DOWNLOAD PDF THE OXFORD HANDBOOK OF THE HISTORY OF POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY

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1 Chapter 1 : the oxford handbook of political philosophy Download ebook pdf, epub, tuebl, mobi This book presents fifty original articles, each covering the entire subject in the history of political philosophy. It provides not only a survey of the state of research but substantial pieces that engage with, and move forward, current debates. He works in both normative political theory and the history of political theory. The Contextual Approach ; 2. The Straussian Approach ; 3. Postmodern Approaches to the History of Political Thought ; 4. The Value of the History of Political Philosophy ; 5. The Origins of Political Philosophy ; 7. Hellenistic Political Theory ; 9. Early Christian Political Philosophy ; Influence of Roman Law ; Arabic Contributions to Medieval Political Theory ; Medieval Political Theory c. Renaissance Political Philosophy ; Political Thought in the Age of the Reformation ; The School of Salamanca ; Enlightenment Political Philosophy ; Scottish Enlightenment ; Early Nineteenth-Century Liberalism ; German Idealism ; Marxian Tradition ; Nineteenth and Twentieth Century Liberalism ; Political Philosophy and the Idea of a Social Science ; Contemporary Continental Political Thought ; The State ; The Social Contract Contract of Government ; Douglass and Hobbes on Fear, Imagination, and Slavery ; The Idea of the Welfare State ; Religious Toleration ; Political Obligation ; Confucian Political Philosophy ; The Muslim Tradition of Political Philosophy ; Page 1

2 Chapter 2 : The Contextual Approach : The Oxford Handbook of the History of Political Philosophy - oi The Oxford Handbook of the History of Political Philosophy presents fifty original essays, each specially written by a leading figure in the field, covering the entire subject of the history of political philosophy. Warren p The ideal of democracy today is hegemonic owing to its successes. When compared to carious forms of autocracy, monarchy,theocracy, oligarchy, and dictatorship, democracies are better at solving, routinizing, and institutionalizing basic problems of common social life and collective action. We think of these boundaries as comprising distinct principles of inclusion and exclusion. Some appeared "natural,"based on family, communal, and ethic membership. Others reflected earned entitlement, based on contributions to the collective, such as military training, service, and financial contributions, all of which were important to Athenian conquest. Still others were based on capacities inferred from property qualifications, status especially free versus slave, sex, and age. In the Athenian case, those contribution-and capacity-based boundaries operated in conjunction with tribal constituencies that were, primarily, based on location, and thus on the basic assumption that territorial membership is fundamental. These kinds of constitutive boundaries were carried over into the modern rebirth of democracy in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, while being overwritten by two others. The first followed from the fact that the modern democratic project was reborn, and thus encapsulated, within nation states-- the large, territorial, administratively capable political units that, in much of Europe at least, had been consolidated under absolutist monarchs. Thus, problems of democratic inclusion were primarily conceived as overcoming distinctions of wealth, sex, race, ethnicity, and religion in favor of the principle of residence. The triumph of residential constituency over more parochial identities was pushed along by a second modern force: In themselves, these universalizing ethics were not sufficient to motivate democratic empowerments such as the franchise. Democracy, as Dahl has noted, depends not only upon the universal ethics of intrinsic moral worth, but also on a belief in equal capacities fro self-government. Thus, many judgments about who were, effectively, part of the self-governing people excluded those deemed lacking in capacities for self-government by virtue of intrinsic irrationality Locke: Questions of scope gain their meaning from societies that are differentiated into domains with their own principles of order and replication- particularly the domains of self, society, market, and state. Then these power should be re-aggerated into processes that produce decisions that could be justified to those affected. The separation of powers has a lesser noted positive relationship to democracy as well. Democratic accountability requires, in part, that citizens know what decisions their representatives are making, and the reasoning that justifies them. The extent to which the vote functions democratically, however, is contingent upon several other basic conditions. The first of these is constituency definition. Much attention within the history of democracy has been paid to the universality of the franchise. The key cleavage among systems is between plurality and proportional systems. The mechanics of single-member district mechanics are majoritarian: The multi-member district mechanics of proportional systems lead to representative bodies that are more inclusive and often more deliberative, but also more prone to gridlock, just because they include more interests. Majoritarian systems are strong in forming agents of the people, but risk tyranny of the majority. Proportional systems are more representative of the people, but risk undermining democracy by dispersing accountability, and magnifying the veto powers of small minorities. Finally, the effectiveness of the vote as a means for holding representative accountable depends upon other political rights, particularly the rights to speak, petition, and associate, which enable individuals to understand their interests, to relate their interests to institutions and policies, and to organize their vote into effective blocs. For Kant; Jefferson, and the others, the economic and social independence of citizens was a justification for limiting the franchise. Mill, Dewey, and others reversed the logic, arguing that inclusion required economic conditions broad distributions of property, social conditions a robust associational life, and policies public education that underwrite citizen independence and capacities. From a normative perspective, a democracy is any system of institutions, social structures, and practices that Page 2

3 maximizes self-determination and self-development relative to other possible alternatives, given a the social interdependencies of human life, and b an ethic that views each human life as intrinsically and equally worthy. That is, the meaning of "democracy" resides in its goods for individual self-rule, given that self-rule is dependent upon contributions of others, distributed among others, and vulnerable precisely because of these dependencies and distributions. From a modern perspective, a key democratic function of social differentiation is that it tends to assure that no political decision is likely to be so far-reaching that it totalizes damages to livelihoods--thus leaving deliberation, negotiation, and voting as the best ad least costly options for responding to political conflict. Page 3

4 Chapter 3 : The Oxford Handbook of the History of Political Philosophy (è± ç ) THE OXFORD HANDBOOK OF THE HISTORY OF Download The Oxford Handbook Of The History Of Political Philosophy ebook PDF or Read Online books in PDF, EPUB, and Mobi Format. Roman political philosophy was influenced by Greek schools of thought, particularly Stoicism, in conjunction with the Roman tradition of republicanism, as evidenced by the political philosophy of the Roman statesman Cicero and later thinkers such as Marcus Aurelius. Independently, Confucius, Mencius, Mozi and the Legalist school in China, and the Laws of Manu and Chanakya in India, all sought to find means of restoring political unity and political stability ; in the case of the former three through the cultivation of virtue, in the last by imposition of discipline. Ancient Chinese and Indian civilizations resembled Greek civilization in that there was a unified culture divided into rival states. In the case of China, philosophers found themselves obliged to confront social and political breakdown, and seek solutions to the crisis that confronted their entire civilization. The early Christian philosophy of Augustine of Hippo was by and large a rewrite of Plato in a Christian context. The main change that Christian thought brought was to moderate the Stoicism and theory of justice of the Roman world, and emphasize the role of the state in applying mercy as a moral example. Augustine also preached that one was not a member of his or her city, but was either a citizen of the City of God Civitas Dei or the City of Man Civitas Terrena. Europe[ edit ] Medieval political philosophy in Europe was heavily influenced by Christian thinking. It had much in common with the Islamic thinking in that the Roman Catholics also subordinated philosophy to theology. Perhaps the most influential political philosopher of medieval Europe was St. Early Islamic philosophy emphasized an inexorable link between science and religion, and the process of ijtihad to find truth - in effect all philosophy was " political " as it had real implications for governance. This view was challenged by the Mutazilite philosophers, who held a more Greek view and were supported by secular aristocracy who sought freedom of action independent of the Caliphate. By the late medieval period, however, the Asharite view of Islam had in general triumphed. Islamic political philosophy, was, indeed, rooted in the very sources of Islam, i. However, in the Western thought, it is generally supposed that it was a specific area peculiar merely to the great philosophers of Islam: Hence, not only the ideas of the Muslim political philosophers but also many other jurists and ulama posed political ideas and theories. For example, the ideas of the Khawarij in the very early years of Islamic history on Khilafa and Ummah, or that of Shia Islam on the concept of Imamah are considered proofs of political thought. The clashes between the Ehl-i Sunna and Shia in the 7th and 8th centuries had a genuine political character. The 14th century Arab scholar Ibn Khaldun is considered one of the greatest political theorists. That work, as well as The Discourses, a rigorous analysis of the classical period, did much to influence modern political thought in the West. A minority including Jean-Jacques Rousseau could interpret The Prince as a satire meant to give the Medici after their recapture of Florence and their subsequent expulsion of Machiavelli from Florence. At any rate, Machiavelli presents a pragmatic and somewhat consequentialist view of politics, whereby good and evil are mere means used to bring about an end, i. Thomas Hobbes, well known for his theory of the social contract, goes on to expand this view at the start of the 17th century during the English Renaissance. John Locke in particular exemplified this new age of political theory with his work Two Treatises of Government. In it Locke proposes a state of nature theory that directly complements his conception of how political development occurs and how it can be founded through contractual obligation. During the Enlightenment period, new theories about what the human was and is and about the definition of reality and the way it was perceived, along with the discovery of other societies in the Americas, and the changing needs of political societies especially in the wake of the English Civil War, the American Revolution and the French Revolution led to new questions and insights by such thinkers as Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Montesquieu and John Locke. These theorists were driven by two basic questions: These fundamental questions involved a conceptual distinction between the concepts of "state" and "government. The term "government" would refer to a specific Page 4

5 group of people who occupied, and indeed still occupy the institutions of the state, and create the laws and ordinances by which the people, themselves included, would be bound. This conceptual distinction continues to operate in political science, although some political scientists, philosophers, historians and cultural anthropologists have argued that most political action in any given society occurs outside of its state, and that there are societies that are not organized into states which nevertheless must be considered in political terms. Political and economic relations were drastically influenced by these theories as the concept of the guild was subordinated to the theory of free trade, and Roman Catholic dominance of theology was increasingly challenged by Protestant churches subordinate to each nation-state, which also in a fashion the Roman Catholic Church often decried angrily preached in the vulgar or native language of each region. These ideas did not spread to cultures outside of Europe until considerably later. The political structure of the Iroquois Confederacy may have inspired some institutions adopted at the foundation of the United States. The industrial revolution produced a parallel revolution in political thought. Urbanization and capitalism greatly reshaped society. During this same period, the socialist movement began to form. In the midth century, Marxism was developed, and socialism in general gained increasing popular support, mostly from the urban working class. By the late 19th century, socialism and trade unions were established members of the political landscape. In addition, the various branches of anarchism and syndicalism also gained some prominence, particularly in Spain and France. In the Anglo-American world, anti-imperialism and pluralism began gaining currency around the start of the 20th century. World War I was a watershed event in human history. The Russian Revolution of and similar, albeit less successful, revolutions in many other European countries brought communism â and in particular the political theory of Leninism, but also on a smaller level Luxemburgism gradually â on the world stage. At the same time, social democratic parties won elections and formed governments for the first time, often as a result of the introduction of universal suffrage. Chapter 4 : History of political thought - Wikipedia Even though political philosophy has a long tradition, it is much more than the study of old and great treatises. Contemporary philosophers continue to press new arguments on old and timeless questions, but also to propose departures and innovations. Chapter 5 : Oxford Handbook of Political Philosophy - Oxford Handbooks The Oxford Handbook of Political Philosophy (Oxford Handbooks) [David Estlund] on blog.quintoapp.com *FREE* shipping on qualifying offers. Even though political philosophy has a long tradition, it is much more than the study of old and great treatises. Chapter 6 : Oxford Handbook of the History of Political Philosophy - Oxford Handbooks This book presents fifty original articles, each covering the entire subject in the history of political philosophy. It provides not only a survey of the state of research but substantial pieces. Page 5