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1 BLACK SOCIAL MOVEMENTS IN LATIN AMERICA Copyright Jean Muteba Rahier, All rights reserved. First published in 2012 by PALGRAVE MACMILLAN in the United States a division of St. Martin s Press LLC, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY Where this book is distributed in the UK, Europe and the rest of the World, this is by Palgrave Macmillan, a division of Macmillan Publishers Limited, registered in England, company number , of Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS. Palgrave Macmillan is the global academic imprint of the above companies and has companies and representatives throughout the world. Palgrave and Macmillan are registered trademarks in the United States, the United Kingdom, Europe and other countries. ISBN: Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Black social movements in Latin America : from monocultural mestizaje to multiculturalism / edited by Jean Muteba Rahier. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN (alk. paper) 1. Blacks Latin America Politics and government. 2. Blacks Latin America Social conditions. 3. Ethnicity Political aspects Latin America. 4. Identity politics Latin America. 5. Multiculturalism Latin America. 6. Latin America Race relations. I. Rahier, Jean, 1959 F1419.N4B dc A catalogue record of the book is available from the British Library. Design by Integra Software Services First edition: June Printed in the United States of America.

2 Contents List of Figures and Tables ix Preface and Acknowledgments xi Introduction: Black Social Movements in Latin America: From Monocultural Mestizaje and Invisibility to Multiculturalism and State Corporatism/Co-optation 1 Jean Muteba Rahier Part I Setting Up the Stage 1 Afro In/Exclusion, Resistance, and the Progressive State: (De)Colonial Struggles, Questions, and Reflections 15 Catherine Walsh 2 International Organizations and the Human Rights of Afro-Latin Americans: The Case of UNESCO 35 Pierre-Michel Fontaine Part II A Focus on Central America 3 Garifuna Activism and the Corporatist Honduran State since the 2009 Coup 53 Mark Anderson 4 The Afro-Guatemalan Political Mobilization: Between Identity Construction Processes, Global Influences, and Institutionalization 75 Carlos Agudelo Part III A Focus on the Andean Region 5 The Quest for a Counter-Space in the Colombian Pacific Coast Region: Toward Alternative Black Territorialities or Co-optation by Dominant Power? 95 Ulrich Oslender

3 viii CONTENTS 6 Multicultural Politics for Afro-Colombians: An Articulation Without Guarantees 113 Roosbelinda Cárdenas 7 The Afro-Ecuadorian Social Movement: Between Empowerment and Co-optation 135 Carlos de la Torre and Jhon Antón Sánchez 8 Does Still Relatively Invisible Mean Less Likely to Be Co-opted? Reflections on the Afro-Peruvian Case 151 Shane Greene 9 Interview with María Alexandra Ocles Padilla, Former Minister, Secretaría de Pueblos, Movimientos Sociales y Participación Ciudadana, Ecuador 169 Jean Muteba Rahier with Mamyrah A. Dougé-Prosper Part IV A Focus on the Brazilian Experiences 10 State and Social Movements in Brazil: An Analysis of the Participation of Black Intellectuals in State Agencies 185 Carlos Benedito Rodrigues da Silva 11 From the Black Councils to the Federal Special Secretariat for the Adoption of Policies that Promote Racial Equality (SEPPIR): New Identities of the Black Brazilian Movement 201 Joselina da Silva 12 Interview with Maria Inês Barbosa, Former Vice-Minister, Secretaria Especial de Políticas de Promoção da Igualdade Racial (SEPPIR), Brazil 213 Jean Muteba Rahier References 225 Notes on Contributors 243 Index 247

4 Introduction Black Social Movements in Latin America: From Monocultural Mestizaje and Invisibility to Multiculturalism and State Corporatism/Co-optation Jean Muteba Rahier T his volume explores the current situations of Afrodescendants political activism in a number of national contexts in Latin America (see figure I.1.). It is premised on the assertion that at the regional level there have been in the past two decades (at least) quite notable transformations of the political landscapes within which black Latin American social movements have been operating. As shown in this book s chapters, these transformations have unfolded distinctly in different national contexts. Their major characteristic, however, has been the passage from ideological monocultural mestizaje and invisibility to multiculturalism and state corporatism/co-optation. The former refers to ideologies in which the prototypical national identity has been imagined as a mestizo identity (mixed race, usually involving Spaniards and Native Americans) to which would correspond a single national culture, itself the product of a particular history of cultural hybridity between, mostly, Spain and Native America, commonly at the exclusion of African contributions. Afrodescendants have not been an ingredient in what I like to call the ideological biologies of national identity. Multiculturalism, on the other hand, evokes recent changes that have been crystallized in new Constitutions and special laws, which now recognize the cultural, ethnic, and racial diversity of national populations, making visible Afrodescendant populations. The contributors to this volume have placed a special emphasis on the recent histories that lead to the materialization of those changes and on the impact of the ensuing state corporatism and co-optation on black social movements. They document with some analytical details how the

5 2 Figure I.1 Locations in Latin America referred to in this volume (Map by Paul Pugliese, General Cartography, Inc.)

6 INTRODUCTION 3 newly gained visibility that came along with an active participation in the apparatus of the state by either non-activist black individuals or leaders of black social movements has, at best, greatly complicated political struggles at the same time that it has allowed for some improvement in the landscape of race relations. Hence, the intention of this book is not to naïvely celebrate the long deserved greater inclusion of Afrodescendants in Latin American societies, as if their political struggles had reached the end of the road and had lost any reason to be. As shown by the case of Colombia (see the contributions of Ulrich Oslender and Roosbelinda Cárdenas), multiculturalism came along with a continued reproduction of black marginalization and even brought about what could be seen as a renewed and devastating, state-organized or at the very least, statesanctioned violence. From Monocultural Mestizaje and Invisibility to Multiculturalism and State Corporatism/Co-optation In the 1970s and 1980s, activists and scholars alike wrote a great deal about the processes of invisibilization of Afrodescendants in a great many Latin American national contexts. Official versions of history failed to mention black populations participation in, and contributions to, the nation. Critical scholars denounced the fact that many Latin American academic traditions reproduced national processes of invisibilization of Afrodescendant populations. At the end of the 1970s and in the early 1980s, new Afrodescendant organizations developed in accordance with the specificity of their national contexts, and with the eventual support of other national and regional organizations, and institutions of global governance. They often clashed with the mis-recognizing state and demanded full recognition of Afrodescendants as citizens. That premise of exclusion from ideologies of national identity has very much been shaping the daily experiences of Afrodescendant peoples, wherever they live. With the political effervescence of the early 1990s that accompanied the transnational indigenous movement s preparation to commemorate 500 Years of Resistance (a counter celebration of 1992, which was referred to in official presentations as the anniversary of 500 years of Discovery ), black organizations became more visible. Some made alliances with indigenous organizations, while others entered traditional politics, investing their energies in leftist political parties. The publication in 1995 of the Minority Rights Group s famous book, No Longer Invisible: Afro-Latin Americans Today, was a direct testimony of this growing reality.

7 4 JEAN MUTEBA RAHIER The UN World Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance held in Durban, South Africa, from August 31 to September 8, 2001 ( often simply called the Durban conference, provided another important opportunity to Afrodescendants to organize and collaborate in the design of strategies at the regional level. It had a great impact on black social movements in a variety of national contexts. 1 Since the late 2000s and early 2010s, a new reality of Afrodescendant participation at the higher echelons of state institutions has emerged. New Constitutions finally acknowledge Afrodescendants existence and declare the nation-state to be diverse and multicultural. Constitutions and newly adopted special laws give Afrodescendants collective rights and some protection against racist crimes. Political reforms created new state agencies that have as their objective the management of state funds and other resources for Afrodescendant communities (Guatemala, Honduras, Ecuador, and Brazil). Leadership of such agencies is given to leaders of black social movements, who are chosen by the political group(s) in government. In addition, in some cases (Colombia and Bolivia), new electoral laws have created districts exclusively on the basis of ethnicity, which have sent Afrodescendant leaders to the national legislative body. Other black individuals have been chosen for upper-level positions of leadership in government administration. These processes point to the Latin American tradition of state corporatism, which has consisted in the populist and corporatist incorporation of popular sectors into the state machinery, in structures that organize the relations between civil society and the state. In that way, the state co-opts or re-creates interest groups with the intent to regulate their numbers and to give them the appearance of having a quasirepresentational monopoly with special prerogatives. In exchange for these prerogatives and monopolies, the state demands the right to monitor the groups represented. The Difference between Indigenous Peoples and Afrodescendants in the New Constitutions and Special laws Any reader of the new Latin American Constitutions (passed since the 1990s) cannot escape from the appreciation of the different positions occupied by indigenous peoples vis-à-vis, but also within, imaginings of national identity. When discussing this issue as it applies to Colombia, Peter Wade after acknowledging the historical influence of Bartolomé de Las Casas underlined the importance of the institutionalized relationship

8 INTRODUCTION 5 between indigenous populations and either the colonial administration or the independent state of Colombia, which he contrasted with the historically less incorporated relationship, or relative and marginal official visibility, that characterized the interactions between blacks and the state (Wade 1997). This situation, he wrote, explains why, in many ways, to be successful blacks in Colombia must Indianize their claims; that is, they must present their demands to the state as if they were an indigenous people, making sure that the representation of their situation approximates as much as possible what is taken to be the case of indigenous peoples. The result has been that the Colombian state, in its 1991 Constitution and particularly in Law 70, has recognized as comunidades negras, with special collective rights, only the black communities of the Pacific coast, which are looked at as more indigenous-like in contrast to black people living in other regions of the country, who have been denied those same rights (Wade 1995, Restrepo 2002). Recently, building on Wade s and Eduardo Restrepo s works, Bettina Ng weno has shown how global discourses of indigeneity relate to Afro-Colombian claims to land (Ng weno 2007). A traditional relationship to the land, she writes, contributes a great deal to definitions of indigenous communities in Colombia and elsewhere in Latin America, and it is this claim that gives an ethno-cultural (quasiindigenous) status to Afro-Colombian communities of the Pacific (see also, for Ecuador, Walsh 2002, Antón Sánchez 2007a and 2007b). The perceived lack of such a relationship to the land explains why Afro-Colombians living on the Caribbean coast and in urban areas of the interior are not recognized as comunidades negras. In most cases, understanding these processes helps reveal what is often a rather unequal relationship to the state for indigenous and black communities, where, as constitutional history reveals, the former are seen by the elites as deserving special communal rights more than the latter, and where official notions of national identity ( the ideological biologies of national identity ) somewhat incorporate indigeneity into mestizaje while keeping blackness at bay. Ted Gordon has made a similar point when writing about Nicaragua (Gordon 1998). The unequal positions of blacks and indigenous peoples with regard to historical constructions of national identity have been in focus in the work of Juliet Hooker (2005) as well; she has examined comparatively the automatic understanding by Latin American elites in different national contexts of indigenous peoples as ethnocultural Others and of blacks as racial Others (about exceptions to this, see Anderson 2007; and in this volume see chapters by Anderson and Agudelo). Hooker suggests that this has the consequence of preventing, or at best of making more difficult, alliances between indigenous and black communities. In a special number of the Journal of Latin American and

9 6 JEAN MUTEBA RAHIER Caribbean Anthropology entitled Entre Lo Indio y Lo Negro Interrogating the Effects of Latin America s New Afro-Indigenous Multiculturalisms guest-edited by Shane Greene (volume 12, n. 2, November 2007), various scholars discuss the different positionalities of blacks and indigenous peoples in Latin American multicultural contexts. In the introduction to that special issue, Greene explains why most black communities are not recognized as peoples or pueblos, unlike indigenous communities, pointing out that their situations do not fit well with what he calls the holy trinity of multicultural peoplehood. Instead, they are looked at as having been historically more incorporated unlike indigenous peoples within the national polity (Greene 2007b: 345). In his commentary published at the end of that special issue, Restrepo draws on the comparison of national contexts to write about the existence of a regional continuum: in some contexts, like Honduras and Guatemala, multiculturalism constructs black populations as etnias autóctonas who enjoy equal status with indigenous pueblos, while in other contexts, like Peru (see Greene 2007a; and also in this volume), blacks could not reach easily the status of people that is assigned almost automatically to indigenous communities. In that continuum, for the reasons presented earlier in this introduction, Colombia and Ecuador would stand in the middle. The Volume s Chapters Catherine Walsh s chapter opens up the first part of this volume. She interrogates the contemporary visibility and inclusion of Afrodescendants in Latin American nation-states, and particularly in those states considered to be progressive and leftist in political orientation. In so doing, she wonders if the expression state corporatism/co-optation is adequate and sufficient to encapsulate the current situations of Afro Latinos across the region. She discusses that question by exploring a number of related issues: the naturalization, in Latin America, of the link between indigeneity or nativeness and claims usually the only ones considered valid for cultural and ancestral difference that unambiguously leave Afro Latinos out; a link that we see reified as briefly explained earlier in most of the new Constitutions and in many special laws that have accompanied the Latin American multicultural turn. She then uncovers the impact the Durban conference had on black social movements throughout the region: it provided a transnational space wherein they could share experiences and strategies while also giving them a shared language with which to engage the state with their concern about racism, discrimination, exclusion and inclusion, affirmative action, and reparation. Here, she deplores what she sees as an

10 INTRODUCTION 7 unfortunate consequence of Durban: the urbanization of Afro struggle and the further marginalization of rural areas. She then goes on to discuss the shifting nature of the Latin American state, which now at least in its most progressive formations has become even stronger and wants to recognize Afrodescendants as citizens, on an individual basis, without really dealing with them as sociocultural and political communities. She ends by underlining her initial intent, which was all along to transgress the binary of inclusion/exclusion, a binary that diverts attention away from structural legacies, shrouds the still present colonial matrix of power and its constitutive use of the idea of race, and leaves untouched issues of power and (de)colonial struggles of existence. In his chapter, Pierre-Michel Fontaine delves into an important factor of the development of black social movements in Latin America, and to which all the contributors to this volume refer: the role played by multilateral organizations in the Latin American multicultural turn, and consequently, in the current state of black social movements. After underscoring the work of UN agencies, the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, the Organization of American States, and a multitude of other international bodies, Fontaine focuses specifically on the rather long history of UNESCO s interventions in Latin America, and most particularly in Brazil, and on their impact on Afro-Brazilian organizing against racism and discrimination. Undoubtedly, Fontaine s contribution foregrounds the importance of the actions of one of the major players in the processes examined in this volume. His chapter enters into a privileged conversation with this book s Part IV, which is dedicated to the Afro-Brazilian experiences. Part II, A Focus on Central America, opens up with Mark Anderson s chapter on Garifuna activism and Honduran state corporatism following the 2009 coup. He begins by asking three fundamental questions: Have political transformations in Honduras produced new forms of state politics concerning Afrodescendant and indigenous peoples? What continuities and breaks exist with current state politics and those of previous regimes? How are indigenous and Afrodescendant organizations responding to state multicultural corporatism in an era of intense political polarization? His detailed discussions of a number of ethnographic situations and of recent political developments bring him to the conclusion that despite the recent political agitation, official multiculturalism doesn t appear to have changed fundamentally when compared with what previous governments were doing: the adoption of measures that allow for a symbolic multicultural inclusion of Afrodescendants (as individuals) in the state at

11 8 JEAN MUTEBA RAHIER the same time that the state attempts to keep more subversive and challenging ethnic organizations and demands under control. One of the most striking aspects of his chapter is certainly the discussion of the two major Honduran Garifuna organizations, OFRANEH (the Organización Fraternal Negra Hondureña) andodeco(organización de Desarrollo Étnico Comunitario), with the first being more oriented toward the defense of Garifuna collective cultural rights and the second more preoccupied with, and organized around, an antiracism discourse and community development. His analyses show how the closeness of ODECO to the current administration of President Porfirio Lobo indicates that the association of collective cultural rights and anti-neoliberalism might present a deeper threat to current structures of power than struggles articulated in the name of antiracism which remain framed in terms of discourses of development and which involve political praxis that support governments with a neoliberal agenda. Carlos Agudelo s chapter, which mostly focuses on the recent past of Afro-Guatemalan political mobilization, combines well with Anderson s contribution in that it discusses the genealogy of Guatemalan Garifuna multiple identities building within the context of their transnational history. He shows how Garifuna plural identities have been as many tools for political mobilization, dialogue and negotiation with the Guatemalan state and with multilateral organizations in the current context of multiculturalism. After underscoring the transnational nature of early Garifuna or black Carib history, which links together all Central American Garifuna populations with their respective diasporas in the United States (and mostly in New York City), Agudelo uncovers in the Guatemalan case the articulations between national and transnational politics that led to a willful participation in state corporatism, in light of Garifuna accepted and celebrated cultural difference. His consideration of Garifuna transnational politics brings him to discuss migratory processes to the United States from the 1940s on. Part III, A Focus on the Andean Region, certainly presents diverse situations as it considers the case of Colombia, Ecuador, and Peru. It begins with Ulrich Oslender s chapter, in which he reflects upon one of the major achievements of Afro-Colombian political mobilization: the passing in 1993, after the adoption in 1991 of one of the first Latin American Constitutions to adopt multiculturalism, of Law 70, which granted collective land rights to black communities in the Pacific coast region. His argument is about the very differential interpretation of that law by Afro-Colombian social movements and by the Colombian government. He draws on Henri Lefebvre s work to show that what was in play for

12 INTRODUCTION 9 the Afro-Colombian social movements was more than simply achieve the recognition of collective land rights. The movement was on a quest to reconceptualize the Pacific Lowlands as a counter-space, a space that definitely rejected the capitalist logic of extraction and land exploitation. He argues that once state and capital understood what Afro-Colombians were after, they reacted with co-optation, and more importantly, with a brutal violence that ended up undermining on the ground the very spirit of Law 70: This is the grand conundrum haunting Afro-Colombian mobilization and the meaningful construction of the Pacific coast region as a differential space, (...), of an alternative black territoriality. We remain in Colombia with Roosbelinda Cárdenas chapter, in which she argues that contemporary black multiculturalism in Colombia articulates in a particular but un-settled way ethno-territorial blackness, politics of victimization, and diasporic antiracism. The concept of articulation, which she borrows from Stuart Hall (1996), and which we could use here to explain why black multiculturalism is different in every Latin American national context, is at the center of her theoretical argument. It provides the instrument she needs to emphasize the unstable nature of multiculturalism, which in its black form in Colombia has required specific and contingent rather than necessary conditions of existence: (...) the global circulations of notions of indigeneity, the escalation of the internal war, the 1991 Constitutional reform, and the Durban Conference, among others. In the last section of the chapter, she stresses the fact that articulations such as black multiculturalisms do not have a necessary political intent and can therefore serve a number of different if not opposed political agendas: from, for example, co-optation of ethnicized blackness when it is institutionalized within the state apparatus, to the sedimentation in the national common sense of aspects of black multiculturalism as it exists at a particular moment in time, to the possibility of its progressive rearticulation and reappropriation, in the context of future political struggles. Carlos de la Torre and Jhon Antón Sánchez s chapter focuses on the relationship between Afro-Ecuadorian organizations and the Ecuadorian state during two rather distinct historical periods: (1) the end of the 1990s when the first Constitution to adopt the vocabulary of multiculturalism to describe the nation was passed (1998) and the early 2000s, a period of, as de la Torre and Sánchez indicate, neoliberal multiculturalism and (2) the period that is still unfolding and that began in 2007 with the election of Rafael Correa to the presidency, whose administration de la Torre and Sánchez characterize as leftist and postneoliberal, and which passed a

13 10 JEAN MUTEBA RAHIER second multicultural Constitution in Again, de la Torre and Sánchez begin their chapter with three fundamental questions: What are the continuities and changes in the relationship between the Afro-Ecuadorian movement and the state in these two periods? What are the legacies of Afro-Ecuadorian corporatist incorporation to the state? What is Rafael Correa s ethnic project, and how does it differ from neoliberal multiculturalism s project? The authors conclude that the Afro-Ecuadorian movement made important gains through the inclusion of some of its leaders in the state apparatus in a nonconfrontational strategy that was successful in obtaining the passing of special legislation to protect Afro-Ecuadorians against discrimination, and for the adoption of some affirmative action policies and collective rights, and the recognition of traditional Afro-Ecuadorian territories. This corporatist inclusion has opened up the door, in a rather visible process, of social mobility for the leaders who became state executives, as most leaders come from humble backgrounds. However, such corporatism has led to the fragmentation of the Afro-Ecuadorian social movement because leaders of organizations compete for state positions and usually think, rightfully or not, that those who are employed by the state are opportunistic, and even corrupt, particularly if they themselves have not got a state position. de la Torre and Sánchez end up precising that Correa s ethnic project combines technocratic redistribution with symbolic empowerment. But what is not allowed is for ethnic subjects to have their own voices. Their role is to be beneficiaries of the state s postneoliberal redistribution, but not to be autonomous citizens or organizations of civil society that can articulate demands and proposals that might counter the government s benevolent, paternalistic, and technocratic policies. Shane Greene s intervention presents a situation that contrasts with what has been described for Colombia and Ecuador, as the Peruvian case is perhaps an exception when one considers state corporatism or co-optation of black activism through the adoption of multicultural reforms. Indeed, after summarizing the history of black activism in Peru, he concludes that, comparatively, the Afro-Peruvian movement is rather weak as attempts to build a national movement in the 1990s had been unable to expand a black political consciousness that could articulate both the rural coastal communities and the vaster but very disperse black presence in Lima. To this must be added the neo-indigenista dimensions of state multiculturalism in Peru, where multicultural policies make it clear that Indian issues historically

14 Index Africa, 4, 17, 22, 33, 36, 39, 41, 45, 47 9, 109, 121, 157, 196, 215, 220, 221 Afro, v, vii, viii, 7, 15, 16, 20 32, 34, 172, 175, 181, 191 Afro-Ecuadorian Corporation for Development (CODAE), 27, 31, 138, 140, 141, 144, 147, 149, 175, 181, 182 Afro Latino, xi, 6, 28, 33, 174 Afro-Right, 24, 64, 176 Agudelo, Carlos, vii, 5, 8, 37, 39, 75, 86, 89, 118, 132, 225, 243 Amerindians, 80, 84 Angola, Juan, 19, 20, 226 Arocha, Jaime, 104, 226 Asociación Negra de Defensa y Promoción de los Derechos Humanos (ASONEDH), 154, 155 Association of Displaced Afro-Colombians (AFRODES), 109, 113, 115, 120, 123, 126, 244 auto 005, Bastide, Roger, 41, 43, 48, 189, 227 Belize, 75, 76, 79, 81 3, 85, Black Carib, 8, 75, 79, 80, 91, 232 Blocos Afro, 191 Bolivia, 4, 19, 20, 21, 24, 26, 33, 34, 39, 47, 57, 179 Chalá, Catherine, 146, 148 Chalá, Jose, 141, 144, 147, 149 Chalá, Oscar, 30, 147 Chávez, Hugo, 19, 24, 34, 58 Chile, 33, 36, 45, 158, 163 Chinese migrants, 84 Chota-Mira Valley, 30, 139, 140, 144, 155, 170, 181, 243 civil society, 4, 10, 36, 40, 44, 57, 85, 87, 98, 115, 122, 124 7, 129, 135, 136, 139, 144, 150, 161, 178, 179, 181, 197, 204, 209, 223 Coelho, Ruy, 79, 90, 228 Colombia, vii, viii, ix, 3 6, 8 10, 18, 21, 23, 26, 33, 37 9, 46, 47, 57, 95 7, 100 3, 105, 108, 110, 111, , 131, 132, 155, 156, 179, 243, 245 Comboni missionaries, 137, 139 comunidades negras, 5, 245 Confederation of Autochthonous Peoples of Honduras (CONPAH), 58, 61, 62, 66, 67, 71, 72 Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador (CONAIE), 21, 137, 148, 177, 182 Congresos de la Cultura Negra de las Américas, 121 Constitutions, 1, 4, 6, 8, 31, 39, 47, 95, 156 assembly, 19, 35, 46, 67, 68, 82 4, 103, 118, 126, 132, 172 6, 178 special laws, 1, 4, 6 Correa, Rafael, ix, 9 11, 24, 25, 28, 30, 34, 135, 136, 141, 143 5, , 173, 174 da Silva, Luiz Inácio (Lula), 197, 206, 220, 222 de las Casas, Bartolomé, 4, 17, 33 Delgado, Moyano, Department of Chocó, 102, 108

15 248 INDEX Department of Nariño, 107 desplazados, 120 discrimination, 4, 6, 7, 10, 11, 16, 22, 23, 26, 31 3, 35, 36, 38, 42 4, 46 9, 55, 57, 58, 63, 67, 69, 71, 80, 88, 114, 115, 121, 122, 140, 141, 149, 157, 171, 187, 189, 190, 191, 193, 195, 196, 199, 201, 202 4, 208, 211, 218, 219, 220, 243 do Nascimento, Abdias, 188 East Indian migrants, 84 Economic Commission of Latin America (CEPAL), 27 Ejército de Liberación Naciónal (ELN), 119 Escobar, Arturo, 102, 106 Esmeraldas, 30, 31, 137, 140, 145, 148, 155, 176, 181, 243 European cooperation, 27 European Union (EU), 27, 46, 47 EUROsociAL, 27 Fanon, Franz, 21, 29 Federal Special Secretariat for the Adoption of Policies that Promote Racial Equality (SEPPIR), viii, 11, 12, 197, 201, 206, 207, 208, 211, 213, years of resistance, 3, 170, 171 Florida International University, xi, 244, 245 Ford Foundation, 26 Freire, Paulo, 216 Frenta Negra Brasilera (FNB), Freyre, Gilberto, 41, 199 Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC), 119 Fujimori, Alberto, 154, 158, 159, García Salazar, Juan, 28 31, 33, 34, 72 Garifuna, vii, 7, 8, 37, 39, 53 64, 66 70, 75 91, 155, 243 Garinagu, 75, 79, 88, 91 Gordon, Lewis, 29 Gordon, Ted (Edmund), 5 Great Britain, 26 Green, Luis, 61, 69 Gutiérrez, Lucio, 140 Hale, Charles, 57, 58 Hall, Stuart, 9, , 128, 132 Harvey, David, 97 Hoffmann, Odile, xi, 37 Hooker, Juliet, xi, 5, 33, 37, 38, 72 indigenous, 3 7, 16 22, 25, 26, 30, 33 5, 37, 38, 39, 41, 44, 45, 53, 54 7, 59 72, 75, 76, 78, 80, 81, 84 90, 103, 116, 118, 136, 137 9, 141 4, 148, 150, 156, , 166, 167, 171, 172, 177, 179, 181, 243, 245, 246 neo-indigenista, 10, 166 The Inter-Agency Consultation on Race in Latin America (IAC), 26 Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR), 36 Inter-American Court of Human Rights (IACtHR), 36 8, 47, 57 The Inter-American Development Bank (IDB), 26, 27, 36, 47, 56, 59 61, 68, 139, 152 Inter-American Foundation, 26 International Labor Organization (ILO), 18, 40, 56, 65 Internationally displaced persons (IDPs), 39, 115, 120, 123 6, 130, 132 International Monetary Fund (IMF), 7, 27 invisibility, vii, xi, 1, 3, 11, 18, 116, 152, 154, 167, 174, 195 Karp, Elaine, 158, 160 Law 70, ix, 5, 8, 9, 18, 95, 105, 106, 110, 118, 119, Lefebvre, Henri, 8, 96, 97, , 112 Lobo, Porfirio, 8, 24, 53, 54, 59, 60, 62, 64, 66, 68, 69, 70, 73

16 INDEX 249 Mariategui, José Carlos, 17, 18 Mestiçagem, 195 Mestizaje, iii, vii, xi, 1, 3, 5, 20, 58, 81, 116, 121, 174 ideology of mestizaje, 121 monocultural mestizaje, iii, vii, xi, 1, 174 Micheletti, Roberto, 53, 62, 66 Miskito, 56, 59, 62, 68, 72, 73 Montesinos, Vladimiro, 158 Morales, Evo, 19, 21, 34 moreno(s), 79, 80 Mosquera, Claudia, 33, 123, 134 Movimient Nacional Afroperuano Francisco Congo (MNAFC), 154, 155 Movimiento Alianza Paíz, 173, 176, 181 Movimiento Cimarrón, 121 Movimiento Negro Francisco Congo (MNFC), 153, 154 multiculturalism, iii, vii, xi, 1, 3, 6 10, 38, 53 5, 57, 58, 60, 69, 70 2, 76, 86, 95, , , 135, , 149, 150, 156 8, 164 7, 174, 196, 243 apologetic multiculturalism, 165 neoliberal multiculturalism, 9, 10, 38, 57, 58, 135, 139, 149 National Institute of Development for Andean, Amazonian and Afro-Peruvian Peoples (INDEPA), 159, 160, 166, 168 negro(s), 6, 41, 43, 50, 67, 72, 73, 120, 121, 125, 146, 153, 180, 188, 191, 192, 196, 217, 218 neoliberal, 8 10, 16, 24, 38, 39, 54 8, 60, 66 71, 96, 111, , 144, 149, 150, 179 postneoliberal, 9, 10 Ng weno, Bettina, 5, 120 NGOs, 36, 77, 78, 136, 137, 139, 144, 148, 155, 161, 166, 195 Nicaragua, 5, 33, 47, 75, 89, 90, 156 Nicaraguan, 37, 38, 81 Ocles, Alexandra, viii, ix, 11, 12, 28, 30, 31, 144, 146, , 169, 170 Organización de Desarrollo Étnico Comunitario (ODECO), 8, 54, 55 7, 60, 61, 62 4, 66, 69, 70, 71, 76, 83 Organizacíon Fraternal Negra Hondureña (OFRANEH), 8, 55, 56 9, 61, 64, 66, Organization of American States (OAS), 7, 26, 35, 36 8, 46, 47, 152 Oslender, Ulrich, vii, ix, 3, 8, 95, 101, 104 6, 108, 110, 118, 119, 245 palenques, 21, 23 Pan American Health Organization (PAHO), 26, 223, 224 Perú Negro, 153 Proceso de Comunidades Negras (PCN), 103, 105, 123, 126, 244 pueblo, viii, 6, 54, 61, 67, 72, 73, 144, 145, 146, 147, 165, 169, 172, 181 Quijano, Aníbal, 17 Quilombo dos Palmares, 11, 49, 186 Zumbi, 186, 190, 192, 197, 199 Quiroga, Diego, 138 Rahier, Jean Muteba, iii, iv, vii, viii, ix, 1, 38, 90, 121, 140, 169, 170, 172, 173, 181, 182, 199, 211, 213, 214, 216, 245 Restrepo, Eduardo, 5, 6, 72, 104, 115, 116, 118, 119 Sánchez Díaz, Marcos, 85, 86 Santa Cruz, Nicomedes, 153, 164, 243 Santa Cruz, Victoria, 153 SecretariatofthePeoples,Social Movements and Citizens Participation (Ecuador), 11, 169, 174

17 250 INDEX slave(s), 11, 15, 17, 20, 21, 22, 32, 33, 42, 43, 45, 48, 50, 75, 79, 81, 91, 102, 109, 123, 127, 128, 139, 153, 155, 156, 165, 168, 186, 187, 190, 192, 198, 199 slavery, 11, 17, 22, 32, 33, 43, 45, 48, 79, 109, , 121, 123, 127, 165, 185, 186, 187, 190, 217 Soviet Union, 41, 48 SOWETO, 121 state co-optation, 25, 96, 151, 152 statecorporatism,vii,xi,1,3,4,6 8, 10, 11, 15, 54, 63, 66, 70, 71, 174 Stutzman, Ronald, 139 Toledo, Alejandro, 158, UN World Conference Against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance, 4, 22, 36, 38, 171, 196, 241 Durban, 6, 7, 9, 12, 22, 23, 36, 37, 44, 48, 84, , 122, 123, 132, 196, 215, 220, 223 UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), 35 7, 44, 47, 244 UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), 35, 113, 115, 244 UN resolution, 114 UNESCO, vii, 7, 29, 35, 37, 39, 40 50, 84, 89, 90, 145, 189, 208 United Nations (UN), 4, 7, 23, 27, 35, 36 40, 45, 48, 65, 68, 75, 77, 223, 224 United Nations Country Teams (UNCTs), 27 United Nations Development Program (UNDP), 27, 35, 37, 40, 47, 84 United Nations Research Institute on Social Development (UNRISD), 36, 47 United States, iv, xi, 8, 41, 43, 46, 48, 49, 75, 80, 81 5, 90, 91, 109, 153, 165, 190, 193, 207, 216, 220, 221, 244, 246 Uruguay, 44, 45, 47 USAID, 24, 46, 64 US Civil Rights Movement, 121, 190 Vargas, Getulio, 188, 195, 214 Venezuela, 19, 24, 25, 33, 34, 39, 58, 158 Wade, Peter, 4, 5, 91, 121 Wagley, Charles, 41 Whites, 31, 42, 143, 181, 186, 190 White-mestizos, 31 Whitten, Norman. E., 102, 138, 139 World Bank, 7, 18, 26, 27, 33, 36, 38, 40, 46, 47, 56, 59, 77, 84, 137, , 152, 159, 160 Yurumein, 83, 85, 86 zapatistas, 21 Zelaya, Manuel, 53, 57 60, 62, 65 7, 73, 84