European Foreign and Security Policy and the New Global Challenges

Transcription

1 YANNOS PAPANTONIOU European Foreign and Security Policy and the New Global Challenges Speech of the Minister of National Defence of the Hellenic Republic London, March 4 th 2003

2 At the end of the cold war it was widely felt that the world would enter a period of lesser tensions than those faced before the breakdown and dissolution of the Soviet Union. However, we are gradually realizing that the uncertainties currently characterizing international relations are fraught with greater dangers than existed during the time of East-West confrontation. After all, at that time we faced a known opponent, who was led by a responsible government, with which you could negotiate, you could argue, you could bargain, you could come to an agreement with. Nowadays, opponents are either shadowy groups or irresponsible states, rogue states as they are often called, whose main characteristic is a lack of understanding of the international reality, a disregard for universally accepted norms of behavior and a tendency to brinkmanship, with all the dangers that this entails. This changed international environment has given rise to new thinking regarding security and foreign policy issues. Two distinct trends have appeared. The first promotes multilateral coalition building, in the belief that such dangers are best dealt with on this basis. The other points to the application of a pre-emptive strategy, projected through military or economic means. More generally, the asymmetrical threats we face nowadays, particularly in the form of terrorism, have shown that isolationism is no longer an option. Joint efforts in the field of international defence as well as in that of conflict prevention and resolution are necessary for peace and stability. In the midst of today s fluid international situation the European Union (EU) is presented with an opportunity to enhance its weight in international affairs, thus contributing further to peace, security and stability. In the context of the Common Foreign and Security Policy, the EU has played an active role, particularly in relation to the management of crises in the Balkans and the Middle East. The events of September 11 th have intensified further cooperation among the member states in developing the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP). The main objective of the ESDP is to make the EU capable of independently initiating civil and military crisis management operations. The aim is that, by the end of 2003, the EU should be able to make available a force of up to 60,000 persons capable to implement the socalled Petersberg tasks : humanitarian rescue, peacekeeping and peacemaking missions, including peace enforcement. Where do we stand now? As of July 1 st 2002 Greece holds the Presidency of the ESDP due to the Danish opt-out on defence matters. Thus, Greece has assumed responsibility for acting as Presidency until July 2003, in a field crucial to the evolution of the EU. Our primary objective has been to achieve the goal of the operational readiness of the European Rapid Reaction Force within 2003, as agreed in the December 1999 Helsinki European Council. In pursuing this objective we had to overcome two obstacles. The first concerned the difficulties faced by some member states in covering the 1

3 existing shortfalls in military capabilities. We addressed this problem in two meetings of Defence Ministers in the second half of 2002, in Rethymnon and Brussels, where we agreed to speed up the implementation of the European Capabilities Action Plan (ECAP) and hold a Capabilities Conference in May 2003 with a view to covering the shortfalls. The ECAP process proceeds according to the agreed timetable so that at the end of the current semester the necessary capabilities commitments should be undertaken. The ECAP process is being helped by a parallel decision to form an Informal Advisory Group, composed by personal representatives of the Defence Ministers, which is, among others, considering questions related to the acquisition of new military capabilities. New financial methods, such as leasing or cooperative arrangements, must be explored taking into account budgetary constraints or difficulties facing member states in the present recessionary economic environment. The second obstacle we had to overcome was of a political nature and concerned the relation between the EU and NATO in defence matters. The failure of previous attempts to resolve outstanding issues led to new round of talks between the two organizations which produced the texts agreed in the December 2002 European Council in Copenhagen. The agreement establishes a framework of cooperation based on the principles of equivalence and complementarity, reflecting the strategic partnership between Europe and the United States of America that forms the basis of global security arrangements. With the assistance of the High Representative, we make every effort to reach a comprehensive agreement on the remaining issues of the Berlin plus Agenda, such as the Security Agreement and the common exercises. The aim is to complete a transatlantic pact that would recognize the existence of an autonomous EU defence agenda and an independent capability which, however, will not compete with, but complement NATO. The first operation of the ESDP will take place in FYROM, in April of this year, with the replacement of the existing international peacekeeping mission with a European - led force that will also include NATO countries. NATO and the EU share the same values as to respect of democracy, human rights, the rule of law, security and stability throughout the world. We, Europeans have a part of responsibility to make our distinct contribution to upholding these values. With the adoption of a European Security and Defence Policy, it became possible for the United States to reconcile its desire for a strategic presence in Europe with the domestic pressures for greater burdensharing. For the US, NATO seems to remain the core security and defence institution in Europe. It has, however, refashioned the burden-sharing debate by encouraging European states to assume greater responsibilities. NATO evolved as a crisis manager and peace-keeper. In a potential crisis, the opponent may well be ill-defined, and the allied forces less closely integrated than hitherto. The whole enterprise of 2

4 dealing with new threats thus requires greater flexibility of both strategic thinking and operational response. In this sense, the recent evolution of NATO, its strategic response to the new security challenges, is remarkable, fundamentally challenging its original rationale. NATO has gradually adapted to a new security environment, stressing its political role and reorienting its approach to issues of military doctrine, sufficiency, and readiness. In enhancing the power projection capabilities of its forces emphasis was placed on mobility, survivability and operating out of area. Apart from the norms and thresholds of intervention, the new issues addressed reveal a dominant trend: from defence of territory to defence of interests and values as well as the fight of international terrorism. Terrorism presents an acute danger in our societies, being difficult to pin down. It is unreasoning in its nature and striking irrationally at the unarmed population. Greece and the entire EU are resolutely engaged in the fight against it. In particular, we are fully united in the fight to ensure the disarmament of Iraq from weapons of mass destruction. The priority of the Greek Presidency is to work for the peaceful settlement of conflicts, most prominently the Iraq crisis, within the context of international law which provides for the United Nations as the appropriate framework for dealing with such issues. We, therefore, hope to see the UN efforts bear positive results. The EU aims at the full disarmament of Iraq from weapons of mass destruction, supporting every possibility for a peaceful settlement of the crisis and, in particular, the work of the UN Inspectors. Greece is making every effort to bring its partners to a common position along these lines. If Europe wishes to exercise a significant influence on the course of world affairs, particularly in matters affecting security, war and peace, we must speak and act in unison. This is of utmost importance in these critical times. To this end, the Greek presidency has called the extraordinary European Summit of February 17 th in Brussels. The text agreed at the Summit stresses the need to pursue diplomacy and political means as a way to resolve the Iraq crisis. It also underlines the need to support the work of the UN Inspectors while stating that war is only the last resort. Finally, it calls upon the Iraqi regime to cooperate actively with the Inspectors and fully implement the United Nations Security Council resolutions and, in particular, Resolution 1441, demanding full and immediate disarmament from weapons of mass destruction. The Brussels Extraordinary Summit had, however, a wider significance in asserting Europe s presence in matters affecting global peace and security, despite existing political differences among member states. European cohesion will, nevertheless, be further tested in the following stages of the Iraq crisis. 3

5 Ultimately, the question will arise as to whether the European Union has the will and the power to exercise an influence on world affairs that corresponds to its economic weight, and its history. With our unprecedented expansion to the east and the south, and the perspective of admitting many new members in the future, we are building on Europe as a unified continent. But this continent goes beyond geography, uniting us by mutual interests and shared values. These values are connected to freedom, prosperity, a conception of social justice, as well as the transparency of our democracies acting in the framework of international legality. Consolidating and sustaining these values is among our priorities. Strengthening the European Security and Defence Policy, within the wider context of political unification, responds to this challenge. The essential question related to European Defence concerns the strength and scope of the European Rapid Reaction Force, the extent of the mutual assistance arrangements affecting collective defence, as well as the development of an industrial base that is sufficient to create the necessary military capabilities. The future evolution of the Rapid Reaction Force, including the widening of the tasks assigned to it, is being discussed in the Convention for the European Constitution and will be determined in the Intergovernmental Conference. Greece supports the ideas proposed by the Defence Group of the Convention as concerns both the widening of the scope of the Rapid Reaction Force and the introduction of a mutual assistance clause with respect to new security threats. Regarding the strengthening of the link between European defence and European industry, it will be first discussed in the forthcoming Spring European Council in Brussels at the initiative of the Greek Presidency. Our proposal refers to the need to abolish existing restrictions on the financing, through EU funds, of defence related research, as well as the creation of a European Armaments Agency. The aim is to harmonize standards and rules governing the market for armaments in the EU while encouraging innovation and consolidation with a view to upgrading the competitiveness of our industries. European defence forms a substantial part of the integration process, following the completion of the Economic and Monetary Union. The European Union should gradually acquire the means to project its values at the world scale so as to contribute, in cooperation with the United States of America, to the global fight for peace and stability. The transatlantic partnership, reflecting a commonality of basic values, remains the foundation of global security. Within this framework Europe has its distinct set of values and priorities, which should be projected in a credible and effective way, if they are to impact significantly on global politics. Greece will stay committed to the course of further developing political and defence integration in the European Union, convinced that this is the right way to make an effective contribution to peace and stability worldwide. 4