The Italian Greens' Participation in the Centre-Left Government

Transcription

1 The Italian Greens' Participation in the Centre-Left Government Roberto Biorcio Dipartimento di Sociologia e Ricerca Sociale Università di Milano Bicocca roberto.biorcio@unimib.it Paper presented to the workshop: Greens in Power: Government Formation, Policy Impacts and the Future of Green Parties at the ECPR Joint Sessions in Grenoble, April Fist Draft 1

2 The Italian Green Party entered government for the first time with the Centre-Left coalition (Ulivo) led by Romano Prodi, which had won the general elections on 21 April Green ministers also took part in the centre-left government headed by Massimo D'Alema (1998) and by Giuliano Amato (2000). But their ministerial posts changed, as did the strategies for action in the coalition. Taking part in the Centre-Left coalition and in the government increased Green influence in state policies, above all in the field of environmental protection. But it also revealed the fragile nature of the political and organisational basis of the Green Federation. Division and political divergences were revealed within the Party, while new rivals arose outside it. Generally speaking, participation in the government did not favour the expansion of electoral consensus, which reached minimum levels in In the last five years, the Federation has seen various moments of crisis which have led the Greens to change leadership and to enact major transformations in their organisation and lines of policy. After their defeat in the 1999 European elections, a radical re-foundation of the party was carried out in 2000 to overcome its difficulties. In this paper we shall firstly examine the political conditions which made the Green participation in the Italian government possible. Then, relating to the various kinds of government, we shall analyse the strategies adopted within the coalition, their impact on state policies and their effects on the Party and its electoral consensus. 1) The political conditions for the Green's entry in government The political conditions which brought the Greens into government were created by the crisis of the traditional Italian political parties and the transition to the so-called "Second Republic" between 1992 and Until then in Italy there had existed a consolidated political system (the so-called First Republic). After the Second World War coalitions had always governed Italy, led by the Christian Democrat Party (DC), first allied with smaller centre parties and then with the Socialist Party (PSI). The left-wing (Communist Party - PCI) and right-wing (Italian Social Movement - MSI) opposition had no chance of winning government. In this political framework the Greens held a marginal position. Although in the late eighties they had had an increase in votes, they were not able to influence government policies in a major way, or to change the relationships of strength between the government coalition and the opposition. The crisis in the First Republic was brought about by three phenomena whose effects overlapped and intertwined. In 1992 the overwhelming impetus of votes for the Northern League had considerably reduced the basis of consensus for the DC and the government coalition, above all in the Northern Italian regions. Magistrates' enquiries into political corruption (Tangentopoli) subsequently involved the national leaders of the PSI, DC and their government allies, and provoked a collapse in credibility of the traditional parties in the eyes of public opinion. Lastly the transformation of the electoral rules towards a majority system, demanded by a referendum which took place in 1993, imposed a profound restructuring of the party system and traditional alliances. An irreversible crisis opened up in the centre government led by the DC. After 1993 new centreright and centre-left coalitions competed to take over power at a local and national level. The 2

3 former had been created with the alliance of the Northern League, Alleanza Nazionale and Forza Italia. The centre-left coalitions were promoted by the PDS 1, and included other left-wing and centre-left formations with the active participation of the Greens. The Green Federation was thus able to overcome its marginal political role of the previous years. The position of relative extraneousness from the rivalry between right and left was abandoned, and the Federation played a decisive part in the centre-left coalitions which were formed, for winning positions in the government. While new political opportunities were opening up, the Green Federation showed evident signs of difficulty. The precipitation of the crisis in the Italian political system had opened up new possibilities, but it caught the Greens in a phase of difficult political and organisational consolidation, preventing the stabilisation of the levels of consensus reached in the late eighties. In the 1992 general elections, the last ones to take place with the proportional system, the Greens' electoral consensus had fallen to 2.8%, less than half the level reached three years before (6.2%). In the transition to the Second Republic, the political importance of the environmentalist question had greatly decreased. Other issues dominated the political agenda: the fight against corruption, institutional reforms, the balance deficit of the State, unemployment, the increase of taxation, and the problems raised by the growth in immigration from non-european countries. In order to effectively handle the political opportunities resulting from the new political phase, and to overcome their own fragility, the Federation's policy was to strengthen the role of its spokesperson, entrusting it to Carlo Ripa di Meana. The party's leadership criteria changed: from a co-ordination of 12 people to a greater concentration of powers in its leader. The new spokesman of the Italian Greens was a well-known public figure with a wide experience in politics and government. He had been a Socialist member of the European Parliament (from 1979 to 1984), European Commissioner for the Environment (from 1989 to 1992), and lastly Minister for the Environment in the government led by Amato from Carlo Ripa di Meana had resigned from that government in protest against a measure which attempted to block the enquiries into corruption and was elected Green spokesperson in March He remained in this office for two successive terms and led the Federation to take part in Prodi's government with his own Ministry. Allied with the Centre-left parties, the Green Federation was able to compete for a direct part in local and national government. With the support of a centre-left coalition, one of the Green leaders, Francesco Rutelli, was elected Mayor of Rome in June 1992, defeating Gianfranco Fini, the leader of Alleanza Nazionale. In 1994 the Greens entered the "Progressisti" electoral cartel, set up for the first general elections with a mainly majority electoral system 2. The centre-left group competed for government against the heirs of the DC (PPI - Partito Popolare Italiano and Patto Segni) and above all against the centre-right coalition led by Silvio Berlusconi, made up of Forza Italia, the Northern League and Alleanza Nazionale. The Progressive alliance was composed of PDS, Rifondazione Comunista, the Greens and a few new centre-left parties (la Rete, Alleanza Democratica). The 1994 elections 1 The PDS, Democratic Party of the Left, had been created in 1991 from the transformation of the Communist Party. A minority of PCI leaders and militants opposed this transformation and founded Rifondazione Comunista. In February 1998 the PDS absorbed minor centre-left groups and has since been known as the DS (Democrats of the Left). 2 The new Italian electoral system is three-quarters majority and a quarter proportional. The candidate with the most votes in the constituency wins the seat. Only parties gaining over 4% of votes obtain seats in the proportional part. 3

4 were won by the centre-right coalition headed by Berlusconi. The Greens gained only 2.7% of votes and did not succeed in gaining the 4% threshold necessary to win seats. 18 Green MPs were however elected as candidates in the centre-left coalition lists with the same number of seats. After the elections, the Greens took an active part in mobilisations promoted by centre-left tradeunions and parties against the centre-right coalition. These actions concerned the defence of the existing welfare state system and criticism of the television news service controlled by Berlusconi. The Green Federation was particularly committed to fighting the policies adopted by Matteoli, the Minister for the Environment in the centre-right government, who had taken a series of measures to make the existing laws defending the environment ineffective, and granted derogations for the construction of new infrastructures and amnesties for the infringements of building regulations. 2) The Greens and the Ulivo government After the fall of the Berlusconi government, brought about by the exit of the Northern League from the centre-right majority in the early months of 1995, the conditions were created for the formation of a broader new centre-left coalition also including centre parties (Partito Popolare Italiano and Patto Segni). The coalition took the name of Ulivo, and chose as its leader Romano Prodi, who had in the past been a left-wing exponent in the DC. After the regional elections (April 1995), the coalition suffered a set back. In December 1995 Patto Segni, the Socialists and - temporarily - also the Greens left the Ulivo, the latter motivating their decision by stating that the party programme devoted little importance to environmental issues. The Ulivo coalition was re-launched in preparation for the general elections of An attempt was made to transform the alliance from a joint electoral platform into a political subject distinct from its member parties, equipped with an independent organisational network and its own programme for government. "Ulivo committees" were set up in the regions, provinces and in many towns, involving not only the centre-left parties, but also representatives of social associations and exponents of national life. After intense work by study groups, Romano Prodi presented an 88-point programme for the Ulivo, which were to be discussed, amended and approved by the political forces in the coalition. The Greens gave an important contribution to the programme, above all to the part entitled "The new alliance with nature" (points 58-65) which summarised the fundamental commitments on environmental issues 3. The document proposed new laws in some cases and new operating structures (National Agency for the Protection of the Environment). Many of the programme's commitments to environmental themes however concerned the application of existing laws and measures, which had not been enforced due to the lack of means and of commitment by political forces and local governments. 3 The document of the Ulivo programme analytically related to many of the proposals advanced in previous years by the Greens and environmentalist associations: the increase of protected nature areas; the preparation and drawing up of a defence plan for water resources; territorial hydro-geological re-organisation; the enforcement of measures to contain the greenhouse effect; the development of a sustainable transport system from the environmental point of view, with the modernisation of railway transport and the increase of the use of freight trains; the reduction at source of harmful waste and recovery of raw materials and energy through differentiated refuse collection; the efficient use of energy and renewable sources with an increase of public spending. 4

5 Although the political importance of the Greens was much slighter than the other centre-left forces, the Federation committed itself above all to seeking a positive relationship with Prodi, to improve the Ulivo programme with a series of key points. Firstly, the demand to link the growth of employment and ecology with a plan for public works and environmental protection. They then asked the Ministry of the Environment to be strengthened, with an increase in staff, resources and competences. The existing laws for environmental defence were often confused and contradictory and needed to be simplified and made more incisive, starting from the procedures for "Environment Impact Assessment". A down-sizing of military expenditure and for the armed forces was then demanded, and a new law which allowed those refusing to do military service to opt for "conscientious objection" 4. The Ulivo coalition won the elections of 21 April 1996 thanks to a pact with Rifondazione Comunista. Romano Prodi became head of the government and committed himself to carrying out the contents of the coalition's programme. In his speech to Parliament the new head of government gave much more importance to environmental issues than previous prime ministers. Prodi in fact recalled the contents of the Rio Conference on sustainable development, and promised a strengthening of the Ministry for the Environment and the re-ordering of legislation concerning environmental protection to make it more incisive. The coalition's victory gave the Greens the opportunity to take part in government with one ministry and two under-secretaries. Edo Ronchi, who in the previous legislature had been the leader of the group of Green senators and had been actively committed to the formation of the Ulivo coalition, became Minister for the Environment. The new minister had a long political experience to his credit and considerable competence in environmental issues 5. Although they had had a great deal of experience in local and regional government, participation in national government took on a much stronger symbolic character with the inclusion of the Green Federation in the political system. Their presence in the government guaranteed visibility in the media, especially regarding ministerial initiatives for environmental protection. But the party's political importance within the cabinet was limited, almost always confined to policies regarding the environment, and it was not able to have any relevant influence on general political decisions. In the 1996 elections the electoral limits of the Greens had been reconfirmed, and with their 2.5% share of votes they were well below the 4% limit. Only the inclusion of a number of Green candidates in the Ulivo coalition lists in constituencies had enabled a considerable increase in the number of members of Parliament (see Table 1). But the independent political role of the Greens had decreased, and they had not succeeded in broadening and strengthening their militant grassroots. The Federation's recruiting campaign launched in September 1995 had progressed with difficulty, reaching a membership of only 7,868 by September Relationships with the 4 See the spokesperson Ripa di Meana's report to the Green federal assembly of January 1996 (in Notizie Verdi 10 February 1996). 5 Ronchi had begun his political activity in the new left formation Democrazia proletaria, and had been elected as their representative in 1983 and In 1989, together with Francesco Rutelli, he had set up Verdi arcobaleno, whose national spokesperson he had been until its unification with the Green Federation in Ronchi had been a promotor of the anti-nuclear and environmentalist referenda, such as that against hunting and pesticides, and had led numerous environmentalist battles in Parliament, on issues from the infringement of building regulations to acoustic pollution. 6 The recruitment campaign had on the other hand started from even lower levels: in December 1995 the Green Federation recorded only six hundred members. 5

6 stronger environmental organisations were often difficult, dominated more by the logic of competition than by that of co-operation. The spokesperson Ripa di Meana sought to increase the autonomous role and visibility of the Greens in the coalition and regarding government, accentuating conflicts and public polemics on every possible occasion. The target of his attacks were often the hegemony and conditioning which the PDS and PPI exercised on the Ulivo. Political pressure however could not be pushed beyond certain limits, because the Greens had too few members in Parliament to question the stability of the government. Ripa di Meana's standpoints obtained coverage in the media, but aroused much dissent within the Federation, increasing criticism of the spokesperson. The discussion on possible modifications in political strategy caused deep divisions to emerge on the occasion of the election of the new spokesperson in November Luigi Manconi 7, also supported by the Minister Ronchi, was elected in a second ballot with few votes to spare (177 against 166). Pecorano Scanio, who had worked closely with Ripa di Meana, was defeated. Table 1 - Italian Greens: electoral results and parlamentary seats (*) (N) (E) (N) (N) (E) (N) (E) of votes: Italian election 2,5 2,8 2,7 2,5 European election 6,1 3,2 1,8 Seats: Italian Parliament European Parliament (*) With Verdi Arcobaleno (N) National election (E) European election The political change brought about by the new spokesperson was very sharp. The defence of the party's autonomous role should in no way question loyalty towards the government and the coalition. Under Marconi's leadership the Federation committed itself above all to working within the Ulivo, firmly combating attempts to widen the centre in the coalition, to prevent a moderate swing and a depletion of the government programme 8. The Greens assumed a centre-left position, renouncing the attempt to seek new political space both to the left of the PDS and in the centre. In order to exercise a greater influence on the programmes, policies and the very identity of the Ulivo, they sought to multiply the initiatives of the Greens present in the national government, in Parliament and in local government, parallel to a development of campaigns and initiatives 7 In the seventies Luigi Manconi had been a militant in the new left formation "Lotta Continua". He had subsequently been committed to groups and associations for the defence of civil rights and against racism. 8 See the Green spokesperson's report to the federal council in Notizie Verdi of

7 mobilising grassroots. The new spokesperson was also committed to improving relationships and forms of collaboration with the environmentalist associations. But he also sought to overcome the mono-thematic character of the Greens' political approach, considering it by now an acquired fact, which the party expressed in grassroots mobilisation and in carrying out its role in government. 3) Impact of the Greens on government policies In order to asses the impact of the Greens on the policies of the Ulivo Government, we must clearly distinguish between their influence on environmentalist issues and that brought to bear on all other themes. Initiatives on environmentalist issues were promoted above all by the Minister Ronchi, who committed himself with great energy and competence on various levels: a) the strengthening of the Ministry's role and structures; b) involving the various expressions of the environmentalist movement; c) prompt intervention on actions taken by other ministries and regional institutions related to policies which had important effects on the environment; d) the production of innovative laws and acts. In the previous decades problems and delays had accumulated in public action regarding the territorial hydro-geological breakdown, the handling of refuse, the protection of inland waters and the sea, traffic pollution in towns, the defence of the natural environment, pollution in industrial areas. The Ministry for the Environment had been set up in 1986, but had been provided with few financial resources and had always had a marginal role in government action. After re-organising the structures and services in one headquarters, Ronchi produced a large number of laws, initiatives and bills involving all these issues. Until 1998 the actions of the Ministry for the Environment had been able to count on the reforming spirit which inspired the Ulivo government and its good personal relations with Prodi. Even the largest environmentalist associations, though underlining their independence from and lack of involvement with the Green Federation, had expressed satisfaction and support for the new ministry right from its start. Ronchi did not only seek the support and backing of the Green Party, but also in various ways promoted consulting and collaboration both with the leaders and the grassroots structures of the environmentalist associations. In order to promptly deal with the environmental problems, needs and crises emerging throughout Italy, the Ministry above all made use of the information, indications and consultancy of local groups and sections of environmentalist organisations. The Ministry for the Environment thus succeeded in developing prompt and often effective actions on many occasions, despite the lack of means and staff available. Under Ronchi's direction the procedures for Environmental Impact Assessment (Valutazione Impatto Ambientale - VIA) were strengthened, the competence of commissions appointed by the Ministry. The VIA commissions expressed binding opinions on plans for public works of greater national relevance. But the Ministry for the Environment also controlled other VIA procedures entrusted to committees appointed by the regions and local governments. Moreover Ronchi exercised an attentive watch and systematic intervention on the initiatives of other ministries (Public Works, Transport, Industry, Health, Cultural Heritage) related to the policies of environmental protection. The intervention of the Ministry for the Environment was sometimes 7

8 made through informal pressure or within the Cabinet. But on some issues (the concession of permits for new motorways, for high speed railway lines, the institution of new parks), open polemics broke out in the press, with the direct intervention of the Minister for the Environment, opposing political exponents and opinion-makers. At a local level, the Ministry's interventions found support in environmentalist groups, but also provoked the actions and mobilisation of interest groups who felt they were being penalised. Ronchi also committed himself to systematically monitoring and documenting the development of environmental policies at national level. He was the only minister to set out to show that in the field of environmental initiatives, the government's policies were maintaining the promises made with the electorate in the 88 points of the programme. Important results had been achieved in various issues. a) new legislation and new tools for the handling, reduction, recovery and recycling of waste 9 ; b) the increase of protected nature areas, exceeding the threshold level of 10% of national territor; c) a series of measures and laws to reduce energy consumption, to promote renewable sources and reduce emissions harmful for the atmosphere 10 ; d) the new measures for territorial protection and that of hydro-geological areas at risk; e) actions for the defence of inland waters (enforcement of the extraordinary purification plan); f) measures for the prevention and control of industrial risks. Although the Greens in the government succeeded in achieving important results in the field of environmental policies - the increase of resources targeted for the development of Parks, the upgrading of suburbs and inner cities, hydro-geological readjustment, and for the support of quality and biological agriculture - they were not able to influence other issues considered priority themes, such as the suspension of investment in high speed trains and of huge investment in the modernisation of weapons systems. In the second half of the nineties the Government's political agenda was particularly dominated by the problem of cuts in the State budget, to enable Italy to join the European Monetary Union. At the end of 1996 a budget was passed which imposed considerable cuts in expenditure and an increase in taxation. On the political level, Government activity committed to balancing the deficit was conditioned above all by tensions with Rifondazione Comunista, which supported the Centre-Left majority from outside, and opposed measures which reduced the welfare system. A government crisis began in October 1997, with Rifondazione Comunista's announcement that it would vote against the Budget. The crisis was overcome with Prodi's proposal for a bill to introduce a 35-hour week. The bill was passed by the Cabinet in March 1998, but never succeeded in obtaining the approval of Parliament. The Greens also worked from within the Government to 9 The question of waste disposal was dealt with by law n. 22 of 5 February 1997 (the so-called 'Ronchi Law', subsequently modified and integrated in Act a of 8 November 1997, n. 389). On 31 July 1997 the act for the setting up of the National Observatory for Waste provided for in article 26 of the 'Ronchi Law'. 10 See "1998 Report for the Ministry for the Environment" in L'Ambiente informa n

9 defend social welfare, with particular regard to health and insurance. But their role did not have any particular weight. As far as public opinion was concerned, and within the Centre-Left coalition, the Greens still had the image of specialists for environmental defence in government. The positive actions of the Minister Ronchi were not particularly appreciated outside the centre-left parties(see table 2). In the right, centre-right and centre parties negative opinions outweighed the positive ones. We may generally observe that opinions of the Green Minister were strongly dependent and identifiable with those of the government as a whole. This is also true for activists in environmentalist associations (see table 3). In this area, positive opinions on Ronchi's achievements were expressed only by those on left or centre-left positions. Among environmentalists collocated on centre-right positions, or those refusing a right-left collocation, negative opinions on the Minister for the Environment clearly prevail. Table 2 - Attitudes toward Ronchi (Green - Minister for the Environment) according to vote and Reft/Right scale Attitudes N: Positive Negative No answer Vote: Verdi 45,0 20,9 34,0 90 Ulivo 45,6 23,3 31, Rifondazione Comunista 34,0 40,0 26,0 213 Polo (Centre Right) 13,4 55,5 31,1 914 Lega-Nord 28,2 46,1 25,7 155 Left/Right scale: Left 39,2 30,8 30,0 549 Centre Left 36,2 31,3 32,6 840 Centre 22,2 42,3 35,5 977 Centre Right 15,5 51,1 33,4 805 Right 12,7 61,7 25,7 465 No answer 13,1 34,3 52, Total 22,5 40,6 37, Source: Ispo-ACNielsen Survey ) The Greens, the D'Alema government and the Kosovo conflict In order to deal with these new responsibilities and increase their influence on the political level and on the decision-making of the government and Parliament, in 1997 the Greens started a process of profound transformation of the Federation. On the one hand they sought to broaden their programme platform, and on the other they worked to strengthen their organisation and increase grassroots structures in the country. The project promoted by Manconi aimed above all at 9

10 joining the traditional physiology of the Greens as the "Party of the Environment", which was taken for granted, with its new identity as the "Party of Rights", taking on important visible commitments to new issues to broaden consensus and support in various electoral areas. They therefore multiplied initiatives and took up public positions in the fight against racism, the improvement of immigrants' reception conditions, civil rights, consumers' rights, the fight against corruption and a federalist reform of the state. Table 3 - Attitudes toward Ronchi (Green - Minister for the Environment) according to Participation in Associations Attitudes N: Positive Negative No answer Participation in: Consumer associations 27,1 51,9 21,0 117 Peace associations 35,3 55,5 9,2 115 Civil rights associations 41,8 47,6 10,6 112 Evironmental associations 40,0 44,8 15, Left and Centre/Left 62,4 28,3 9,3 69 -Centre and Centre/Right 28,4 52,3 19,3 83 -No Answer 8,6 72,5 18,9 21 Total 22,5 40,6 37, Source: Ispo- ACNielsen Survey Between 1997 and 1999 the Green Federation strengthened and re-ordered its organisational structures which had always been fragile and undefined, lacking clarity in decision-making procedures. The Party's national leadership was completed with the setting up of a Political Office with ten members. Grassroots structures were increased and re-organised throughout Italy, in order to have militants and an organisational network able to promote initiatives and mobilisation outside election periods. The forms of recruitment were transformed and membership campaigns promoted, giving precise goals to local associations. In order to be recognised by the national Federation, each regional federation had to guarantee a membership of 4000 inhabitants 11. In two years membership increased from a few thousand to over twenty thousand. Local elections in April 1997 had brought encouraging results. Although voting was patchy, overall votes for the Greens slightly increased, as did consensus for the Ulivo coalition compared to the previous year. But the importance and political role of the Greens in government action remained very limited, with few opportunities to influence national policies. The life and actions of Prodi's government was much more conditioned by the initiatives of Rifondazione Comunista, which in April 1997 voted against the Italian military mission to Albania. The government's decisions were again approved by Parliament on this occasion thanks to the support of the centreright parties. After some hesitation the Greens supported Italy's mission to Albania, succeeding in 11 Resolution of the federal council of February

11 flanking the military division with civilian bodies and non-governmental associations to assist the local population. In October 1998 Rifondazione Comunista decided to vote against the Budget. The Prodi government thus lost its majority and the confidence of Parliament by a single vote (312 votes for and 313 against). A new centre-left government was formed, headed by the Secretary of the PDS, Massimo D'Alema, made up of the representatives of eight parties 12. Exponents of the UDR, a new small party founded by Francesco Cossiga 13 with a few MPs who had been elected in the lists of the opposition. Rifondazione Comunista was split: a part of its parliamentary members left the party to form a new political party - the Pdci (Italian Communists) - which supported the D'Alema government. The Greens had initially opposed an opening up of the majority to the centre group led by Cossiga, and had proposed the re-launch of the Ulivo with the forming of a new government led by Prodi. The plan however turned out to be unfeasible, due to the conflicts emerging among the political forces. The Greens finally agreed to support the D'Alema government, keeping the Ministry for the Environment (Ronchi). Manconi however succeeded in getting Laura Balbo, an independent member described as a "Red-Green" 14 into the cabinet as Minister for "Equal Opportunities". The presence of the Greens and their influence on government policies could thus be extended to new issues. It now seemed possible to implement the political policy promoted by the spokesperson, maintaining the handling of policies for the environment and at the same time acquiring the opportunity to directly influence policies for the defence of the rights of women, immigrants and all the minorities who were the victims of social inequality and discrimination. The D'Alema government, however, marked the end of the Ulivo. A pact founded on a shared plan and programme, handled by a leader backed up by electoral consensus, which had aroused widespread expectations and hopes, was replaced by a government resting on a cartel of eight heterogeneous parties, competing to ensure their political and electoral space. Prodi re-presented himself on the political scene to found a new party - the Democratics - together with the Di Pietro movement 15 (Italia dei valori) and that of Centocittà promoted by many mayors elected in the centre-left lists (Rutelli, Cacciari, Bianco, etc.). The new party proposed a re-launch of the Ulivo, in which it intended to be the leading component, to combat excessive party power, and to oppose their public financing. But the new formation actually increased the fragmentation of the centreleft, by adding a ninth party to the government coalition. The Democrats were, on the other hand, a strong rival for the Green Federation. Both the Green mayor of Rome (Rutelli), and Realacci, the President of Lega Ambiente (one of the strongest and best-organised environmentalist organisations) were in fact committed to the construction of the new party. The plan was to found a large democratic party which would also leave room for the issues of the environmentalist movement and in the future might also be able to absorb the Italian Greens. 12 The D'Alema government was supported by DS, PPI, PRI, UDR, RI, PDCI, SDI, and Greens. 13 Francesco Cossiga had in the past been a leader of the DC and had been the President of the Italian Republic. 14 Laura Balbo had been described as a Red-Green minister because she had in the past been a member of Parliament in the PCI lists (1983) and in those of the Independent Left (1987), and had subsequently been committed to anti-racist associations and the feminist movement. She had worked with Manconi on a series of studies on racism and in the foundation of the Italian anti-racists association. 15 Antonio Di Pietro had been the most committed magistrate in the enquiries on political corruption (Tangentopoli). 11

12 With the setting up of the D'Alema government the political situation had changed so radically that the chances of carrying out policies of a reformist nature had been reduced. The new government did not have a direct electoral backing, and was largely involved in the constant mediation between the political forces and the strongest and most organised interest groups. The actions of the ministers related to the Green Federation encountered growing difficulties and obstacles due to the crossfire of divisions and vetoes which beset the centre-left coalition. But the growth in awareness of these transformations was slow and difficult for Italian Greens. At the congress held at Montecatini in March 1999, Manconi was reconfirmed spokesperson with over 63% of votes. Eight persons were elected to support the spokesperson in the Political Office, and two adversaries. For the first time a head of government (D'Alema) also took part in the congress. He openly expressed recognition for the achievements of the Greens in Italy. The alliance with the centre-left coalition at national and local level had strongly extended the presence of the Party in the institutions. Two Ministers, three under-secretaries, 28 members of Parliament, 20 mayors, 700 people including local provincial and regional councillors were related to the Federation. The transformation of the Italian Greens into a party seemed to be now consolidated. Membership had risen to over 23,000. There were over 800 local associations throughout Italy. The strengthening of the Federation was, however, only apparent. Membership had increased, but active grassroots participation had fallen. The Italian Greens tended to increasingly take on the physiognomy of a party of fellow-travellers, with few grassroots militants and a smaller electoral consensus. The Greens' political presence and visibility had also been reduced, constrained within a heterogeneous and often conflicting coalition, and delegated in fact to initiatives on a single theme, whose monopoly they could not even claim. At the Montecatini congress an opposition of a fundamentalist nature had also appeared for the first time, gathering almost 20% of votes. The opposition was led by Laura Marchetti who attacked D'Alema and proposed the immediate exit of the Greens from the government. New problems and difficulties for centre-left coalition and in particular for the Greens had been created by the Italian participation in the Nato offensive against Serbia which started on 24 March The D'Alema government found itself pressured on the one hand by the need to keep faith with Nato and defend international credibility, and on the other by critical positions within the coalition. Surveys had besides highlighted the fact that the majority of public opinion was against taking part in the war. Within the centre-left coalition the Italian Communists conducted the most intransigent battle, and several times threatened to leave the government if the war was not ended. The Green spokesperson Manconi followed a different line of action, relating to the positions taken by other Green parties in Europe (the declarations of Cohn-Bendit in France and of Joschka Fischer in Germany) 16. The idea of quitting the government, advanced by some sections of the Federation, was rejected as a purely symbolic action. The Greens thus committed themselves within the majority to promote the Italian government's opposition to an extension of the military offensive in the area, to its effective commitment to a policy of receiving and protecting refugees, working actively to support negotiations See Manconi's article in Il Manifesto of , in response to criticism of the positions taken by the Greens. 17 A motion which included at least a part of the Greens' proposals, and demanded the simultaneous suspension of Serbian and Nato military action, was signed by all the party leaders in the majority and presented to Parliament on 30 April

13 The position on the war brought about division and aroused much criticism among grassroots militants in the Green Federation. A group led by Laura Marchetti launched a public appeal (Greens against the War) inviting people to boycott the party in the next European elections. The group was suspended from the party by a decision of the Political Office, which aroused many polemics 18. 5) The Greens and the Amato government In the European elections of June , the centre-left coalition lost votes to the centre-right parties and the Radicals. The electoral results were a serious defeat above all for the Greens, and were interpreted as a failure due to the policy followed by the Federation during its participation in the government. Votes in fact fell to the lowest level ever reached by the Party (1.8%). The spokesperson Manconi resigned and the Political Office was dissolved. The Greens had in particular suffered from competition with and lost votes to the Radical Party led by Emma Bonino, which achieved a notable success (9.5%). A part of the Green electorate had voted for the new party of the Democratics (8.4%). The Green Federation had also lost votes among the movement's grassroots activists, who had voted mainly for the DS, for the Democratics and for Rifondazione Comunista. A significant number of members of the environmentalist associations had, on the other hand, voted for the centre-right parties. The success of the Greens with electors involved in pacifist, civil rights and consumers' associations had been even smaller. A feeling of bewilderment and uncertainty spread in the Party, affecting the identity and the reasons for the existence of the Federation itself as an independent political subject. Criticism of the Party's actions joined other attacks on the Greens' initiatives in the government, or at least their ability to communicate the positive results they had achieved. A survey promoted by the Party's weekly, "Erba", revealed the contrasting opinions widespread among sympathisers on the reasons for the electoral defeat (see table 4).. Half of those responding (50.4%) attributed the drop in votes to the Party's failures in the field of ecological action ("Because the Greens are not sufficiently environmentalist"). But a large minority (40.2%) related the defeat to the government's responsibility during the War in Kossovo ("Because the Greens were with the government regarding the war"). Table 4 - Reasons for Greens' electoral defeat in 1999 Yes No D.K. N. Because the Greens are not sufficiently environmentalist 50,4 43,7 5,9 238 Because the Greens were with in the government during the war 40,2 52,3 7, See Erba,

14 The political situation made it difficult to re-launch Green initiatives at the level of governmental policies. The centre-left coalition led by D'Alema appeared increasingly dominated by the fragmentation of the political forces and internal dissent, and seemed to have lost all its impetus for reform. The downward trend of Green consensus had also continued, without significant inversions of the trend throughout the nineties. The party was not able to bring sufficient pressure to bear on the centre-left forces and have a more incisive influence on government activity. The initial decision taken by the Federation's leaders was to not question the forms and results of the part they had played in the centre-left government. These problems were faced the following year, after the resignation of the Prime Minister D'Alema, and they provoked conflicts and divisions. The crisis which opened up seemed to threaten the very existence of the Party. It was therefore unanimously decided to enact an overall re-foundation of the Party, to redefine its political identity, the contents of its programme and to re-launch grassroots involvement. An extraordinary general meeting of the Greens called in July 1999 acknowledged the defeat and the serious crisis in the Party's political perspective, and decided to start up the constituent procedure for a new political party. The Federation's national and regional structures were dissolved. In order to reaffirm and give visibility to the Party's link with the environmentalist movement, a new leader was sought among the better-known exponents of the ecologist associations. The leadership of the committee promoting the constituent process was thus entrusted to Grazia Francescato, the former President of WWF-Italia, and WWF spokesperson in Europe 19. The process of party reconstruction was strongly centralised by the co-ordinating committee and above all by the leader herself, who also appointed various WWF exponents to her staff. The Green Party's refoundation guided by Francescato sought to rediscover and revitalise its original grassroots in the ecologist movement, to relaunch direct participation at grassroots level and to improve the Greens' capacity to orient and guide public opinion. Party membership increased to reach the figure of 10,500 in January Grazia Francescato was almost unanimously elected President of the Greens by the 4800 members who attended the constituent assembly at Chianciano. In order to give a solid basis to the existence of the Greens and maintain its irreducible diversity compared to other political forces, Francescato forcefully recalled the fundamental principles of ecologist culture (sustainable development, opposition to bio-technologies, animals' rights), reproposed and made topical by the "wind from Seattle". Mobilisation against the WTO, in which the neo-president of the Greens had personally taken part, was proposed as a reference point and model for Party initiatives. The model for participation in the grassroots organisations was very similar to that of ecologist associations. The Greens were called upon to promote and co-ordinate campaigns on various environmentalist themes, involving volunteer grassroots activists in mobilisation of the general public. 19 The idea of giving the leadership to Ermete Realacci, President of Legambiente, had also been put forward. But the proposal, particularly supported by the Minister Ronchi, was turned down by Realacci who preferred to remain president of the Association and maintain privileged relations with the Democratics. 20 Membership of the Green Federation increased to 13,400 by February

15 During the Party's re-foundation congress, Francescato had declared the Greens' full support for the D'Alema government. But she showed a more aggressive attitude than the previous spokesperson, and recalled certain conditions in the programme which she considered unalienable. In first place were the issues of the defence of food standards and the environment. The Greens demanded the modification of the law acknowledging the directive on patents and the moratorium for experimental cultivation of genetically modified plants as conditions to continue taking part in the centre-left coalition. Certain key issues regarding the sustainable economy were then put forward, with less insistence, (from urban mobility, the defence of the soil, ecological taxation, urban renewal, the defence of water resources). Commitment to issues extraneous to environmentalism were on the other hand down-sized: Francescato merely mentioned the names of certain traditional Green struggles: for a new law on community service as an alternative to military service; a new drugs policy; the swift approval of measures against discrimination. In April 2000 the D'Alema government resigned after the centre-left defeat in the regional elections. The Greens, who had achieved better results in every region than in 1999, sought to modify the forms and the role of their delegation to government. In the phase of negotiations for the formation of the new government led by Giuliano Amato, Francescato claimed the post of Minister for Agriculture for Pecoraro Scanio 21, and showed she was willing to even lose the Ministry for the Environment, headed until then by Ronchi. The decision aroused protests and splits in the Party. Ronchi publicly refused to enter the government as Minister for Community Policies, and emphasised the dangers of the dismantling of the policies started up by the Ministry for the Environment. The media re-launched the picture of a divided Green Party, with factions fighting over ministerial and under-secretarial posts. Francescato and the Green leadership group rejected the idea of leaving the government. Emphasis was placed on the potential opportunities stemming from the acquisition of two key positions such as the Ministry for Agriculture and the Ministry for Community Policies. The former especially might achieve a very important influence on the centre-left government's overall policies due to the amount of funds handled, the staff available, the relations with a large number of companies and roles held at international level 22. The Greens attempted to compensate for the failure to acquire responsibility in the Ministry for the Environment, indicating several programme points as unalienable conditions for their support to the Government. They underlined in particular the limits to be placed on the development of biotechnologies and the halt to projects for several important public works (the bridge over the Strait of Messina, the Mose project in Venice), considered harmful for the environment 23. They also demanded that the Budget contain major commitments for environmental investment regarding urban mobility, alternative energy sources, the use of re-cycled materials, land protection and enhancement. The post of Minister for Community Policies in the end went to Gianni Mattioli, who in the eighties had been a leader in the fight against nuclear power stations. The new Minister 21 Alfonso Pecoraro Scanio had been President of the Parliamentary Agriculture Committee since He had promoted a series of fact-finding enquiries on bio-technologies, the forestry heritage, on fishing and animal feed. 22 The Ministry of Agriculture handles Lire 15,000 billion per year, derived from PAC (Common Agricultural Policy) and 50% of Italian funding for rural development and agro-environmental measures.. The Ministry may count on 400 direct employees, 17,000 people involved in watch committees and linked bodies, and on 2000 people involved in agrarian research and experimentation. It also co-ordinates the new Agency for Food Safety and has relations with two million producers. 23 See the communiqué of thr Greens Political Office, April

16 was above all committed to the management and application of EC policies regarding the environment: the measures against the greenhouse effect and the question of genetically modified organisms. But it was above all Pecoraro Scanio who achieved media fame with a series of initiatives which sparked off conflicts and polemics. The Minister of Agriculture sought above all to take on the role of protecting consumers' safety, making the production cycles of food products more open and controllable and encouraging the development of biological agriculture 24. The strict measures relating to the question of "Mad Cow Disease" aroused the protests of the farmers' associations. The measures taken by the Minster of Agriculture to ban experimentation on genetically manipulated agricultural products also provoked protests from scientists and researchers. The divisions created on this issue within the centre-left government forced Pecoranro Scanio to revise the law. The Minister, together with Francescato, was later the protagonist in the exposure of the distribution of transgenic soya seeds in Italy by a multinational company (Monsanto). It is too soon to give an overall report on the effects of the presence of the Greens in the Ministry of Agriculture. Pecoraro Scanio's popularity has however considerably increased, and is greater than that of the Federation's President herself (see table 5).. Francescato is well-considered by a greater number of people among Green voters (see table 6).. But Pecoraro Scanio is more appreciated among voters for other Centre-Left parties and also, though to a lesser extent, among those of the Centre-Right. The Minister for Community Policies has on the other hand less media coverage and a very limited popularity even among Green voters. Table 5 - Attitudes toward Francescato (President of the Greens) Pecoraro Scanio (Green - Ministry for Agriculture) and Mattioli (Green - Minister for Community Policies) Attitudes N: Positive Negative No answer Francescato 17,5 46,4 36, Pecoraro Scanio 20,2 45,2 34, Mattioli 14,1 45,4 40, Source: Ispo- ACNielsen Survey According to the Minister's plans, approved by the Government, within three years biological agricultural cultivation should cover 10% of overall areas, reaching a higher level than that of other countries in the European Union. 16