Spain: From Tripartite to Bipartite Pacts
|
|
- Jasmine Warren
- 6 years ago
- Views:
Transcription
1 Time:12:07:48 Filepath:d:/womat-filecopy/ D 8 Oscar Molina, and Martin Rhodes 8.1. Introduction The history of social pacts in Spain is one of success in the early 1980s dramatic failures ten years later and the consolidation of peak concertation and bipartite pacts after the late 1990s. This changing and irregular pattern poses numerous challenges to scholars interested in social pact emergence and institutionalization. Among explanations in the literature on Spain, functionalist and neoinstitutionalist arguments have predominated. According to the functionalist approach, social pacts respond to the time-specific needs of the economy and/ or political context. Hence, the economic and political crisis that accompanied Spain s transition to democracy was for many a sufficient explanation for its negotiated character (Estefanía and Serrano, 1990; Zaragoza and Varela, 1990; Roca, 1993; Trullén, 1993; Heywood, 1995). But this argument cannot explain on its own why there was no social pact in the first half of the 1990s, when unemployment reached record levels and economic imbalances jeopardized Spain s membership of Economic and Monetary Union (EMU). Nor does it fully account for the revival of concertation in the second half of the 1990s. The second approach neo-institutionalism focuses on interest representation and intermediation, and attributes pacts in the transition years to a neo-corporatist pattern of policymaking, notwithstanding the weakness of such institutions in Spain. According to this argument, neo-corporatist innovations including the centralization of decision-making and tripartite bargaining occurred under the pressure of socio-economic circumstances (Pérez-Diaz, 1984; Espina, 1999). Others contest this view, claiming that the abandonment of pacts after the mid-1980s was precisely due to social partner weakness and the absence of supporting institutions (Foweraker, 1987; Martínez Lucio, 1989; Maravall, 1997; Pérez, 2000; Royo, 2002). 174
2 Time:12:07:48 Filepath:d:/womat-filecopy/ D This chapter presents a different account. In line with the general argument of this book, we reject the explanatory capacity of single-variable analyses. While taking political and economic contexts and institutions into account, we focus on changing perceptions of relative power and interaction between social actors and governments. Problem loads are important in shaping those perceptions and clearly affect the dynamics and outcomes of negotiations. Political and organizational factors are also important, and one of our more robust conclusions is that government weakness is the best predictor of successful pacting, alongside relations between and within the Spanish unions. The success of unions as social and political actors depends on their ability to strike a balance between their logics of influence and membership or representation (Streeck and Schmitter, 1999). Their context-specific perception of how concertation will affect that balance helps determine whether a pact is signed. We argue similarly that no single variable can explain the evolution of Spanish social pacts. Broad or encompassing tripartite social pacts were abandoned after the mid-1980s, with the single exception of the 1997 April Agreements. But concertation has remained alive and well, and has become to some extent institutionalized, via policy-specific bipartite agreements, notably the annual inter-confederal wage agreements, in place since Functionalist arguments contribute much to our understanding at critical junctures, especially regarding the problem load of high unemployment and the massive expansion of fixed-term labour contracts. But utilitarian, power-distributional, and normative theories provide valuable insights into the timing, character, successes, and failures of Spain s social pact responses to economic challenges The Emergence of Social Pacts Political and Organizational Variables Social pacts in Spain have been signed under very different circumstances. While providing rich evidence for analysis, this diversity of contexts makes it difficult to single out sufficient or necessary conditions. Pacts have been signed in periods of recession and declining competitiveness as well as in periods of growth and employment creation. It could be argued that political institutions have been an obstacle to pacting in Spain. There are no strong, institutionalized mechanisms for social partner participation in policymaking, except for the Economic and Social Council (ESC), created in 1990, in which unions and employers have a purely advisory role. Indeed, the Spanish political system has little tradition of consensual politics, apart from the years of democratic transition, and relations between the two main political parties the PSOE (Partido Socialista Obrero Español) and the PP (Partido Popular) are confrontational. Nevertheless, the Moncloa 175
3 Time:12:07:48 Filepath:d:/womat-filecopy/ D Social Pacts in Europe Pact of 1978 on economic management and the Toledo Pact of 1995 on pensions between the political parties, both supported by the social partners, provided the basis for significant consensus-based policymaking in the years that followed; and the period since 1997 has witnessed a strengthening of the ESC, as well as the institutionalization of union employer commissions on employment and collective bargaining issues. The colour of government a precondition of social pacts in neo-corporatist theory appears to explain little: the years of majority Socialist rule ( ) saw a high level of social unrest and conflict between the unions and the government (Astudillo, 2001), while the resurgence of tripartite concertation after 1996 occurred under the centre-right PP. But although Spain has almost perfect party-system bipolarism, regionalist (e.g. the Catalan and Basque) parties play an important role in helping stabilize governments without ample majorities a rather frequent occurrence and the first clue as to why Spanish governments turn to pacts. Thus, social pacts have most often been signed when governments are weak and dependent on support from regionalist parties, even if this does not guarantee success, as revealed by the failure of pacting under a Socialist-led minority government in 1993 and Governments also tend to rely on pacts more so during their first terms in office. The first mandates of both major parties the PSOE ( and ) and the PP ( ) were periods of intense tripartite bargaining and pacting. Those years except for the PSOE s incumbency were followed by similarly intense periods of social and political conflict, coinciding with their consolidation or attainment of parliamentary majorities (the PSOE in ; the PP in ). This suggests that typically social pacts have been used strategically and instrumentally by governments, rather than as a dependable tool of socio-economic governance, although, as we discuss below, that may have begun to change in the 2000s. As for organizational factors, only unity of action between the two major unions the UGT (Unión General de Trabajadores) and the CC.OO (Comisiones Obreras) seems to increase the probability that a pact will be signed. When inter-confederal unity was achieved in the early 1990s, social pacts re-emerged; and enduring unity of action after the mid-1990s has underpinned their subsequent stability and gradual institutionalization. Union centralization and membership, by contrast, explain little. Both have remained almost unchanged since the early 1980s, the first at high levels, the second very low. But the low density levels of Spanish unions have never impeded their participation in pacts, for they derive their strength and legitimacy primarily from workplace elections rather than membership. Also important is the power conferred on unions by the state through official most representative status and the erga omnes extension clause of legally regulated collective agreements that increases their bargaining coverage to high levels (Nonell et al., 2006). 176
4 Time:12:07:48 Filepath:d:/womat-filecopy/ D The unions political roles and capacity for mobilization therefore far exceed their meagre organizational resources Negotiation Processes and Actor Preferences In the following, four episodes of pacting are subject to close scrutiny: the early 1980s pacts, the failed negotiations of the early 1990s, the social pact of 1997, and pacting in the 2000s (see Appendix A for the full range of social pacts signed in Spain between 1976 and 2010) THE TRANSITION TO DEMOCRACY AND SOCIAL PACTS ( ) The negotiation of social pacts in the early 1980s occurred against a backdrop of democratic transition, a deep economic crisis, and the consolidation of unions and employers organizations. Balancing the demands of different actors at a time when political and social institutions were also being reconfigured required self-restraint and a search for consensus. Fears of democratic reversal, especially after the failed coup d état of February 1981, reinforced incentives for cooperation. The weakness of the Union de Centre Democrático (UCD) coalition government led by Adolfo Suárez ( ) which combined Christian Democrats, Liberals, and former Spanish National Movement leaders helped bolster the appeal of the political left to voters demanding a stronger departure from Francoism. A critical legacy of forty years of dictatorship was the weakness of civil society and the social partners. The different ideological and associational traditions of the two main union confederations, the CC.OO and the UGT, produced divergent strategies. The CC.OO enjoyed much stronger roots at the company level, a more decentralized organization and a relatively strong capacity for mobilization. The UGT, by contrast, looked to state support for building organizational strength, making it more supportive of pacting than its rival, at least until the late 1980s. Its close links with the Socialist Party also made it more inclined to cooperate via pacts, whereas the most powerful influence within the CC.OO, although declining after the late 1980s, was the Spanish Communist Party (PCE). Inter-union competition for members and votes in workplace elections prevented strong labour movement unity until the mid-1990s. Organizational weakness was even more pronounced among employers. The Confederación Española de Organizaciones Empresariales (CEOE), created in June 1977, had a highly fragmented membership and lacked disciplinary control over its constituency. Its organizational structure has always been highly complex, with 114 sectoral associations and 50 territorial associations in 1985 (firms are usually affiliated to these organizations rather than the peak CEOE), both growing in number in subsequent years (EIRO, 1999). As a result, the CEOE has had an ambivalent view of concertation. If organizational weakness 177
5 Social Pacts in Europe has obliged it to take a critical position towards pacts, from which employers expect to obtain less than the unions, participation can also provide it with influence. Several months after the failed coup d état of February 1981, the UCD government initiated pact negotiations with the aim of building political and economic confidence. Even though all actors agreed on the need for a pact to strengthen democratic stability, and wage moderation as necessary for relaunching the economy, the communist CC.OO opposed any agreement that would moderate its industrial militancy. Initial contacts between the unions, the government, and the CEOE were accordingly difficult. Both unions feared that participation would legitimize government policies at the expense of workers. Because of the political context, the pact signed in June 1981 the ANE (Acuerdo Nacional sobre el Empleo) is popularly known as the Pacto del miedo ( Pact of Fear ). In order to secure the commitment of a reluctant labour movement, the government struck a number of parallel pacts, providing organizational and financial compensation to break down union resistance. Thus, the participation of the CC.OO was secured in part by the new roles given to the social partners in regulatory bodies, the National Social Security Institute (INSS), the National Employment Institute (INEM), the National Health Institute (INSALUD), and the National Institute of Social Services (INSERSO), as well as by a government commitment to create 350,000 public sector jobs (Estefanía and Serrano, 1990; Encarnación, 1999). But CC.OO agreement was also a response to competition from the UGT. The AMI Acuerdo Marco Interconfederal (National Multi-Industry Framework Agreement) signed by the UGT and the CEOE in January 1980, and renewed in 1981 rapidly increased the number of workers covered by national bargaining agreements and drove a wedge between the two unions. 1 Opposed by the CC.OO, these agreements strengthened the UGT which made important gains in workplace elections as a reward for its participation, and convinced the CC.OO that it was better off joining the ANE than opposing it. Both unions saw their bargaining position as strong vis-à-vis the fragile centre-right government and the fragmented CEOE, whose leaders regarded any pact as better than no pact at all, or the social conflict that failure might foment. But as predicted by the bargaining model, gaining union consent to a moderation of wage demands and militancy required the active involvement of a third partner the state. The second important social pact of the period was the 1984 AES (Acuerdo 1 The AMI established guidelines for collective agreements with the aim of restraining wages, reducing working hours, and raising productivity. It also created a framework for the new industrial relations system by regulating collective agreements and the role of trade unions in the workplace. 178
6 Económico y Social). The context for negotiations was now quite different. The 1982 elections gave the new Socialist government a comfortable majority, and fears of democratic instability were subsiding. The economy, however, was in crisis: inflation was at 14 per cent, domestic demand contracted by 1 per cent in real terms in 1984, and the unemployment rate was rising, reaching 21.7 per cent by the end of that year (Figure 8.1). This situation, plus the prospect of European Community membership, and a commitment to join the European Monetary System (EMS) in June 1989, increased the government s desire for an agreement. The AES and the wage moderation it secured, combined with a tight monetary policy, would allow the government to bring inflation down to 8 per cent in 1985 and 6 per cent by In this context, the government initiated a new round of talks. The unions reacted positively, although they imposed some a priori conditions: they would only accept wage moderation in exchange for an increase in social spending and an extension of welfare entitlements. But as both CC.OO and UGT officials 25 Success: ANE Success: AES Failure: Solidarity Pact Failure: Social Pact For Employment Success: April Agreements 20 Unemployment Rate Inflation 0 5 Fiscal Deficit Centre-Right- UCD Government -Relative- Majority Left PSOE Government -Absolute Majority Left PSOE Government -Absolute Majority Left PSOE Government -Absolute Majority Left PSOE Government -Relative Majority (coalition) Right PP Government -Relative Majority (coalition) Right PP Government -Absolute Majority Left PSOE Government -Relative Majority Figure 8.1. Social Pacts, Governments, and the Macro-Economy in Spain, Note: The unemployment data in this figure are the national data current at the time, rather than those in the new OECD historical series which have been revised downwards due to a methodological discrepancy between national data and OECD/Eurostat data that produced an overestimation of Spanish unemployment figures hitherto. 179
7 Social Pacts in Europe point out, they did not know if the government was willing to accept significant changes to its economic policy, or how much compensation they would be awarded in return for their support (El Pais, 17 July 1984). This uncertainty made the initial meetings difficult, as the unions struggled to articulate their bargaining strategies. The unions responses differed significantly. While the weaker UGT kept negotiations alive by making parallel deals with the government, the CC.OO s leaders abandoned the talks when they realized that the government s commitment to economic austerity might alienate their base. According to a leading CC.OO official: (... ) contrary to the practice today of signing wage agreements that establish guidelines for negotiations at lower levels, the early 1980s were real bi-partite or tri-partite incomes policy pacts. These pacts established bargaining limits for the actors. Accordingly, they were a permanent source of conflict. But the most worrying aspect of these pacts was that they limited the possibilities for the participation of the grass-roots in bargaining processes. This weakened the links between grass-roots and peak officials, thereby potentially affecting the representative capacity of the union. 2 The pact was therefore negotiated by the UGT, the government, and the CEOE. The employers, who feared a strong alliance between the Socialist government and the UGT, pursued a strategy of desgaste ( wear and tear ) and threatened several times to abandon negotiations if their demands were not met. This strategy was particularly threatening to the UGT whose reliance on concertation left it vulnerable to an employer-biased pact entailing too many costs for its constituency. The outcomes of the pact are in line with the bargaining model s predictions. The government perceived itself to be in a strong bargaining position thanks to its solid electoral mandate and the external constraint of securing EMS membership. By contrast, the CC.OO perceived itself as weaker than the Socialist government and its trade union ally, which explains its exit from the talks. The UGT had become increasingly critical of some of the government s policies, but believed that participation would deliver positive results. Securing the UGT s agreement to wage moderation required government commitment to a new social-democratic demand- and supply-side policy. This meant considerable policy innovation, including a loosening of the tight monetary policy the previous government had introduced to bring down inflation in 1982, and an agreement to increase spending on public investment, public employment, education and training, and unemployment benefits, as well as making the tax system more progressive. The support of the employers was secured by allowing for an easier use of temporary contracts (a concession that would lead to a profound segmentation of the Spanish labour market), part- 2 Interview with Ignacio Fernandez Toxo, Madrid, 16 April
8 time and seasonal employment, and by a modification of minimum wage standards for workers under 18. The 1984 pact would be the last for over a decade. The demise of tripartite concertation and pacting can be attributed to several factors: the disappointment of the unions with the results of the ANE and AES, the neo-liberal turn of the Socialist government, and its embrace of economic austerity, and the view of the employers that wage moderation could now be secured by high unemployment and the expansion of low-paid temporary work contracts. Internal dissent and contestation within each union was weak in the early 1980s, but increased after the 1984 pact, especially in the UGT whose members began to link their union to Socialist government policies and blamed their leaders for the strong moderation of wage increases, the continuing job crisis (unemployment reached 21 per cent in ), as well as for the weaker regulation of temporary contracts due to the AES and a revision of the Workers Statute in Some CC.OO workers also criticized their officials for not cooperating. Eventually, these developments would lead to a convergence of the UGT and CC.OO on a common model of trade union action, based on a revitalization of collective bargaining (Molina, 2006). Initially, however, the unions converged on a joint rejection of concertation as such. The UGT joined the CC.OO in a new phase of industrial militancy to recoup some of the concessions made in the 1980s pacts and to re-establish its reputation with workers, having lost some 40 per cent of its members between 1978 and The unions were not alone in rejecting concertation. The Socialist government had taken a firm neo-liberal turn under Miguel Boyer and Carlos Solchaga, the ministers of finance and industry respectively, who oversaw the introduction of fiscal austerity and a new commitment to labour market flexibility (Recio and Roca, 1998). The government continued to solicit pacts in the late 1980s (especially after the anti-government UGT CC.OO-led strike of 1988) but without much conviction: it walked away from negotiations with the UGT in 1987 after the union requested an upper wage band two points above the government s inflation forecast (Pérez, 1999: 673), and a growing budget deficit (at 7 per cent of GDP in 1985) ruled out further compensation for wage moderation through public spending. In any case, the government now believed it had an alternative to incomes policy: the rapid spread of temporary contracts moderated wage costs (in 1988 temporary workers wages were barely more than half those of permanent contract workers), while from 1987 the exchange rate of the peseta in the EMS began, for a while at least, to work as an anchor for the government s anti-inflation policy (Ferreiro and Gomez, 2005). 3 The outcomes of those pacts had been well below union expectations. Although in both public spending and social spending increased (the latter from 21.6 to 25.2 per cent of GDP), real wages fell by 9 percentage points between 1977 and 1986, and inflation targets were only met in one year out of seven (Ferreiro and Gomez, 2005). 181
9 Social Pacts in Europe Spain s employers, who had never been keen on concertation, also believed they could now avoid commitments and concessions to labour given the role of high unemployment and the expansion of fixed-term contracts, not just in moderating wage demands (real wages would rise by a marginal 0.9 per cent between 1984 and 1989) but also in weakening the influence of the unions (Rhodes, 1997; Encarnación, 1999; Ferreiro and Serrano, 2001) FAILED NEGOTIATIONS UNDER THE THREAT OF MAASTRICHT (1990 6) After six years of sustained growth, the 1990s began with a deep economic recession. The Socialist government s strategy of substituting a restrictive monetary policy and an overvalued currency for bargained wage moderation had failed to control wage growth and inflation (Pérez, 1999; Royo, 2001). In 1992, a large and increasing budget deficit, together with high inflation and external disequilibria, led to speculative attacks against the Peseta, and its devaluation within the ERM. The real costs of the crisis were skyrocketing unemployment (which rose to 23 per cent in 1993) and a further increase in the budget deficit. The political situation also deteriorated significantly for the Socialists. Although the 1989 elections allowed them to stay in government, their performance was far from the substantial victory achieved in 1986: the PSOE government won half the seats and only the absence from parliament of the Herri Batasuna deputies (the political arm of ETA) gave it a working majority (Lancaster, 1994). The severe recession, and a series of corruption scandals, further weakened the government over the next few years. In the 1993 elections, the PSOE remained Spain s largest party, but was forced to form a minority government when coalition talks with regionalist parties broke down. The economic and political circumstances should have been conducive to a pact, especially given the problem load of high unemployment and government infirmity. But perceptions of mutual weakness on the part of the unions, employers, and the government worked against it. After a decade of organizational development and consolidation, the UGT, CC.OO, and CEOE were ostensibly in a stronger position. In December 1988, the UGT and CC.OO led a successful 24-hour general strike against government plans for new weakly regulated contracts to boost youth employment, which led to the withdrawal of the proposals and government agreement to boost spending on social services. But union representation remained weak at the firm level and was mostly limited to large companies. Concertation, and its associated benefits, had strengthened them as political actors, but not in terms of membership or bargaining power. As CEOE President José María Cuevas put it: notwithstanding the enormous influence the unions have on public opinion and political decisions, the presence of unions at firm level has been 182
10 weakening in recent years. Why? Because their strategy has been focused on lobbying governments. 4 The unions had become increasingly aware of this problem. Consequently, they shifted away from building sociopolitical strength towards improving their own internal channels of communication and extending their presence in the business system. When unity of action became stronger in the early 1990s assisted by the collapse of support for the PCE, and the diminution of its influence over the CC.OO inter-confederal competition was replaced by intraorganizational concerns. But the unions still perceived themselves to be weaker vis-à-vis employers and the government than a decade earlier, the success of the 1988 general strike notwithstanding. As both the government and employers were aware, the deterioration of the economy, rising unemployment (at 21 per cent in 1997), and an increasingly large proportion of employees under fixed-term contracts had all reduced their capacity to attract and mobilize members. Economic and political conditions in 1993 favoured new attempts at pact negotiation: GDP fell by 1 per cent that year, caused by falling public investment, an adverse reaction of private investment to higher interest rates, and a substantial decline in private consumption as unemployment rose. This created something of an emergency and bolstered the perceived need for social partner cooperation. Employment conditions not only reduced the unions bargaining power but also made the abandonment of negotiations more costly for them. Given the prospect of worsening electoral performance, the government proposed a Solidarity Pact consisting of wage moderation and labour market reform. The unions declared for the first time in eight years that the inclusion of wage moderation in the agenda for negotiations would not in itself constitute an obstacle in the path towards a social pact. 5 The UGT s willingness to negotiate stemmed in part from a financial scandal, and it sought the support and financial assistance of the government to hold off bankruptcy. Unity of action with the UGT made the CC.OO more inclined to negotiate certain policies. And both unions reacted pragmatically to the government s call for a catch-all pact, although they called for a revision of its economic policy and for key issues to be negotiated at separate tables. But the government strongly defended its Plan de convergencia for economic adjustment to EMU, involving a tight fiscal policy, a reduction in inflation and interest rates, a control of nominal wage increases, and the deregulation and flexibilization of capital and labour markets. This stance, and the employer s refusal to help the troubled Socialist party, sunk the negotiations. 4 Diario de Sesiones del Senado, Comisión de Trabajo y Seguridad Social, no. 95, 19 April 1994, p European Industrial Relations Review and Report, 1993, 235:
11 Social Pacts in Europe This episode reveals how under perceptions of mutual weakness the successful negotiation of a social pact becomes more difficult, as predicted by our bargaining model. In 1993, the unions and the government were both negotiating from weak positions that made a pact more costly for all involved. The government was in a minority in parliament and under pressure from other parties to stick with austerity. The unions were dealing with internal problems and disagreements, and the employers had no intention of boosting the ailing Socialist government. All parties had negative expectations as to what they could obtain. Politics and perceptions overrode the problem load. The same occurred in 1994 when the government initiated further talks on a Social Pact for Employment. Asked about the government s strategy, Prime Minister Felipe González replied that it had the greatest interest in a pact but little scope for providing an acceptable quid pro quo. The fact that the Socialists could only govern with the tacit support of the centre-right Catalan CiU (Convergència i Unió) diminished the unions expectations as to adequate compensation. This perception, together with the stronger bargaining position of the employers, made failure even more likely. For the general secretary of the UGT, the government was more interested in reaching a political pact with other parties than in signing one with the unions and employers. 6 For the CC.OO, however, other factors were important, in particular, the bad relationship between the leaders of the PSOE and UGT 7 (Royo, 2001). The CEOE blamed the government s take-it or leave-it strategy 8 and the instability in union government relations created by an excessive use of strike tactics. 9 As the bargaining model suggests, had the government been in a position to compensate union involvement, these impediments might have been overcome. Some months after their exit from the talks, the unions agreed to return to negotiations on two issues: employment regulation and incomes policy. The unions rejected the government s plans for mandatory wage moderation, and both they and the employers rejected the proposed labour market reform. In response, the government implemented the changes (which allowed for a more flexible use of working hours and greater flexibility in company pay scales) unilaterally, provoking a general strike in January Looking back at their 1988 success, the unions expected to improve their bargaining position and force the government to reconsider. But the new strike had nothing like the same impact either on government policies, which sought to foster a greater use of part-time contracts, allow for private employment agencies, and decen- 6 Comisión de Economía y Hacienda, testimony of Nicolás Redondo (UGT), no. 57, 29 October 1993, p Interview with Salvador Bangueses, Madrid, 14 April Comisión de Economía y Hacienda, testimony of José María Cuevas (CEOE), no. 57, 29 October 1993, p Interview with CEOE leader Gabriela Uriarte, Madrid, 13 April
12 tralize collective bargaining, or on public opinion which favoured a negotiated solution to the crisis THE REVITALIZATION OF CONCERTATION IN 1997 By 1997, the political context had changed significantly: the centre-right PP led by José María Aznar won the 1996 elections and formed a coalition with three right-wing regionalist parties the Basque Nationalists, the Catalan CiU, and the Canary Coalition. But the economy was still sick and perilous for the new minority government: inflation and the fiscal deficit were improving, but unemployment had peaked at 24 per cent in 1994, and almost all new jobs created in 1995 and 1996 were on temporary contracts. The government was also highly apprehensive of the unions reaction to its policies the PSOE, in opposition for the first time since 1982, warned that social rights were now under attack and sought a dialogue with them and the employers to build a consensus on its proposed agenda. The unions and employers had shifted to a pro-pact position. Both believed that the change of government opened up new opportunities for concertation but at a lower cost than hitherto, and both were moving towards a common understanding of the country s growing predicament (if not the solution), as a low value-added, low-productivity economy, one over-reliant on cheap and insecure employment contracts and price-based competition. Pressure on the unions was especially strong. A majority of their members now supported dialogue and concertation, especially given the failure of the 1994 strike, as did their leaders whose reputation had been damaged by the rapid increase in unemployment and their experiment with wage militancy (Royo, 1996; Pérez, 2010). Not only had they been losing the battle for public opinion, but critically, support had haemorrhaged in workplace elections, their main source of strength. In the elections, both unions lost votes to independent candidates and company representatives, especially in large firms. And for the first time since 1982, the UGT took second place to the CC.OO, now led by moderates after the defeat of its more militant wing in 1991 (Hamann, 2001; Royo, 2006). The strength of the unions had been sapped by the segmentation of the labour market, and they had failed to recruit temporary workers in significant numbers: in 1994, the membership rate of permanent workers was 19 per cent against only 8 per cent for temporary workers (Polavieja, 2001; Llorente Sanchez, 2007). Concertation to restore political influence now seemed much more attractive than when they rejected it in the mid-1980s, precisely to prevent a loss of worker support. A month after his election, Prime Minister Aznar held a meeting with the unions. As they remained opposed to catch-all pacts spanning numerous policy areas, the social partners and the government agreed to seven separate negotiating tables. Even though the government respected the social partners 185
13 Social Pacts in Europe bargaining autonomy, it threatened on several occasions to act unilaterally if they failed to reach an agreement. The first step was the negotiation of social security reforms, as outlined in the 1996 Toledo Pact among the political parties, 10 and an agreement on the Consolidation and Rationalization of the Social Security System was signed in October. The government then launched talks on labour market reform. An agreement was signed in 1997, consisting of two collective bargaining reforms the AINC (Acuerdo Interconfederal sobre Negotiation Colectiva) and the AICV (Acuerdo Interconfederal de Cobertura de Vacios) and a reform of the labour market, the AIEE (Acuerdo Interconfederal para la Estabilidad del Empleo). 11 A quid pro quo secured the pact. In the labour market reform, the unions presenting themselves for the first time as defenders of outsider as well as insider workers obtained the introduction of new permanent employment promotion contracts to help counter the expansion of fixed-term work, with lower dismissal costs than for other such contracts. Employers received a reduction in social security charges as their part of the deal. In the collective bargaining agreement, the unions achieved a degree of re-centralization in collective bargaining. The AINC was especially important in this regard, in aiming to reduce the number of collective agreements and prioritize national industriallevel agreements. Although bipartite deals, endorsed by the government, and then passed into law, the 1997 April Agreements have nonetheless had the significance and effect of a fully fledged social pact. 12 Not only did they create a new paradigm for peak negotiations and social dialogue going forward, but they also established the quality of employment as a priority, and sought to enhance the articulation of collective bargaining with concertation. How do we explain the successful return to pacting? The problem load, combined with critical organizational and political factors, provides the answer. The economy was beginning to improve, but still very high unemployment (at 21.5 per cent in 1997) and a massive expansion of atypical contracts helped 10 The Toledo Pact involved a commitment by all political parties to maintain and reform the public pension system on a consensual basis. In 1996, the trade unions gave it their support, thereby ensuring that in principle pension reform would be subject to social dialogue. The consensual spirit of the pact was reinforced by the creation of a monitoring commission to secure the input of social and economic actors. 11 The AINC clarified the roles of different levels of collective bargaining and expanded the issues to be dealt with through collective bargaining, which enhanced the influence of the social partners in the policy debate on labour market reforms; the AICV aimed to extend the coverage of collective bargaining to those sectors lacking collective agreements; and the AIEE introduced incentives for employers to transform temporary contracts into indefinite ones, as well as financial incentives to hire on permanent basis. The reform also removed some of the protections for employees with indefinite contracts. 12 See Diario de Sesiones del Congreso de los Diputados, Comisión de Política Social y Empleo, no , May 1997, for parliamentary testimony by union and employer leaders regarding the success of the 1997 Agreements. 186
14 induce all three actors to sign. In terms of the bargaining model, they all saw themselves as relatively weak, but all were under pressure to reach agreement quickly. This was especially true for the unions, given declining workplace support and accusations of defending permanent workers while neglecting the now very large temporary workforce, comprised mainly of younger people and women (Richards and Polavieja, 1997). 13 The employers had also come to acknowledge the problems created by the very high level of fixed-term work: in the view of manufacturing companies, it had begun to damage productivity while failing to weaken the bargaining power of permanent employees 14 (Serrano et al., 1998; Royo, 2006). As for the government, its weak parliamentary position made it the perfect partner in a positive-sum pact SOCIAL PACTING IN THE 2000S The Shift to Bipartite Pacting, Developments in the 2000s reveal the vitality and vulnerability of Spanish concertation as well as the strengths and weaknesses of its institutionalization. When the PP was re-elected with an absolute majority in 2000, it agreed again to dialogue with the social partners over the four years of its mandate. At the top of its agenda for reform were the labour market, collective bargaining, pensions, and unemployment benefits. The government preferred to respect the autonomy of unions and employers, and it asked them to follow the pattern of the 1997 agreements and negotiate a pact as the basis for legislation. It also had a strong interest in securing agreements to legitimize its policies. But given its new parliamentary majority, the Aznar government could afford to play a double game sponsoring agreements when the social partners could achieve them, but making policy unilaterally, and largely ignoring them, when they could not. The unions and employers had quite different objectives, even if their diagnosis of the country s economic ills was similar. The unions Common Proposal for Social Dialogue focused on job creation and a reduction in the use of temporary contracts. The 1997 agreements had delivered some positive results 13 The segmentation of the Spanish labour market, which had commenced in the mid- 1980s, had become fully entrenched by 1997: that year, 34 per cent of the active labour force were employed on temporary contracts, which also accounted for 85 per cent of flows into and out of employment (the annual transition between the two segments was only 1 per cent). Moreover, the average tenure of a temporary worker was twelve months, compared with twelve years for workers on permanent contracts, and 34 per cent of temporary workers were unemployed, compared to only 6 per cent of permanent ones. All evidence suggests that temporary employment in Spain is predominantly involuntary and non-transitional (Amuedo-Dorantes, 2000; Polavieja, 2003). 14 Between 1992 and 1995, years of deep recession, temporary workers lost 25 per cent of their purchasing power, while the earnings of permanent workers increased by 4 per cent in real terms (Ferreiro and Serrano, 2001; Ferreiro and Gomez, 2005). 187
15 Social Pacts in Europe (mainly due to government incentives) in increasing the percentage of permanent contracts. But while unemployment fell to around 13 per cent in 2000 from 21 per cent three years earlier, the proportion of temporary contracts remained unchanged at around one-third. The employers Approaches to the New Stage of Social Dialogue prioritized the reform of collective bargaining, a reduction in dismissals costs, greater flexibility for part-time contracts, and a reduction in employers social charges. Common to both proposals was a preference for more flexible forms of social dialogue and concertation over allencompassing social pacts. In fact, talks at separate tables had already been institutionalized, and consisted of three negotiating commissions : on the social protection of the unemployed, on increasing secure employment, and on part-time employment. In the late 1990s, negotiations in the first two were deadlocked, with employers and the government seeking more resources for active employment policy against union calls for higher unemployment benefit and job promotion via working-hours reduction. This discord did not prevent success, however, in the third commission where an agreement on improving the social security entitlements of part-time workers was reached (the employers abstained) in November 1998 (EIRO, 1998a, 1998b). This more flexible strategy produced further results, regardless of a surge in industrial conflict in , and the government s predilection for breaking with concertation on many critical reforms. In March 2001, following union employer failure to reach agreement on replacing the expiring 1997 agreements, the government unilaterally reformed the labour market, extending the categories of worker who could be hired on open-ended contracts with employer social security reductions, and providing limited compensation for the dismissal of temporary workers. In May 2002, the government also unilaterally reformed unemployment benefits, removing certain categories of workers for example, those on seasonal work contracts from entitlement, and abolishing the interim wages employers had to pay workers waiting for rulings on unfair dismissals claims. The breakdown in social dialogue and union opposition to these changes led to a general strike in June 2002, which, alongside a precipitous decline in government opinion poll support, forced the resignation of the labour minister and a repeal of most of the benefit reform package. Surprisingly, none of this prevented a pensions agreement in April 2001, which was supported by the CC.OO but not the UGT, 15 or government union agreement in November 2002 on the modernization and improvement of the 15 The reform allowed workers to take early retirement if they had not paid contributions before 1967, created a reserve fund, improved widows pensions, allowed flexible work and retirement beyond 65, and ensured the ongoing participation of unions in the management of the social security system. 188
16 public administration. 16 Indeed, the UGT claimed that the 2002 strike had strengthened the unions and forced the government to concede more than it wanted to secure their support. What we see, then, across this period is a process in which both unions and employers engaged in concertation to preserve an influence over social and labour market policy (using this strategy, as in the past, to compensate for associational weaknesses), while the government used the social dialogue instrumentally, exerting a strong shadow of hierarchy via the threat (and reality) of unilateral policymaking. A government with a strong majority could afford to embrace a take-it or leave-it strategy, more often than not to the disadvantage of the unions, for whom an abandonment of social dialogue promised marginalization from the policy process, with no guarantee that militancy and social movement opposition would deliver better results. Perhaps the most important innovation in this period was the return in late 2001 to an incomes policy agreement (the first since 1984) on a union employer bipartite basis, but once again under the shadow of state hierarchy. It would be renewed every year until 2009, when it broke down amidst the financial and economic crisis, but was reprieved in early 2010 a development made all the more remarkable by open conflict at the time between the unions and the government over its anti-crisis measures. 17 The pattern for the rest of the decade was set in December 2001, when the unions and employers concluded an Acuerdo para la Negociación Colectiva, or ANC, for The ANC established guidelines and set out criteria for lower level bargaining, linked pay rises to inflation and productivity gains, and also included a general commitment to employment stability and quality. It even recommended the creation of national sectoral observatories to analyse economic and employment trends (EIRO, 2002), and a monitoring commission was created in 2003 to promote their implementation. Subsequent ANCs have often been beset by stormy negotiations, as well as by opposition from critics in both employer and union camps. But the system has now endured for nearly a decade, making it the most persistent of reiterated wages pacts in the EU, apart from Ireland s incomes policy (see Chapter 5). It is worth considering briefly the reasons for the institutional success of this implicit incomes policy pact in terms of the bargaining model, prior to an extended discussion of its institutionalization in the next section. 16 This reform sought to rationalize the public workforce and increase its efficiency in return for above-inflation pay increases, a 35-hour week, and measures to improve employment stability. 17 Pérez (2000) presents evidence that the unions began unilaterally to restrain their wage demands from the mid-1990s onwards, once they had prioritized lowering unemployment and reducing the number of non-standard contracts. According to Ferreiro and Gomez (2005), the UGT and the CC.OO signed joint documents laying out joint wage-setting criteria every year between 1997 and
17 Social Pacts in Europe A review of almost a decade of ANC agreements reveals the following features. The central concern has been wage moderation on the part of both employers and unions, driven in part by their shared view that containing real unit labour costs will promote employment (and a diminution of temporary employment) and enhance the competitiveness of Spanish firms. The results have been decidedly mixed. Job creation proceeded apace in the 2000s on the back of a booming economy (only to collapse precipitously in the recent crisis) and while the expansion of temporary contract workers in the private sector fell significantly, they began to grow in the public sector. Nominal wage growth has been contained and real unit labour costs have fallen although wage moderation only accounts for part of this trend; immigration and an ongoing expansion of low-cost labour have also contributed as has declining purchasing power (wage drift has been negative for most of the period) in a tighter labour market. But productivity growth has been low and relative unit labour costs have risen well above the Euro average: wage moderation alone cannot cure Spain s multifactor productivity problem. If we think of the ANCs as an implicit incomes policy pact instead of a series of annual ad hoc wage agreements (for they have depoliticized pacting and created a stable system for trade-offs and exchange between employers and unions), then we can more readily understand the power balance underpinning this structure. The unions entered the ANC process from a rather weak position given the failure of either pacting in the 1980s or militancy in the 1990s to counter an erosion of workers rights and security, or provide them with greater influence over collective bargaining and the workforce. By the mid-1990s, even the power derived from workplace elections was under threat. Their political influence was restored to some extent by the 1997 Agreements, and their adoption of job promotion as a primary goal led them to internalize wage moderation even before the ANC formally committed them to it. At the same time, both Socialist and centre-right governments had sought to flexibilize the labour market in response to the employment crisis and persistent demands from employers, and experience had proven that the unions only real means of slowing or blocking that process was concertation. Although a second-best option for the unions especially after 2000 when a growing economy, much lower unemployment, and rapid job creation might have backed a more militant stance concertation on wages and work-related issues under the ANCs have allowed for a mutually reinforcing relationship between the exercise of political influence and a strengthening of the unions organizational powers. The Problems of Pacting under the New Socialist Government The minority government led by Prime Minister José Luis Rodriguez Zapatero elected in March 2004 and supported in parliament by two small left-wing parties the Republican Left of Catalonia and United Left revealed a strong 190
EVOLUTION AND DECONSTRUCTION OF SPANISH TRADE UNIONISM IN THE CONSTITUTIONAL ERA AND IN THE ECONOMIC CRISIS.
EVOLUTION AND DECONSTRUCTION OF SPANISH TRADE UNIONISM IN THE CONSTITUTIONAL ERA AND IN THE ECONOMIC CRISIS. Prof. Dr. José Manuel Gómez Muñoz Professor of Labour Law and Social Security. University of
More informationUnions and the Government in Spain during the Economic Crisis. Kerstin Hamann. Department of Political Science University of Central Florida
Cooperation and Confrontation: Unions and the Government in Spain during the Economic Crisis Kerstin Hamann Department of Political Science University of Central Florida The Changing Role of Unions Indicators
More informationDIALOGUE. From negotiation to imposition: Social dialogue in austerity times in Spain. Oscar Molina Fausto Miguélez. Working Paper No.
DIALOGUE Working Paper No. 51 From negotiation to imposition: Social dialogue in austerity times in Spain Oscar Molina Fausto Miguélez September 2013 Project financed by the European Commission Governance
More informationEU Briefings, March 2008
Collective wage bargaining and negotiations about work related conditions are among the core tasks of trade unions in industrialized countries. The establishment of Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) in
More informationDocument on the role of the ETUC for the next mandate Adopted at the ETUC 13th Congress on 2 October 2015
Document on the role of the ETUC for the next mandate 2015-2019 Adopted at the ETUC 13th Congress on 2 October 2015 Foreword This paper is meant to set priorities and proposals for action, in order to
More informationUnit 3: Spanish Civil War
Unit 3: Spanish Civil War 1936-1939 What will we cover in this unit Long-term causes of the Spanish civil war Short-term causes of the Spanish civil war What occurred during the Spanish Civil War The effects
More informationTitle: Contemporary Spanish Society - SPAN 350
Title: Contemporary Spanish Society - SPAN 350 Language: English Total hours: 45 hours Credits: 3 credits Jacksonville University Course Code: SPAN 321 Description : Why are Spaniards currently exhuming
More informationTrade Unions Strategies and Austerity Politics in Southern Europe: The Role of Labour in Spain, Italy and Portugal vis-à-vis Austerity Measures
Trade Unions Strategies and Austerity Politics in Southern Europe: The Role of Labour in Spain, Italy and Portugal vis-à-vis Austerity Measures by Angie Gago (Draft) Paper prepared for the ECPR General
More informationUnion Revitalization through Political Action? Evidence from Five Countries
V. UNION REVITALIZATION IN COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE Union Revitalization through Political Action? Evidence from Five Countries Kerstin Hamann University of Central Florida John Kelly London School of Economics
More informationITUC GLOBAL POLL Prepared for the G20 Labour and Finance Ministers Meeting Moscow, July 2013
ITUC GLOBAL POLL 2013 Prepared for the G20 Labour and Finance Ministers Meeting Moscow, July 2013 Contents Executive Summary 2 Government has failed to tackle unemployment 4 Government prioritises business
More informationGoverning Body Geneva, March 2009
INTERNATIONAL LABOUR OFFICE GB.304/4 304th Session Governing Body Geneva, March 2009 FOURTH ITEM ON THE AGENDA Report on the High-level Tripartite Meeting on the Current Global Financial and Economic Crisis
More informationCONTINUING CONCERNS EVEN PRESIDENT MACRON CANNOT ELIMINATE RECURRENCE OF FRANCE S EU EXIT RISK IS POSSIBLE DEPENDING ON HIS REFORM
Mitsui & Co. Global Strategic Studies Institute Monthly Report June 2017 1 CONTINUING CONCERNS EVEN PRESIDENT MACRON CANNOT ELIMINATE RECURRENCE OF FRANCE S EU EXIT RISK IS POSSIBLE DEPENDING ON HIS REFORM
More informationEuropean Parliament Eurobarometer (EB79.5) ONE YEAR TO GO UNTIL THE 2014 EUROPEAN ELECTIONS Institutional Part ANALYTICAL OVERVIEW
Directorate-General for Communication Public Opinion Monitoring Unit Brussels, 21 August 2013. European Parliament Eurobarometer (EB79.5) ONE YEAR TO GO UNTIL THE 2014 EUROPEAN ELECTIONS Institutional
More informationTHE CZECH REPUBLIC AND THE EURO. Policy paper Europeum European Policy Forum May 2002
THE CZECH REPUBLIC AND THE EURO Policy paper 1. Introduction: Czech Republic and Euro The analysis of the accession of the Czech Republic to the Eurozone (EMU) will deal above all with two closely interconnected
More informationETUC Platform on the Future of Europe
ETUC Platform on the Future of Europe Resolution adopted at the Executive Committee of 26-27 October 2016 We, the European trade unions, want a European Union and a single market based on cooperation,
More informationThe General Election in Spain, 2000
Georgetown University From the SelectedWorks of Josep M. Colomer Fall October 1, 2001 The General Election in Spain, 2000 Josep M. Colomer Available at: http://works.bepress.com/josep_colomer/80/ 490 Notes
More informationEUROBAROMETER 71 PUBLIC OPINION IN THE EUROPEAN UNION SPRING
Standard Eurobarometer European Commission EUROBAROMETER 71 PUBLIC OPINION IN THE EUROPEAN UNION SPRING 2009 Standard Eurobarometer 71 / SPRING 2009 TNS Opinion & Social Standard Eurobarometer NATIONAL
More informationThe Europe 2020 midterm
The Europe 2020 midterm review Cities views on the employment, poverty reduction and education goals October 2014 Contents Executive Summary... 3 Introduction... 4 Urban trends and developments since 2010
More informationWorking draft for the document on the role of the ETUC - Initial discussion
BS/lw Brussels, 5 February 2015 STEERING COMMITTEE ETUC\SC165\EN\3 Agenda item 3 Working draft for the document on the role of the ETUC - Initial discussion The Steering Committee is invited to discuss
More informationNon oficial translation Check against original in Spanish
Law 5/2011, of 29 March, on Social Economy. JUAN CARLOS I KING OF SPAIN Let it hereby be known to all that the Parliament has approved, and that I hereby sanction the following law. PREAMBLE I The historic
More informationChapter 21 (10) Optimum Currency Areas and the Euro
Chapter 21 (10) Optimum Currency Areas and the Euro Preview The European Union The European Monetary System Policies of the EU and the EMS Theory of optimal currency areas Is the EU an optimal currency
More information65. Broad access to productive jobs is essential for achieving the objective of inclusive PROMOTING EMPLOYMENT AND MANAGING MIGRATION
5. PROMOTING EMPLOYMENT AND MANAGING MIGRATION 65. Broad access to productive jobs is essential for achieving the objective of inclusive growth and help Turkey converge faster to average EU and OECD income
More informationThe Crisis of the European Union. Weakening of the EU Social Model
The Crisis of the European Union Weakening of the EU Social Model Vincent Navarro and John Schmitt Many observers argue that recent votes unfavorable to the European Union are the result of specific factors
More informationPIE Plastics Information Europe SPAIN
Seite 1 von 5 www.pieweb.com SPAIN Industry on solid course for growth / Both exports and imports of plastics on the rise / Plastics processing activities continue to increase / Automotive segment a key
More informationETUC Mid-Term Conference Rome, May 2017 THE ETUC ROME DECLARATION
ETUC Mid-Term Conference Rome, 29-31 May 2017 THE ETUC ROME DECLARATION Declaration adopted at the ETUC Mid-Term Conference in Rome on 29-31 May 2017. It is ten years since the financial crisis of 2007-2008.
More informationDraft ETUC Platform on the Future of Europe (first draft for discussion)
LV/eb Brussels 06 September 2016 EXTRAORDINARY EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. Agenda item 4 Draft ETUC Platform on the Future of Europe (first draft for discussion) The Extraordinary Executive Committee is invited
More informationGertrude Tumpel-Gugerell: The euro benefits and challenges
Gertrude Tumpel-Gugerell: The euro benefits and challenges Speech by Ms Gertrude Tumpel-Gugerell, Member of the Executive Board of the European Central Bank, at the Conference Poland and the EURO, Warsaw,
More informationPES Roadmap toward 2019
PES Roadmap toward 2019 Adopted by the PES Congress Introduction Who we are The Party of European Socialists (PES) is the second largest political party in the European Union and is the most coherent and
More informationThe Politics of Egalitarian Capitalism; Rethinking the Trade-off between Equality and Efficiency
The Politics of Egalitarian Capitalism; Rethinking the Trade-off between Equality and Efficiency Week 3 Aidan Regan Democratic politics is about distributive conflict tempered by a common interest in economic
More informationSpain after Franco [4º ESO] Juan Carlos Ocaña Aybar. Geography and History Bilingual Studies IES Parque de Lisboa, Alcorcón (Madrid)
Spain after Franco Juan Carlos Ocaña Aybar [4º ESO] Geography and History Bilingual Studies IES Parque de Lisboa, Alcorcón (Madrid) 1 Democratic Spain (1975-2000) 1. The Democratic Transition The Beginning
More informationChapter 20. Optimum Currency Areas and the European Experience. Slides prepared by Thomas Bishop
Chapter 20 Optimum Currency Areas and the European Experience Slides prepared by Thomas Bishop Preview The European Union The European Monetary System Policies of the EU and the EMS Theory of optimal currency
More informationChapter 20. Preview. What Is the EU? Optimum Currency Areas and the European Experience
Chapter 20 Optimum Currency Areas and the European Experience Slides prepared by Thomas Bishop Copyright 2009 Pearson Addison-Wesley. All rights reserved. Preview The European Union The European Monetary
More informationSTRENGTHENING POLICY INSTITUTES IN MYANMAR
STRENGTHENING POLICY INSTITUTES IN MYANMAR February 2016 This note considers how policy institutes can systematically and effectively support policy processes in Myanmar. Opportunities for improved policymaking
More informationIt s a new dawn, it s a new day
It Must Have Been Love But It s Over Now. The Crisis and Collapse of Social Partnership In Ireland Dr Michael Doherty, School of Law & Government/ Socio-Legal Research Centre Dublin City University www.dcu.ie/socio-legal/
More informationInclusive growth and development founded on decent work for all
Inclusive growth and development founded on decent work for all Statement by Mr Guy Ryder, Director-General International Labour Organization International Monetary and Financial Committee Washington D.C.,
More informationThe Spanish Experiment: A Social Democratic Party-Union Relationship in a Competitive Union Context Abstract
Center for European Studies Working Paper No. 83 The Spanish Experiment: A Social Democratic Party-Union Relationship in a Competitive Union Context Javier Astudillo Ruiz Universitat Pompeu Fabra (Barcelona)
More informationand with support from BRIEFING NOTE 1
and with support from BRIEFING NOTE 1 Inequality and growth: the contrasting stories of Brazil and India Concern with inequality used to be confined to the political left, but today it has spread to a
More informationConstitutional amendments in Turkey: Predictions and implications
POLICY BRIEF Constitutional amendments in Turkey: Predictions and implications Al Jazeera Centre for Studies Al Jazeera Center for Studies Tel: +974-44663454 jcforstudies-en@aljazeera.net http://studies.aljazeera.net/en/
More informationTaking advantage of globalisation: the role of education and reform in Europe
SPEECH/07/315 Joaquín Almunia European Commissioner for Economic and Monetary Affairs Taking advantage of globalisation: the role of education and reform in Europe 35 th Economics Conference "Human Capital
More informationALMR response to the Migration Advisory Committee s call for evidence on EEA migration and future immigration policy
ALMR response to the Migration Advisory Committee s call for evidence on EEA migration and future immigration policy About us and the sector The ALMR is the leading body representing the eating and drinking
More informationParliamentary vs. Presidential Systems
Parliamentary vs. Presidential Systems Martin Okolikj School of Politics and International Relations (SPIRe) University College Dublin 02 November 2016 1990s Parliamentary vs. Presidential Systems Scholars
More informationTHE ROLE OF THE MEDIA IN 21TH CENTURY EUROPE
THE ROLE OF THE MEDIA IN 21TH CENTURY EUROPE A lecture by Mr Jose Manuel Calvo Editor of the Spanish Newpaper El Pais National Europe Centre Paper No. 9 Presented at the Australian National University,
More informationETUC contribution in view of the elaboration of a roadmap to be discussed during the June 2013 European Council
BS/aa Brussels, 5-6 March 2013 EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE ETUC/EC201/4a-EN Agenda item 4a ETUC contribution in view of the elaboration of a roadmap to be discussed during the June 2013 European Council The Executive
More informationCER INSIGHT: Populism culture or economics? by John Springford and Simon Tilford 30 October 2017
Populism culture or economics? by John Springford and Simon Tilford 30 October 2017 Are economic factors to blame for the rise of populism, or is it a cultural backlash? The answer is a bit of both: economic
More informationSpain needs to reform its pensions system even at the cost of future cutbacks in other areas, warns the President of the ifo Institute
www.fbbva.es DEPARTMENT OF COMMUNICATION AND INSTITUTIONAL RELATIONS ANNOUNCEMENT Presentation of the EEAG Report What Now, With Whom, Where To The Future of the EU Spain needs to reform its pensions system
More informationWhat has changed about the global economic structure
The A European insider surveys the scene. State of Globalization B Y J ÜRGEN S TARK THE MAGAZINE OF INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC POLICY 888 16th Street, N.W. Suite 740 Washington, D.C. 20006 Phone: 202-861-0791
More informationThe outlook for EU migration if the UK remains subject to the free movement of people
The outlook for EU migration if the UK remains subject to the free movement of people European Union: MW 416 Summary 1. Should the UK remain subject to free movement rules after Brexit as a member of the
More informationExecutive summary. Part I. Major trends in wages
Executive summary Part I. Major trends in wages Lowest wage growth globally in 2017 since 2008 Global wage growth in 2017 was not only lower than in 2016, but fell to its lowest growth rate since 2008,
More informationBenoît Cœuré: Interview with BFM Business TV
Benoît Cœuré: Interview with BFM Business TV Interview with Mr Benoît Cœuré, Member of the Executive Board of the European Central Bank, and BFM Business TV, conducted by Mr Stéphane Soumier on 12 March
More informationMariano Rajoy s People s Party emerges strengthened after the parliamentary elections in Spain.
parliamentary elections in spain European Elections monitor SUMMARY 1) Analysis : Page 01 2) Résults : Page 03 Mariano Rajoy s People s Party emerges strengthened after the parliamentary elections in Spain.
More informationSocial Dialogue Between Continuity and Discontinuity: Towards a New Social Compromise? Valeria Pulignano Center for Sociological Research
Social Dialogue Between Continuity and Discontinuity: Towards a New Social Compromise? Valeria Pulignano Center for Sociological Research WSI Herbstforum Berlin, 20 November 2018 Agenda Preconditions for
More informationTHE FUNCTIONING OF THE TROIKA : MAIN MESSAGES FROM THE ETUC REPORT. Athens, March 2014
THE FUNCTIONING OF THE TROIKA : MAIN MESSAGES FROM THE ETUC REPORT Athens, March 2014 rjanssen@etuc.org THE PICTURE THAT EMERGES. IS A PICTURE OF A COUNTRY BEING TAKEN OVER NOT A «SILENT» TAKEOVER.. BUT
More informationEUROBAROMETER 71 PUBLIC OPINION IN THE EUROPEAN UNION SPRING
Standard Eurobarometer European Commission EUROBAROMETER 71 PUBLIC OPINION IN THE EUROPEAN UNION SPRING 2009 NATIONAL REPORT Standard Eurobarometer 71 / Spring 2009 TNS Opinion & Social EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
More informationThe Politics of Fiscal Austerity: Can Democracies Act With Foresight? Paul Posner George Mason University
The Politics of Fiscal Austerity: Can Democracies Act With Foresight? Paul Posner George Mason University Fiscal Crisis Affects Nations Differently Group 1: Fiscal foresight includes Australia, Canada,
More informationObjectives of the project
Objectives of the project Document recent public sector adjustments Provide evidence on their short term and longterm effects Illustrate these effects through concrete examples Identify eventually some
More informationPromoting Work in Public Housing
Promoting Work in Public Housing The Effectiveness of Jobs-Plus Final Report Howard S. Bloom, James A. Riccio, Nandita Verma, with Johanna Walter Can a multicomponent employment initiative that is located
More informationTHE BATTLE FOR THE SECESSION: Catalonia versus Spain. Joan Barceló- Soler. I. Introduction: Historical Background and Contemporary Facts
THE BATTLE FOR THE SECESSION: Catalonia versus Spain Joan Barceló- Soler I. Introduction: Historical Background and Contemporary Facts Spain s transition to democracy with the constitution of 978 was expected
More informationCollective Bargaining under EMU: Lessons from the Italian and Spanish Experiences
Center for European Studies Working Paper Series #72, February 2000 Collective Bargaining under EMU: Lessons from the Italian and Spanish Experiences by Sofía A. Pérez Assistant Professor of Political
More informationAbstract. Social and economic policy co-ordination in the European Union
Abstract Social and economic policy co-ordination in the European Union THE SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC COUNCIL IN THE NETHERLANDS The Social and Economic Council (Sociaal-Economische Raad, SER) advises government
More informationThe labor market in Japan,
DAIJI KAWAGUCHI University of Tokyo, Japan, and IZA, Germany HIROAKI MORI Hitotsubashi University, Japan The labor market in Japan, Despite a plummeting working-age population, Japan has sustained its
More informationA Perspective on the Economy and Monetary Policy
A Perspective on the Economy and Monetary Policy Greater Philadelphia Chamber of Commerce Philadelphia, PA January 14, 2015 Charles I. Plosser President and CEO Federal Reserve Bank of Philadelphia The
More informationThe Political Challenges of Economic Reforms in Latin America. Overview of the Political Status of Market-Oriented Reform
The Political Challenges of Economic Reforms in Latin America Overview of the Political Status of Market-Oriented Reform Political support for market-oriented economic reforms in Latin America has been,
More informationWelfare State in Spain Social policy in Spain
University of Jaen Welfare State in Spain Social policy in Spain Eva Sotomayor Morales Mª Luisa Grande Gascón Marta García Domingo María Partal Ureña General information The Spanish economy is the 14th
More informationWith uncertainty over independence, Catalonia is set for its most significant National Day demonstration since Spain s transition to democracy
Latest LSE Comment Home About Contributors Podcasts Current Themes Thinkers on Europe Book Reviews With uncertainty over independence, Catalonia is set for its most significant National Day demonstration
More informationStudy. Importance of the German Economy for Europe. A vbw study, prepared by Prognos AG Last update: February 2018
Study Importance of the German Economy for Europe A vbw study, prepared by Prognos AG Last update: February 2018 www.vbw-bayern.de vbw Study February 2018 Preface A strong German economy creates added
More informationWhat factors are responsible for the distribution of responsibilities between the state, social partners and markets in ALMG? (covered in part I)
Summary Summary Summary 145 Introduction In the last three decades, welfare states have responded to the challenges of intensified international competition, post-industrialization and demographic aging
More informationPolitical Action as a Union Revitalization Strategy: A Comparative Study
- Download from www.boeckler.de - English draft version of the article Neubelebung der Gewerkschaften durch politisches Handeln?, published in: WSI-Mitteilungen 09/2003, vol. 56, p.p. 528-532 Political
More informationBriefing Note on the situation in Catalonia (Part III)
Summary Since the illegal referendum in Catalonia took place, in October 1 st, there have been relevant news along this week: 1) A strike was called in Catalonia to protest against the violent actions
More informationThe first eleven years of Finland's EU-membership
1 (7) Sinikka Salo 16 January 2006 Member of the Board The first eleven years of Finland's EU-membership Remarks by Ms Sinikka Salo in the Panel "The Austrian and Finnish EU-Presidencies: Positive Experiences
More informationExecutive summary. Strong records of economic growth in the Asia-Pacific region have benefited many workers.
Executive summary Strong records of economic growth in the Asia-Pacific region have benefited many workers. In many ways, these are exciting times for Asia and the Pacific as a region. Dynamic growth and
More informationA more dynamic welfare state for a more dynamic Europe
Progressive Agenda A more dynamic welfare state for a more dynamic Europe The welfare state is one of the greatest achievements of the past century. José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero vol 4.3 } progressive politics
More informationNorthern Ireland Peace Monitoring Report. Number Five. October 2018
Community Relations Council Northern Ireland Peace Monitoring Report Number Five October 2018 Ann Marie Gray, Jennifer Hamilton, Gráinne Kelly, Brendan Lynn, Martin Melaugh and Gillian Robinson TEN KEY
More informationInternational Trade Union Confederation Statement to UNCTAD XIII
International Trade Union Confederation Statement to UNCTAD XIII Introduction 1. The current economic crisis has caused an unprecedented loss of jobs and livelihoods in a short period of time. The poorest
More informationAddress given by Lars Heikensten on the euro (Stockholm, 4 September 2003)
Address given by Lars Heikensten on the euro (Stockholm, 4 September 2003) Caption: On 4 September 2003, ten days after the national referendum on the adoption of the single currency, Lars Heikensten,
More informationESTONIA S PREPARATIONS FOR JOINING THE EURO AREA
Estonia has set 1 January 2007 as the target date for joining the euro area. Prior to that, the EU will assess compliance with the Maastricht criteria. The following is an overview of the preconditions
More informationPO 325 POLITICS IN SPAIN: PROCESSES AND INSTITUTIONS IES Abroad Barcelona
PO 325 POLITICS IN SPAIN: PROCESSES AND INSTITUTIONS IES Abroad Barcelona DESCRIPTION: Spain in the last hundred years has been a scenario for virtually every single form of government possible: it transformed
More informationThe European Parliament, the Council and the Commission solemnly proclaim the following text as the European Pillar of Social Rights
The European Parliament, the Council and the Commission solemnly proclaim the following text as the European Pillar of Social Rights EUROPEAN PILLAR OF SOCIAL RIGHTS Preamble (1) Pursuant to Article 3
More informationDemocratic Governance
Democratic governance consists of the decision-making processes that translate citizens preferences into policy actions in order to make democracy deliver. Between elections, citizens must have avenues
More informationGlasnost and the Intelligentsia
Glasnost and the Intelligentsia Ways in which the intelligentsia affected the course of events: 1. Control of mass media 2. Participation in elections 3. Offering economic advice. Why most of the intelligentsia
More informationRevitalization Strategy of Labor Movements
Revitalization Strategy of Labor Movements Korea Labour & Society Institute 1. The stagnation of trade union movement is an international phenomenon. The acceleration of globalization and technological
More informationThe Tunisian Troika: Regaining Initiative with a New Deadline
Position Paper The Tunisian Troika: Regaining Initiative with a New Deadline Tel: +974-44663454 jcforstudies-en@aljazeera.net http://studies.aljazeera.net/en/ 13 November 2012 Tuesday, 23 October 2012,
More informationThe Spanish Political System
POL 3107 COMPARATIVE GOVERNMENT AND POLITICS The Spanish Political System Dr. Miguel A. Martínez City University of Hong Kong FROM DICTATORSHIP TO DEMOCRACY: REGIME CHANGE AND INSTITUTIONAL DESIGN General
More informationFrench Election Result: Macron Wins, But Can He Deliver?
French Election Result: Macron Wins, But Can He Deliver? May 8, 2017 by Philippe Brugere-Trelat, David Zahn, Dylan Ball, Emilie Esposito, Uwe Zoellner of Franklin Templeton Investments New President Will
More informationGoverning Body 310th Session, Geneva, March 2011
INTERNATIONAL LABOUR OFFICE Governing Body 310th Session, Geneva, March 2011 SIXTEENTH ITEM ON THE AGENDA Report of the Working Party on the Social Dimension of Globalization Oral report by the Chairperson
More informationPolicy Paper on the Future of EU Youth Policy Development
Policy Paper on the Future of EU Youth Policy Development Adopted by the European Youth Forum / Forum Jeunesse de l Union européenne / Forum des Organisations européennes de la Jeunesse Council of Members,
More informationIndustrial Relations in Europe 2010 report
MEMO/11/134 Brussels, 3 March 2011 Industrial Relations in Europe 2010 report What is the 'Industrial Relations in Europe' report? The Industrial Relations in Europe report provides an overview of major
More informationGOVERNANCE MATTERS. Challenges. GFA approach and services GOVERNANCE
GOVERNANCE MATTERS The state is often regarded the key player in setting the legal and institutional framework for the public and the private sector to participate in decision-making related to social,
More informationFinal grade will be the result of an average of the following components: 1
Course name: Course number: Programs offering course: Language of instruction: U.S. Semester Credits: 3 Contact Hours: 45 Term: Fall 2019 Course Description CIEE Barcelona, Spain Spain Today: Politics
More informationBe afraid of the Chinese bearing gifts
http://voria.gr/details.php?id=11937 Be afraid of the Chinese bearing gifts International Economics professor of George Mason, Hilton Root, talks about political influence games, Thessaloniki perspectives
More informationHungary. Basic facts The development of the quality of democracy in Hungary. The overall quality of democracy
Hungary Basic facts 2007 Population 10 055 780 GDP p.c. (US$) 13 713 Human development rank 43 Age of democracy in years (Polity) 17 Type of democracy Electoral system Party system Parliamentary Mixed:
More informationAccession Process for countries in Central and Eastern Europe
Accession Process for countries in Central and Eastern Europe The current enlargement process undertaken by the EU is one without precedent. The EU has gone through previous enlargements, growing from
More informationSecuring decent work: Increasing the coverage rate of Collective agreements in Europe
Collective Bargaining and Social Policy Conference Vienna, 12-13 June 2014 Negotiating our future! Trade union strategies in times of economic crisis Document 2 Securing decent work: Increasing the coverage
More informationDownloads from this web forum are for private, non-commercial use only. Consult the copyright and media usage guidelines on
Econ 3x3 www.econ3x3.org A web forum for accessible policy-relevant research and expert commentaries on unemployment and employment, income distribution and inclusive growth in South Africa Downloads from
More informationIMF research links declining labour share to weakened worker bargaining power. ACTU Economic Briefing Note, August 2018
IMF research links declining labour share to weakened worker bargaining power ACTU Economic Briefing Note, August 2018 Authorised by S. McManus, ACTU, 365 Queen St, Melbourne 3000. ACTU D No. 172/2018
More informationFour years of economic policy reforms in Spain: An analysis of results from an EU perspective
Four years of economic policy reforms in Spain: An analysis of results from an EU perspective Ramon Xifré 1 Spain s policy response to the crisis seems to have brought about an improvement in competitiveness,
More informationRevue Française des Affaires Sociales. The Euro crisis - what can Social Europe learn from this?
Revue Française des Affaires Sociales Call for multidisciplinary contributions on The Euro crisis - what can Social Europe learn from this? For issue no. 3-2015 This call for contributions is of interest
More informationEnemy No. 1 : by Murad Javed (Research Fellow, Gallup Pakistan History
Gallup Pakistan History Project - Weekend Read 16 Inflation: Public Enemy No. 1 : by Murad Javed (Research Fellow, Gallup Pakistan History Project) The rate of inflation is a critical variable that determines
More informationStrengthening Competitiveness and Growth in Europe
LSESU German Society, in association with European Institute APCO Worldwide Perspectives on Europe series Strengthening Competitiveness and Growth in Europe Dr Philipp Rösler Vice chancellor and federal
More informationEuropean Pillar of Social Rights
European Pillar of Social Rights 1 The European Parliament, the Council and the Commission solemnly proclaim the following text as the European Pillar of Social Rights EUROPEAN PILLAR OF SOCIAL RIGHTS
More informationRise in Populism: Economic and Social Perspectives
Rise in Populism: Economic and Social Perspectives Damien Capelle Princeton University 6th March, Day of Action D. Capelle (Princeton) Rise of Populism 6th March, Day of Action 1 / 37 Table of Contents
More information