Contested Terrain: South Africa s and Brazil s role in regional organizations
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1 Contested Terrain: South Africa s and Brazil s role in regional organizations Melina Breitegger Department of Political Science University of Stellenbosch
2 Why compare Brazil and South Africa? BRICS grouping IBSA regional powers International aspirations Increasingly presidential diplomacy? Democracy Inequality Corruption Emerging economies? Colonial past Non intervention (sovereignty)
3 Why compare Brazil and South Africa? Multi- party system Conservative ruling party Regional differences, social classes History of military dictatorship GDP: 1, billion US$ (rank 9) One dominant party system Socialist ruling party Voting along ethnic groups History of apartheid GDP: billion US$ (rank 42)
4 South African domestic politics Parliamentary representative republic ANC President (=head of state and government, elected by national assembly) Nelson Mandela ( ), Thabo Mbeki ( ), Jacob Zuma (since 2009 mandate until 2019) Opposition parties: DA, EFF Zuma must fall, Fees must fall, the Zuptas
5 Regional powers states in the global system that are part of a geographically delimited region of which they are ready to assume leadership (Flemes, Habib 2009) provision of collective goods its demonstration of an ideational leadership acceptance of its leadership among potential followers Hard power soft power (hegemony) Regional dominators regional hegemons regional detached powers (Prys, 2010) Soft power: Nye this second aspect of power - which occurs when one country gets other countries to want what it wants-might be called co-optive or soft power in contrast with the hard or command power of ordering others to do what it wants. (Nye, 1990, p. 166) Moore argues that South Africa and Brazil have framed their foreign policies around moral concepts such as international justice, solidarity and equity of developed and developing countries in global decision making (Moore, 2011) because of their limited hard power capability.
6 Regional powers Unipolar -> multipolar world order Stepping stone for international influence International recognition but regional contestation By playing the regional card to achieve global aims, Brazil has ended up in an unexpected situation: while its regional leadership has grown on paper, in practice it has met growing resistance. Yet the country has gained increasing global recognition. leader without follower? (Malamud,2011) SA: apartheid history (fear of) regional exclusion? Initiators of regional integration
7 New regionalism Regional integration -> EU Regionalism in the global South New South American Regionalism (NSAR) (Vivares,2016) Divide in the dicipline Comparability? Comparative regionalism
8 Regionalism in Africa and South America South America: multitude of overlapping regional organizations (forum shopping vs. different responsibilities; ideologies) Africa: regional economic communities under AU umbrella Economic and political integration Africa: peace keeping operations (cooperation with UN)
9 Which region? Africa (African Union) Regional hegemon: Nigeria Subsahara Africa, SADC (Southern African Development Community) economic leadership Quiet diplomacy Zimbabwe Ideological leadership followed by pragmatism African Renaissance, Nepad,
10 Which region? Brazil: South America (most visible since Lula) Secondary powers? Mexico, US UNASUR: Geographical to political region Multitude of overlapping regional organizations Mesa de convergencia
11 Regional organizations - leadership Co-operative hegemony (Pedersen 2002) Consensual hegemony (Burges, 2008) consensus creation strenght of Itamaraty Leadership through cost of non-followership Willingness to pay the costs of regional integration
12 Regional organizations What role have regional powers played in the creation of regional organizations within their perceived area of regional influence? What role do they play in regional policy making in the domains of democracy promotion? What is their role in the process of creating regional norms? Focus on political integration
13 The African Union (AU) Follow up of Organization of African Unity 2002 (54 members): 1billion The big 5: Algeria, Egypt, Libya, Nigeria and South Africa 15 % Issue areas: Peace\security, development (agenda2036), Political affairs, Energy, economic affairs,... The Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) 2004 Cusco Declaration (CSN) 2011 Entry into force of constitutitive treaty 12 members: 400 million 40% budget: Brazil Issue areas: Defence, health, electoral missions, infrastructure, economic, social issues etc.
14 Ambitions free movement of people, the establishment of continental institutions, and full economic integration. By 2030, there shall be consensus on the form of the continental government (African Union, 2014) Intervention: war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity South American citizenship, single passport (Samper, 2014) Academic accreditation,.. Military cooperation: South American Defence Council
15 Limits of institutional agency Institutional structure (EU model) but AU: toothless bulldog (Odinga, 2011) Reluctance to finance missions, send troops African Parliament; AU Commission (certain area of independence) Money: external donors UNASUR: decisions based on consensus UNASUR SG, -> multilateralism instead of supranationalism
16 Regional norms Non-intervention -> Non-indifference we have to agree that we cannot be ruled by a doctrine of absolute sovereignty. We should not allow the fact of the independence of each one of our countries to turn us into spectators when crimes against the people are being committed. (Mbeki, 2003) Dialogue instead of pressure Offer of support (initiative from member state) Quiet diplomacy (no direct critisims)
17 South Africa and the African Union Mbeki (African Renaissance) & Obasanjo; Ghaddafi (US of Africa) Africa at the center of SA foreign policy (interest in UNSC) Our membership of the AU has become the biggest single factor in our international relations...au membership, aside from the intrinsic political, security and economic benefits it brings, enhances our ability to exert influence in a wider international arena. (Zuma, 2004) social cohesion, democracy, economic rebuilding and growth NEPAD: peer review mechanism of good governance (FDI) the emergence of post-apartheid South Africa as a middle power or regional hegemon in Africa has acted as a catalyst for change of the regional organisation. (Sturman, 2004) SA Department of Foreign Affairs: drafting the Constitutive Act of the AU
18 African Union and democracy promotion Instruments: constituitive act, declaration on unconstitutional changes of government; the declaration governing democratic elections; and the declaration on observing and monitoring elections; African democratic charter. a situation [...] that may affect its democratic political institutional arrangements or the legitimate exercise of power, the Peace and Security Council (PSC) shall exercise its responsibilities in order to maintain the constitutional order. PSC: 2/3 majority decision making. Arab spring: fitness for purpose? while the AU remains at the forefront of the articulation of democratic norms, the effective implementation of democratic ideals depends on the actions of the AU s Member States (IDEA, 2016)
19 Disruption of democratic order in African states Currently suspended: CAR 2005:Mauretania 2005:Togo 2008:Guinea 2009:Niger 2009:Madagascar 2010:Burundi 2010: Ivory Coast 2011: Libya 2012: Mali 2013: Egypt 2013: Central African Republic 2014:Burkino Faso Between 1952 and 2014: 91 successful coups in Africa
20 African Union intervention in Egypt Morsi (elected president) -> Military coup (2013) Suspension (main member) Reaction: special envoys sent AU chair at the time: Dlamini-Zuma "Nobody will sit behind the (Egyptian) flag - neither the previous government nor the present interim government - until there is an election." Readmitted Problem: Al-Sisi involved in coup. Not in accordance with AU regulations. Pragmatism over principles SA position: coup; confrontation. Tensions SA criticised Egypt s singling out of South Africa in its criticism, despite the overwhelming international condemnation. And pointing to AU decision.
21 South Africa and the African Union The crisis in Libya (2011): SA role in the UNSC; res (no fly zone) SA regrets vote ; undermining AU efforts Egypt (2013): in line with AU Invitation of Al-Bashir (AU summit), ICC Inconsistency of SA and of AU. South African foreign policy is suffering from uncertainty and a lack of direction, (Zounmenou) International and regional expectations
22 South Africa and the African Union Hegemony on a shoestring? (Alden and Peer, 2004) Democratic norms (priority under Mandela) personal political leadership of Obasanjo and Mbeki was one of the main drivers of a democratic understanding (Leininger, 2014) AU framework on democracy promotion implementation Pragmatism (economic interests) Quiet diplomacy (Zimbabwe) But AU Commission- Dlamini Zuma (since 2012); Pan African Parliament
23 Brazil and UNASUR Brazilian Project? Venezuela (Chavez), compromise The block was set up because twelve South American countries wanted it to happen. (Nolte, Comini, 2016) Different visions: Chavez: NATO like alliance, Colombia: US ties Uribe (hard balancing); Santos UNASUR defense council: combined effort of Arg, Br, Chi, Col, Ven pink tide Role of small states (Ecuador)
24 Brazil and UNASUR Border disputes Democratic clause breach or threat of breach against the democratic order ; suspension, closure of borders Political crises (Bolivia, Ecuador, Paraguay, Venezuela, Brazil) Brazilian leadership? Role of UNASUR vs. role of OAS Ideologically fragmented
25 UNASUR in Venezuela OAS not involved Dialogue with goverment and opposition Brazilian delegate dropped out Team: former presidentes of Panama, Spain, Dom.Rep and Vatican Too pro-government?- Venezuela: pro-termpore presidency International expectation: Brazil accused of keeping quiet (economic interests in V, domestic issues in B, ideological ties, region divided about B) -> acting through UNASUR and Mercosur not to be seen as a bully; but less effective than bilateral engagement condolidation of democracy in the region is one of B fundamental foreign policy goals (Stuenkel, 2014) Mercosur: suspended V.
26 Brazil and UNASUR Brazil = half the money, half the population Brazil in UNASUR = US in OAS Brazil is needed to give impulses for delegates to meet. Has not happened in the last 3 months The region is fragmented concerning its opinion of the new Brazilian government Brazil is an important actor in UNASUR, but it is not UNASUR (Samper, 2016)
27 Summary Regional powers critical role in foundation of RO and normative frameworks Limited leadership in democracy promotion in some cases role models for democratic governance? Norms of non-intervention, sovereignty and multilateralism Influence of domestic politics on regional leadership Lack of will to fund integration Pragmatism over principle Lack of capacity to create continental consensus Limits of institutional capacity in implementation The idea of regional hegemony is not enough to explain South American regionalism. (Alvares, 2016)
28 Thank you for your attention! Melina Breitegger University of Stellenbosch
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