Aimée Vega and Florence Toussaint 2

Transcription

1 Mexican society faced with the TV screen: The TV electoral news and the vote decision of Mexican male family heads during the Presidential elections in Aimée Vega and Florence Toussaint 2 23 Conference of International Association of Mass Communication Research Section: Reception Analysis Barcelona, July The results discussed in this paper are part of the project T.V. and Elections, 2000, developed in three countries: Mexico, Spain and EE.UU. The project is coordinated by Dr. Florence Toussaint. 2 Aimée Vega is doctoral candidate in the Faculty of Journalism and Mass Communication, Universidad Autónoma de Barcelona, and Teacher of Mass Communication Theory at Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México. Florence Toussaint is Professor of Mass Communication at Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México. 1

2 1. INTRODUCTION At present, both the reception and making of TV news are a field of study with growing social importance in Mexico. The reasons for this phenomenon are diverse. First of all, T.V. news has grown in importance and popularity to become the main ways for the populace to be informed (Orozco, 1997a; Sánchez, 1999; Acosta y Aguayo, 1997; Toussaint, 2000). The second reason is because of the social recognition that political parties, electoral authorities, social organizations, researchers and intellectuals have given to the TV news in the democratic transition in Mexico. That transition was made possible because during the las Presidential election, an opposition party won the elections, beaking a tradition of 70 years of the PRI's authoritarian regime. The social recognition of Mexican TV news shows that these programs are the main arenas in which the Mexican television system, members of the audience and politicia ns contribute to the mediation and appropriation of TV messages. The present research is developed in this context. Our objective is to explore the reception process of male family heads about electoral television news, during the last Mexican presidential elections, in July The paper is organized as follows: Firstly the theoretical background is presented, then our main objective, then the methodology and finally a discussion of the results. 2. OBJECTIVE The objective of this research is to explore the reception process of male family heads about electoral television news, during the last Mexican Presidential elections, in July By answering the questions: How do male family heads see the electoral television news?, why?, what for? and In what way do Mexican audiences understand their political responsibility?, we propose to explore the habits of Mexican male family heads as regards to the electoral TV news and the role of that information in their vote decision. 2

3 It will be noted that we have defined our research as an empirical study. So, our main objective is to arrive at a better understanding of the role of televised electoral news in the Mexican citizens vote decision. 3. BACKGROUND In Mexico, TV shares and even replaces political institutions -such as parties- in the promotion of participacion among citizens. During the elections, clasical TV programs, like TV news, become the main arenas of political communication and one of the most important ways for citizens to be informed. This is the main reason why, in Mexican public opinion the TV news is a condition for a healthy democracy. As a consequence of this, public opinion defends the idea that, for citizens, virtually the only way to know and to participate in the political sphere is through the TV. This perception eliminates the possibility of considering other factors that can contribute to their political perception and participation. In the last two decades, reception analysis has offered new theoretical tools to understand how reception, social issues and the impact of the mass media may be conceptualised and explored empirically. In this way, the classic question of effects has been rearticulated to address broader issues concerning the role played by mass media messages in the production of meanings in society and the contribution of the audiences to that process. It means to consider reception as an active process, done by the audiences but by the media too. This new view understands reception as part of a social complexity. There are two main research sources that have provided new tools to understand reception. First of all, the British tradition of Cultural Studies (Williams, 1961; Thompson, 1963; Hall, 1973; Morley, 1980) gave the possibility to think of culture as a complex process mediated mainly by the social practices of the audiences. The Cultural Studies have contributed new knowledge to explain how audiences approach media in the context of their everyday cultural practices. One of the main studies in this theoretical trend was 3

4 developed by Morley (1980). In this work, the researcher's purpose was to find out how the audience decoded the T.V. news. He concluded that the specific decoding was influenced by the audience s particular place in the social structure and that media use and interpretation could be understood as a social process. The second view is critical audience analysis. Developed by authors like Jensen (1995) and Orozco (1997), this perspective tries to articulate the main views about reception, considered as an active process. This perspective, drawing on both social-scientific and humanistic forms (Jensen and Rosengren, 1990), understands the reception process as a make of sense, and as a make of social use of the media messages, by the audiences, in their everyday life. In Jensen s thinking (1998), news audiences are addressed simultaneously as citizens of a public sphere and as individuals in the privacy of their own homes. So, reception becomes a complex process of mediations (Orozco, 1997), crossed by their socio-economic strata, educational level, place of residence and age (Martín-Barbero, 1987; Orozco, 1997). In the same way, other elements are part of the reception: the cognition and interest of audiences about particular items (Orozco, 1996 ; Morley, 1986); the super-themes (Jensen, 1998; Orozco, 1993) such as thematic constructs by which viewers establish links between their everyday world and the world presented by TV news. The super-themes can be seen as a link between audiences point of view and the reality translated by the media. Strategies (Martín-Barbero, 1990; Orozco, 1996) is another analytical category used to explain reception. It involves the routines practised by audiences during the reception process: their interests, their preferences and the way they use that information. These routines include different kinds of decisions: aesthetical, affective and cognoscitive. Another category considered important to understand the reception process is interpretative communities (Jensen, 1987; Morley, 1980; Orozco, 1997). These are the different communities where individuals reinterpret the media messages. The communities are diverse and they are not necessarily determined by geographical borders. 4

5 In this research, rega rding the specific case of the reception process of TV electoral news, we depart from the idea that audiences are active to the meanings of reality that TV news programs offer. We consider that audiences give meaning to the TV electoral news, mediated by their particular context and constructing their own political agenda. We understand the viewing process as a dialectic in which audiences construct their own particular strategies of reception within a specific socio-cultural context and with reference to the particular TV news information. At the same time, we recognize the necessity to attend the elements of the 'macro-sphere' that mediate reception process too, such as the structure of TV as an industry, because we think these elements have influence in the way TV produces its messages. We are only too aware that the complexity of the reception process implies its analysis is also complex and this field of research is at a developmental stage. The ultimate purpose of this article is to contribute to the understanding of this process and to present a pioneer reception analysis in the Mexican political context. 4. METHOD The exploratory nature of this study is evident in its qualitative methodology. Qualitative in order to the audience research, using discussion groups, to find out the details of the reception of male family heads as regards TV electoral news. A qualitative approach was considered more effective since we were dealing with a small sample size and we wanted neither to prove nor quantify the phenomenon. Instead, by the using of this tool we could go into more depth and increase the knowledge of the theme. The main unit of analysis were male family heads. As study criteria, we established to work with men with the following characteristics : Mexicans, living in Mexico City, aged between 30 and 40 years old 5

6 Socio-economic strata and educational levels: being lower-middle class with basic education In order to reach our objective, the main topics explored in the groups, have been : Interest in politics Opinion about the four main Mexican TV news programs 3 The importance of the electoral information presented by these TV news in the vote decision of the participants. We structured the discussion groups sessions as follows: Two groups of six men in each Two distinct sessions. The first one, involving one group of six men, one month before the date of the Presidential election, at the beginning of June 2000 and the second one, with the other group of men, the day after the end of the Presidential campaigns (four days before the Elections). We decided to work with different men in the first and in the second sessions so as the opinions in the second session were not conditioned by what had been said in the first session. The discussion groups included only 12 men of the lower-middle socio-economic class, for two reasons: i) the vast majority of the Mexican popularion is concentrated in this social strata and ii) the economic constraints of our study. In developing this research, our final purpose was to examine audience discourses with reference to TV news discourse and with reference to media use. 5. RESULTS Scepticism in Mexican politics and politicians 6

7 At the time of both focus group sessions, all men said they were interested in politics and specifically in the elections, because of the urgency to have a change in the government. In this way, all participants agreed about the importance to vote to make the change possible. However, they showed scepticism in Mexican politics and politicians due to three main reasons: 1) Corruption. Everybody expressed the idea that this is one of the main problems of the administration in Mexico. 2) Politicians are so far from citizens. Participants claimed politicians ignore the necessities of the population, that they only want to obtain power, and when they get it, then they forget their promises.... I believe in politics but not in politicians: they are corrupt and only look for their own benefit 3) The poorness of politicians discourses. Male family heads said they were disappointed in the campaign discourses of presidential candidates because they concentrated on criticizing the opponents rather than proposing good programs of government:... I have not seen proposals in campaigns... I only have seen tales and scandals Despite this criticism, men expressed their hope that everything could change if a new government would be elected and that this would have an immediate and favourable impact on what participants considered to be the two main problems affecting Mexico: delinquency and economic instability. TV news programs, the main source of information about the election 3 24 Horas, on Televisa; Hechos, on Tv Azteca, CNI Noticias, on Canal 40; and Noticias, on Canal 11. 7

8 In the two sessions with family heads, TV news programs appeared as their main source of information about the presidential campaigns. Most of them said they only watched TV news without reading newspapers nor listening to radio news programs. Everybody agreed about the importance of being informed. They expressed feeling a kind of commitment to do it:... because everywhere, everybody talks about the election and I have to know about this issue to give my opinion. According to family heads, TV news programs have to have the following characteristics to be good: to inform opportunely and impartially; to reflect reality; to be honest and, in the specific case of electoral processes, to give specific and truthful information so people can make their own conclusion about their vote. Most of them preferred the evening emission of TV news programs because this is the time when they were relaxed, after their daily work. They affirmed to be the one who selected the TV news which is watched at home. The majority of them said they keep the remote control they considered they are the ones who have it because they are the most interested and the experts in politics at home -they said their wives recognize and accept this. Credibility Regarding the credibility in TV news programs, the majority of participants expressed their scepticism in the veracity of news:... they [TV news programs] broadcast what they want, what they consider people must know... TV News programs manipulate information to benefit some parties. Two TV news programs were the most frequently watched by the men: Noticiero and Hechos. Tehy will now be briefly described and the mens' comments discussed. 8

9 Noticiero Noticiero is Televisa s main TV news program (Televisa being the most important TV enterprise in Mexico). Although this is the most watched TV news in Mexico 4, the majority of participants preferred to watch Hechos to be informed about the election. The main reason was their disbelief in Noticiero. Participants related its enterprise, Televisa, with Mexican political power:... they censure information because they are with the PRI and with the President. The style of the cómpere of Noticiero, Joaquín López Dóriga, contributed to the mens' negative opinion about this TV news program:... he does not have personality... he is boring... he is too serious and it shows he is not interested in the news, neither in his audience. Participants who usually watched Noticiero said they did it because it was a tradition in their family:... when I was young, we used to watch Chanel 2 at home [Televisas main TV channe l] As regards the behavior of Noticiero during the electoral process, the majority of family heads considered it favoured with the oficial party, PRI:... they [ Noticiero ] give daily five minutes of information about Labastida [PRI's candidate] and five for the rest of candidates". Finally, everybody coincided that polls about the election, done daily by this program, were a way to manipulate the information: 9

10 ... nobody can guarantee these polls are the truth... Noticiero use them against some candidates. Hechos Hechos on TV Azteca, the second biggest TV enterprise in Mexico, was the most watched news program by participants 5. They watched not only the main edition of Hechos, broadcasted by Channel 13, but another one too, shown on Channel 7. Family heads considered a good reason to watch Hechos was its way to give information, namely: short and concise,... so I don t need much time to know the news ; not complex,... they [Hechos] make the information more understood ; and immediacy,... they show the reality at the same time that it is happening. However, despite these characteristics, participants criticized the sensacionalism in Hechos style: they pay much attention to scandals between candidates instead of analyzing their government proposals. 4 It s rating average between January and March 2001 was 15 points (Televisa, 2001). 5 It s rating averaged in June 1997 was of 12.4 points (Proceso, Num. 1081, July 20th 1997) 10

11 As in the case of Noticiero, male family heads considered that during the 2000 electoral process, Hechos manipulated the information to help some politicians: it s candidate is Vicente Fox [PAN s candidate]. Finally, men said about the Hechos compéres: they are intelligent, charismatic and have personality. It is important to note that Hechos and Noticiero broadcast at the same time, around 10:30 P.M., thus participants could readily change between channels,... to compare and determine which one gives more complete and interesting information about the presidential candidates. Before finishing with this section, it is relevant to note that some participants mentioned two other TV news programs, Noticias and CNI Noticias -produced by the public TV Canal 11 and by the independent private one Canal 40, respectively-. Their opinion about these programs was they are more serious and truthful, and one related to cultural and educational project. TV News programs have increased my hesitation about the election How did the TV news about the presidential election related to the political participation of male family heads? The majority of participants coincided in the idea that, by their way of presenting the electoral news, Hechos and Noticiero had increased their scepticism in the candidates:... they only have showed rows between politicianss... on TV news programs I have seen too much circus but not electoral proposals, and they considered that, due this approach, TV news programs had increased their indecision: 11

12 ... I have found out on TV news programs that [Vicente] Fox is rich, that he s the manager of Coca Cola... now, I am convinced that he [Fox] is a lawyer... it has made me distrut him. Although all men said TV news programs did not determine their election of candidate, they recognized Hechos and Noticiero influenced their decision because they centred their attention mainly in two candidates: Francisco Labastida (PRI) and Vicente Fox (PAN), they [TV news programs] have made a campaign of only two candidates, and coincidentally, those were candidates participants mostly referred to. To get in to conversation about the election, the main way to decide the vote Finally, in spite of the importance of TV news programs as their main source to be informed about the election, all participants agreed that the best way to decide their vote was by discussing it with other people. In this way, home and work were the most mentioned places to do it:... everybody talks about the election at work because this is the current issue,... at home, my wife asks me who is the best candidate and I like to give her my opinion. 12

13 6. CONCLUSION This analysis suggests a small view about what is the attitude of Mexican males of this socioeconomic strata to politics and politicians: scepticism. Although they recognized the importance of citizens participating in the political sphere, their incredulousness in the Mexican administration was enhanced, during the last Presidential election, by the candidates themselves: the method of their campaigns, filled with criticism of critics and attacks, and the poornes of their proposals was what determined the opinion of participants about politics. We have seen that in our sample the main way of male family heads to be informed about the election, were TV news programs and that their main motivation to watch them was a kind of commitment to be informed. We could see that their knowledge, comments and opinions about the election were founded in the TV news. However, participants showed a critical attitude towards them. As for the issue of politics, Mexican male respondants expressed their scepticism in the veracity of the information broadcasted by Mexican TV news programs because of the long tradition of those TV news in manipulating the electoral information to favour or to disfavour candidates. Although family heads showed their preference for TV Aztecas TV news, Hechos, because of their incredulity in Noticiero on Televisa, in general, participants showed that TV news programs in Mexico do not promote the political participation of the audience. What those programs did during the last electoral process, was to emphazise the criticism, the circus as a participant said- but not to inform neither to analize the really important things in a presidential election: the proposals of government policy by candidates. We think that what TV news programs achieve with their attitude is to increase the disbelief of citizens not only in politicians but in their own political participation too. However, as we have written down, even the importance of TV news as the main source for citizens to be informed about relevant events, like an election, the reception process 13

14 involves other significant elements. As other researchers have shown (Orozco, 1997; Jensen, 1992; Morley, 1986), the reception of TV news does not start nor finish when TV is turned on and turned off. Those researchers -included our own study- has shown that citizens take the information broadcasted by TV news programs to other places, we mean, to other communities of reception -like work, home or even public transport- to resignify it and to take, in this specific case, the decision to vote for a candidate. In addition to these notions, this work has given us other information about the reception of television news by this group of Mexican males. Firstly, their habits of reception, we have seen are according to their activities: they usua lly watch TV news at night because this is the time when they have finished their daily activities in comparision, for example, with the case of housewives who usually watch TV news indifferentely in the morning and in the afternoon (Orozco, 1997; Vega, 1999). Secondly, about the person who selects the TV news program that is watched at home, all men affirmed it is themselves who do it. And, as we have noted, some of them said they do it because they are the experts in politics at home. Finally, another notion is related to their media consumption: the majority of participants affirmed that the TV news programs were their only source of information, that they do not usually read newspapers nor listen to radio news programs. We suggest this preference is related directly to their socioeconomic strata: in the majority of cases, people of this level do not buy newspapers because it affects their home economy. However, we do not have enough evidence to assert this notion. It is an element to explore in future research. In the same way, we recognize the importance and the urgence in to incorporate to reception analysis elements of the Political Economy in the idea that mass media, and specially TV, by stablishing it's own agenda of discussion about politics, limitates the agenda of audiences. 14

15 What this research has given us is some preliminary information about how the male Mexican audience is participating in the public sphere, although TV news programs do not stimulate their political action. 15

16 7. REFERENCES Aguayo, S. y Acosta, M. (1997), Urnas y pantallas. La batalla por la información, México, Academia Mexicana de Derechos Humanos / Océano. Hall, S. (1973), Encoding/Decoding in television discourse, reimpreso en Hall, S. et.al. (eds.) (1981), Culture Media, Language, Londres, Hutchinson. Jensen, K. (1998), News of the world. World Cultures Look at Television, Londres, Sage. - (1995), The Social Semiotics of Mass Communication, London, Sage. - (1987), Qualitative Audience Research. Towards an Integrative Approach to Reception, en Critical Studies in Mass Communication, Vol. 4, Núm 1, pp Jensen, K. y Rosengren, K (1990), Five Traditions in Search of the Audience, en European Journal of Communication, Vol. 5, Núms. 2-3, Londres, Sage Publications. Martín-Barbero, J. (1990), De los medios a las prácticas, en Orozco, G. (coord.), La comunicación desde las prácticas sociales. Reflexiones en torno a su investigación, Cuadernos de comunicación y prácticas, sociales, núm. 1, México, Universidad Iberoamericana, pp (1987), De los medios a las mediaciones, México, Gustavo Gili. Morley, D. (1986), Family Television, Londres, Comedia / Routledge. - (1980), The Nationwide Audience. Structure and Decoding, British Film Institute, London, BFI. Orozco, G. (1997a), La televidencia de lo político: un complejo proceso de mediaciones, en Oficios Terrestres, Núm. 4, Perú, pp (1997b), La investigación en comunicación desde la perspectiva cualitativa, Guadalajara, IMDEC. - (1996), Televisión y audiencias: un enfoque cualitativo, Madrid, Ediciones de la Torre. - (1993), Dialéctica de la mediación televisiva: estructuración de estrategias de recepción por los televidentes, en Analisi, núm. 15, diciembre, Barcelona, Universidad Autónoma de Barcelona, pp Sánchez, E. (1994), El público de la prensa: la insoportable levedad de casi no ser, en Lozano, J. Carlos (ed.), Anuario de Investigación CONEIIC, México, Núm. 1, pp Toussaint, F. (2000), "Las campañas electorales del 2000 en televisión. El caso mexicano", en Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Políticas y Sociales, núm. 180, septiembre-diciembre, pp (1995), "Inequidad y democracia: realidad en los medios electrónicos", en Toussaint, F. (Coord.), Democracia y medios de comunicación: un binomio inexplorado, México, CIICH, UNAM, pp

17 Thompson, E. (1963), The Making of the English Working Class, Harmondsworth, Penguin. Vega, A. (1999), "El proceso electoral de 1997: los noticiarios en pantalla, la sociedad ante la pantalla", en Revista Universidad de México, núm , julio-agosto, México, UNAM, pp Williams, R. (1961), The Long Revolution, Londres, Chatto y Windus. 17