sporting group, 17% to a charity or organization of volunteers, 6% to a labor union and only 3% to a political party in an active way. Associational activities

13 BTI 2010 Chile 13 II. Market Economy 6 Level of Socioeconomic Development In spite of relatively stable macroeconomic indicators, exclusion and inequality persist. Poverty and social exclusion in Chile are historically determined by structural causes. According to the Survey of Socioeconomic Characterization (CASEN), the poverty rate has declined from nearly 40% at the beginning of 1990 to 13.7% in Within the indigenous population, it has been reduced from 35% to 19%; poverty thus affects indigenous peoples at a rate almost 6 percentage points higher than that of the non-indigenous population. Extreme poverty has decreased since 2002 due to the implementation of a program called Chile Solidario, which has attempted to reach directly to each of the 250,000 families in that segment of society with financial, employment, education, health, psychological and lodging services. Socioeconomic barriers Poverty affects some regions more than others, and affects ethnic minorities, children (encompassing 22% of those between 0 and 3 years of age, and 20% of those aged from 4 to 17) and women particularly hard. The number of indigent households headed by women has doubled, from 22% in 1990 to approximately 45% in Unemployment especially affects the less educated and the young. In 2006, the unemployment rate within the indigent population was 40% vs. 5.7% among the non-poor, a figure that according to estimations will double during the current economic crisis. Economic indicators GDP $ mn Growth of GDP % Inflation (CPI) % Unemployment % Foreign direct investment % of GDP Export growth % Import growth % Current account balance $ mn

14 BTI 2010 Chile Public debt $ mn External debt $ mn Total debt service % of GNI Cash surplus or deficit % of GDP Tax Revenue % of GDP Government consumption % of GDP Public expnd. on edu. % of GDP Public expnd. on health % of GDP R&D expenditure % of GDP Military expenditure % of GDP Sources: The World Bank, World Development Indicators 2009 UNESCO Institute for Statistics International Labour Organization, Key Indicators of the Labour Market Database Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), Yearbook: Armaments, Disarmament and International Security. 7 Organization of the Market and Competition Chile possesses a strong institutional foundation for market competition and for ensuring the public economic order. Governmental policy is limited to general assurance and maintenance of the rules of the game. It provides for a neutral organization of regulations consistent with competition, including control over monopolies and the expansion of required intermediary institutions. Insurance companies, banks and financial institutions are autonomous and the state has a low oversight incidence concerning these institutions, which has favored concentration of the sectors over time. The informal sector plays a minor role. The formation of monopolies and oligopolies is regulated by independent agencies. The Tribunal for the Defense of Free Competition (TDLC) is responsible for preventing, correcting and sanctioning anticompetitive conduct. Cases can be presented to the TDLC either by the National Economic Prosecution Service (FNE), an investigative body, or by companies with a complaint. Together they are responsible for the investigation and resolution of cases of abuse of dominant market position, restriction of competition by cartels and/or ententes, disloyal competition, and market concentration (monopolies, mergers, and cartels). However, these institutions suffer from a lack of resources and institutional capacity in such a way that prevents them from eliminating market concentration completely. Market-based competition Anti-monopoly policy

15 BTI 2010 Chile 15 In 2008, a merger between two large retail companies was blocked, but a few months later, one of them was bought by one of the biggest transnational retail companies. Foreign trade has been expanded and consolidated. The state does not intervene in free trade, but rather supports a national export orientation by means of a network of institutions linked to the economy. Free trade has been encouraged by international and bilateral agreements with the United States, the European Union, and Latin American and Asia-Pacific countries. Institutional foundations are in place for a solid banking system that complies with international banking supervision standards. The finance sector is subject to its own supervisory agency, the SBIF, which monitors and applies the provisions of the banking act and provides a risk classification of financial institutions. Chile follows the norms of the Basel Committee on Banking Supervision. Capital markets are open to domestic and foreign capital, although they are vulnerable to speculative investment. Liberalization of foreign trade Banking system 8 Currency and Price Stability The maintenance of low, stable and sustainable inflation is one of the pillars of Chile s economic model and the primary objective of the monetary policy of the Central Bank of Chile (BCCh). For this purpose, the BCCh has oriented its monetary policy toward an inflation rate of 3% per year, as measured over a twoyear horizon. However, the rate of inflation, which was 3% in 2005 and 3.4% in 2006, jumped to 7.8% in 2007 and 8.9% in 2008 due to rising food and energy prices. Inflation expectations have shown significant increases according to a variety of measures, as has public concern regarding this issue. As a corrective measure, the Monetary Policy Rate (TPM) has increased by 200 basis points since June 2008, which has made for a rise of 325 basis points since mid Since December 2008, however, the consumer price index (IPC) has registered significant declines; IMF projections indicate an inflation rate of around 3% for 2009 and Overall economic policy since the 1990s has been marked by highly disciplined maintenance of macroeconomic stability, toward which the central bank and the government have worked together quite effectively. The government s fiscal and debt policy is narrowly targeted at stability. In 2000, President Ricardo Lagos government introduced a fiscal rule based on a structural surplus of 1% of GDP to reaffirm and intensify Chile s commitment to fiscal responsibility. Primary surpluses were at 8.4% of GDP in 2006, 9.4% in 2007 and 5.1% in 2008, resulting in an impressive overall balance. According to the Monetary Policy Report (IPOM) issued by the BCCh in September 2008, decisions on monetary policy have been Anti-inflation / forex policy Macrostability

16 BTI 2010 Chile 16 taken in a coordinated manner among different banks, in required adherence to international standards. These measures aim to strengthen the provision of liquidity through a wide range of tools addressing the current crisis (this has resulted, among other things, in negative variation in the price of financial assets, and significant declines in commodity prices). 9 Private Property Protection of and respect for private property have been definitively consolidated, and are enshrined in the constitution as a main principle. Property rights and the regulation of the acquisition of property are designed to allow for a dynamic market economy. The property rights in the Chilean Constitution are specified in more detail than is the right to life or other essential human rights. Private companies are viewed institutionally as the primary engines of economic production, and are given appropriate legal safeguards. The main privatization process took place under the Pinochet regime. This process was not transparent and helped to consolidate the historic concentration of ownership. The participation of private enterprises in state infrastructure (public-private partnerships) has generated controversy because common goods and resources are managed according to market logic. In particular, the participation of private enterprises in road infrastructure and correctional facilities has had negative externalities, for which the enterprises cannot be held accountable. Property rights Private enterprise 10 Welfare Regime Between the 1930s and 1973, Chile developed certain elements of a welfare state. This was reflected in the development of an institutional framework of education, health, social security, housing and labor laws. After the military coup in 1973, this was dismantled and replaced by subsidiary policies aimed at mitigating the worst effects of neoliberal adjustments in the 1980s. With the transition to democracy, a series of reforms began and measures were taken to revitalize the public sector (primarily health, social security, education and housing). Between 1990 and early 2000, social spending increased by 160%. However, the institutional structures inherited by the military regime persisted. Thus, a significant part of the health and social welfare sector is governed by the market, as is the case with the Administrators of Pension Funds (AFP) and the Provisional Institutions of Health (ISAPRE). These institutions are unable to secure decent pensions and quality health care for all. Social safety nets To secure health, workers and low-income families must use the public system, which often enjoys fewer resources than the private sector, thus creating a clear

17 BTI 2010 Chile 17 segmentation in terms of access. The poor and elderly populations typically end up as part of the public system. On the other hand, 10% of the profits from the sale of copper are reserved for the comprehensive welfare system of the armed forces. The Lagos government implemented the so-called Regime of Explicit Health Guarantees (Régimen de Garantías Explícitas en Salud, RGES, also known as Plan AUGE) aimed at improving the quality and availability of public sector health services, particularly for lower income groups. After a series of reforms, the AUGE Plan now mandates both ISAPRE and the National Health Fund (FONASA) to provide medical care to any person who meets certain age requirements and who suffers from one of 56 diseases covered under this scheme. Furthermore, a fund to offset the cost of health care for women and the elderly population was created. President Michelle Bachelet has pledged that at the end of her term (2010), the AUGE Plan will cover at least 80 diseases but, at this stage in time, this goal seems unlikely to be reached. Various social movements oppose the AUGE Plan, because it neither covers all diseases nor the entire population. In the early 1980s, the social security system was completely replaced: What had once been a collective public distribution scheme was transformed into a system of individual pensions and defined contributions managed by the private sector s AFPs. Reforming the social security system has been a priority for Bachelet s government, in order to increase minimum pensions, give pensions to all women, extend social security to young people, introduce a monitoring system over the AFPs and create a solidarity fund. For this purpose, an Advisory Committee was created that drafted a law enacted in January Although public sector workers criticized the measure, as they were not part of the decision-making process and the AFP system was not eliminated, it must be recognized that this law is undoubtedly one of the most important social reforms in the new democratic era. Housing policy aimed at ameliorating the lack of adequate housing stock, particularly for the population s poorer households, has been a major success. Between 1990 and 2005, 93,000 housing units have been provided every year, most serving the poorer sectors of the country. This has meant the eradication of most Campamentos or shantytowns, and the generation of new residential neighborhoods. Unfortunately, these new communities have come with a new variety of social problems, including criminality and drug traffic. In other words, the initiative has led to the creation of new ghettos in the big cities. During Bachelet s term, the sum dedicated to the vivienda social program (providing basic housing for the poor) has been increased, accompanied by a substantial policy aimed at improving neighborhoods. The number of government-provided housing units went up to 170,000 annually, while special programs targeted the quality of neighborhoods. Out of 223,000 families considered to be indigent, 190,000 benefited from the housing program.

18 BTI 2010 Chile 18 A number of institutions are designed to compensate for gross social differences, but are not sufficient to guarantee equal opportunities. The 2009 budget includes $37 billion for expenditures on pensions, health, education and housing for Chilean families. Public spending will grow by 5.7% for 2009, including an increase in resources devoted to investment of 8.8%. Extreme poverty has decreased due to the Chile Solidario program, but poverty still disproportionately affects some specific regions, ethnic minorities, children and women. Unemployment is higher among the less educated and the young. Data from the 2008 HDI update reports the estimated ratio of female to male earned income as The country ranked 75th out of 108 countries on the UNDP s gender empowerment measure (GEM) index, with a GEM value of Equal opportunity Inequality has remained almost unchanged at a high level. In 2006 the Gini coefficient was 52.2, falling from 54.9 in 2003 and 55.9 in According to 2006 data from the Ministry of Planning (MIDEPLAN), the ratio of the share of national income accruing to the richest 20% as compared to the poorest 20% was 13.0 before and 11.5 after social transfers, indicating some attenuation of inequality. Due to the benefits of health, education and monetary subsidies, the poorest 20% of households increased their share of total income from 4.2% to 4.7%, while the richest 20% reduced theirs from 54.6% to 54.0%. In 2006, 49.4% of social expenditures on health, education and monetary subsidies were concentrated on the poorest 20% of households. There is no data for more recent years due to the timing of official surveys. In the educational field, there is consensus that the main problem is no longer coverage, at least at the primary and secondary levels; however, it is still a problem at the preschool and higher education levels. In 2003, a constitutional reform established obligatory secondary education. However, all measurements of quality (beyond literacy) show a very bad performance by international standards and high levels of inequality associated with the interrelation of socioeconomic factors and types of schools (with private establishments offering high-quality instruction, and the public and subsidized private schools showing lower performance). Despite substantially increased public expenditure and reforms in education, this situation has persisted to the present day. A recent OECD report indicated that the construction of the Chilean educational system generates inequalities. 11 Economic Performance The Chilean economy shows indicators of strength at the macro level. During the 1990s, growth averaged near 7% until the 1997 Asian crisis, when it started to decrease to around 2% in Since then, the economy has recovered, reaching average annual growth rates of 5.0% between 2003 and 2007 before dropping to 3.8% in Between 2001 and 2006, inflation averaged 2.5%, rising to 7.8% in Output strength

19 BTI 2010 Chile and 8.9% in Governments close attention to structural balance has led them to avoid public deficits; the trade balance has shown good performance, and high copper prices have led to a surplus of around $9 billion. The main problems continue to be unemployment and high inequalities in the distribution of income, despite an increase in new jobs and decreases in the unemployment rate from 10% in 2004 to 7.1% in Today, unemployment is on the rise again. Foreign direct investment (operating under the auspices of Decree Law 600, the Foreign Investment Statute) reached $2.35 billion between January and August 2008, 187% higher than the same period during the previous year ($816.9 million), and representing an increase of 71% over total 2007 foreign investment ($1.37 billion). The sectors attracting the largest amount of investment are related primarily to the mining industry. This sector drew $1.4 billion in the first eight months of 2008, or 61% of the total; the electricity, gas and water sector drew $434 million, or 18%; and communications, with a material investment of $153 million, drew 6% of the total investment in the period. Canada serves as the largest source of investment, at $1.2 billion (50%) followed by Japan at $341 million (14%) and the United States at $205 million (9%). 12 Sustainability Since the early 1990s the National Council for the Environment (CONAMA), has been responsible for the environment. This will be replaced by an environment ministry (the Senate s Environmental Committee approved the proposed bill in July 2009). Though to date environmental institutions have been very weak, new economic projects are required to incorporate an environmental impact report. Chile has signed international standards attached to free trade agreements on the subject, and authorities publicly attach great importance to sustainability. However, conflicts still persist in the wake of new mega-projects in mining and electricity, as well as others that affect the soil. The negative impact on water resources are compounded by energy problems shared with neighbor countries. Environmental policy A good example in the mining sector is the case of Pascua Lama, a mining development that contemplates the exploitation of open-pit mineral deposits of gold, silver and copper, and provides processing for products such as gold, silver and copper concentrate. The project is conceived as binational, with construction and operations both in Chile and in Argentina. While the company has an alleged policy of environment protection, the project holds the possibility of destroying glacial terrain, and by extension, their water reserves. Thus, its sustainability is highly questioned. In the energy sector, the construction of hydroelectric plants in the Aysén region, in the south of the country, has triggered an important debate over the potential negative effects, including potential annual losses of more than 4,000 jobs in the tourism sector and problems in the development of agriculture and livestock in the area. Strong campaigns have been prompted by civil action, some of