Farmers' movements in Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, Maharashtra. and Punjab articulated the discontent of surplus producers

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1 CONCLUSION Farmers' movements in Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, Maharashtra and Punjab articulated the discontent of surplus producers in mid 1970's and 1980's. In these states the movement started with issues specific to their own region. In the course of the movement, region specific demands became secondary, giving way to general and populist demands. Rallies and dharnas sponsored by leaders of the movements, got massive response and were well-sustained. As the movement spread, the class bias of the leaders and their demands was exposed, thus cutting the support base of the movement. The farmers' movement in western Uttar Pradesh, is a part of the ongoing farmers' movements in other parts of the country. The movement started against the hike in power tariff. With every agitation more general economic demands i.e. remunerative prices, subsidised inputs, loan waiver etc. were included in the charter of demands. To broaden the support base of the movement, social issues like abolition of dowry, limiting marriage expenses, discouraging drinking, taking action against husbands deserting or harassing wives were raised. Like the farmers' movements in other parts of the country, BKU adopted similar method of agitation, i.e. 229

2 sit in dharnas, panchayats (rallies), gherao, rasta roko (road blockade), non-payment of agricultural loans and dues, gaon bandi (blockade of villages) etc. The Shamli agitation provided confidence to Takait and BKU. They realised that their demands enjoyed broad acceptance from the farmers. The Meerut siege brought BKU and Tikait to public attention. From then, Tikait emerged as a charismatic leader. The week long dharna, at the Boat Club lawns of Delhi transposed the agrarian politics of BKU from state to the national level. It reflected the growing assertiveness of rich and middle class/caste surplus producing farmers. With these actions the BKU ensured that the farmers charter of demands would occupy a place of pride in election manifestoes of all political parties. The impending elections and a month_- long dharna organised by the BKU at Bhopa, compelled UP Congress government to sign an agreement with BKU. The concessions obtained by the BKU, from the state government were more rhetorical than real. Hence Tikait's leadership came under criticism. As BKU at the village level was dominated by Jats, the other cultivating castes did not have a say in the decision making forums of the Union. They 230

3 gradually distanced themselves from the activities of the movement. Parallel farmers organisations of Tyagis and Gujjars emerged. They divided the surplus producers on caste lines. Moreover Tikait's participation in the anti Mandal agitation, non-cooperation (non-tax payment), and his campaign against the police and administration created a law and order problem in the region, which led to the decline of the farmers participation in BKU's rallies and dharnas. Corruption charges against Tikait, and his favouritism towards his own Khap Balayan, divided the Jats. Jats of other Khaps in the region turned against him, confining his support base to parts of Muzaffarnagar and Meerut, particularly west of Kali Nadi, where the Baliyan Khap is dominant. The major achievement of the movement was at the psychological level. It was able to instill confidence among the rich and the middle class farmers. In the villages where Jats dominate, the BKU is strong, there the farmers were no longer afraid of corrupt police officials and bureaucrats. The well-organised rallies and dharnas were able to arouse consciousness among the farmers about their socio-economic problems. The farmers movement in western UP, like those of Tamil 231

4 Nadu, Maharashtra, Karnataka and Punjab was dominated by rich and middle class farmers. They had a high stake in the demands of higher prices and favourable terms of trade for agriculture. They also possessed the resources to transport farmers to the site of dharnas and rallies. Their contribution in the form of money, wheat etc. for the cause of the movement was immense. Hence they played an active role in mobilising marginal farmers and the landless. The small farmers of western UP have adopted modern technology. They not only use modern inputs in agriculture, but also produce cash crops like sugarcane. As a result, demands like higher prices for sugarcane and subsidies for agricultural inputs attracted them to join the BKU. Their participation in the rallies and dharnas of BKU provided a mass base for the movement. Moreover, by joining the union, they received attention and respect from the government officials. Membership of the BKU and its white-green cap was almost an insurance against harassment by the police ande corrupt officials. The class interest of the rich, middle and small farmers, in Upper Doab region was blurred by peasant proprietorship. Districts like Meerut, Muzaffarnagar, Saharanpur, 232

5 Bulandsahar, Moradabad, parts of Bijnore, and Aligarh (bastions of the BKU), have an old tradition of the Bhaiyachara. In this system, particularly prevalent among the cultivating castes of Jats, Gujjars, Tyagis and Jat Muslims etc., the land was divided among Khap members forming a bhaiyachara community. The absence of an intermediary between peasant proprietors (unlike the zamindari system in east UP) and state, combined with a political system of Khaps, in which rich and poor peasant proprietors are equals, placed them in a dominating position in the rural areas of these districts. It was this old political system of Khaps, which was revived by Tikait. He himself is the Chaudhary of one of the largest Khap Balyan. The Choudharies of other Khaps provided the BKU, an organisational structure necessary to mobilise people and resources for dharnas and rallies. Hence in the initial stages of the movement, small and marginal farmers belonging to Jats, Gujjar, Tyagis, and Jat Muslims rallied behind a cause which would benefit their whole bhaiyachra community. But the mobilisation based on khap system, limited BKU's geographical support base to the districts of Upper Doab region where these castes are economically and numerically dominant. The BKU failed to mobilise, the landless labourers and 233

6 rural poor, who in this region generally belong to the scheduled caste and other lower castes. They were either forced to participate in rallies and dharnas or joined the movement on their own to enjoy free food and a free ride to the towns, and cities, where the rallies or dharnas were staged. In fact the most important among the issues, that could have mobilised landless labourers and rural poor was the demand of minimum wages. But no such demand was ever included in the numerous charters of demands, presented by BKU to the government. The emergence of BKU, increased the political clout of the rich and middle caste/class farmers. Their economic dominance backed by a powerful organisation of BKU, increased atrocities on the lower castes especially Jatav labourers. The Bandhua Mukti Mazdoor Union, Dalit Sena, and Bhartiya Mazdoor Union (Mitharia) failed to organise the agriculture labourers, who were attracted towards the firy speeches of Mayawati and Kanshi Ram. Thus the Bahujan Samaj Party was able to form village units in the Upper Doab region and challenged the dominance of BKU. In 1989 elections BSP emerged as a third party in the rural areas of Upper Doab regiori, after Janata Dal and Congress. 234

7 Split in Lok Dal and increasing political clout of BKU provided an opportunity to the Congress to woo the surplus producers, who were generally opposed to the Congress. In the initial stages of the movement, the Congress government both at the state and centre, was lenient towards BKU because it wanted to divide the Jat and Gujjar votes of Janata Dal (A). The support base of the Janata Dal (A) and BKU was same. Tikait's followers were not ready to support the Congress. Hence, he supported Janata Dal which before 1989 elections had brought all anti-congress forces on one platform, and was likely to form the government. But Tikait's indulgence in electoral politics, hobnobbing with Congress politicians and Devilal, in order to side line Ajit Singh, and to emerge as the Sole leader of the Jat farmers, demolished the non-party image of the movement. It divided the BKU activists on party lines. After the 1989 elections the political discourse in UP, was dominated by Mandal-Mandir issue. The BJP propaganda on Hindutva, polarised the farmers on communal grounds. The BJP was able to penetrate the support base of BKU. Hence Tikait had no choice but to follow his followers and support BJP, in 1991 elections, which destroyed BKU's secular image. 235

8 It lost its support base of rich and middle class Muslims causing further decline in the movement. Tikait realised his mistake and denied his support to BJP. To regain his Muslim support base he launched an agitation against the BJP government. But BJP came down heavily on BKU, and arrested Tikait many times. He was not allowed to hold any major dharna or rally successfully in UP. Tikait opposed BJP in 1993 elections and unsuccessfully supported Congress. But could not negate the communal politics of RSS, BJP and VHP combine. Nor could it keep the agrarian issues on the agenda of national politics. By this time it was clear to all political parties that BKU had no great influence over the surplus producers in the electoral politics of Muzaffarnagar and Meerut. In fact the surplus producers of Upper Doab region, used BKU only to get economic concessions from the government, and to increase their power against the agricultural labouers. In electoral politics they had their own individual preferences. They _ wanted BKU to remain neutral in elections and maintain its non-party nature. The farmers movement in western UP had a potential for disciplining local bureaucracy, and for stimulating communi- 236

9 tarian support for more productive and equitable use of common property resources, for co-operative marketing, manufacturing of agricultural products, for bringing more resources for rural development and for ensuring that they are effectively used. But the movement was dominated by rich, middle class/caste farmers, who overemphasised remunerative prices, subsidy for inputs, waiver of loans and electricity dues. They failed to espouse the cause of agricultural labourers, marginal farmers, and social issues related to women, in an effective way. Hence, there is no evidence of progressive motivation in the farmers movement. The farmers' movement, unlike peasant movements of 1950's and 1960's, was not a struggle for restructuring the unequal rural society, rather it was a struggle of the emerging rural elite to further strengthen their economic and political position in the existing power structure of India. 237

10 APPENDIX 1. Survey Conducted in 1990 Table I: Village Schedule Village Tahsil District 1 Chandaudhi (Khas) Meerut Meerut 2 Mandi Muzaffarnagar Muzaffarnagar 3 Gunarsi Deoband Saharanpur 4 Atari Moradabad Moradabad 5 Salempur Bijnore Binore 2. Survey Conducted in Matheri Jansath Muzaffarnagar 2 Makhayli Muzaffarnagar Muzaffarnagar 3 Sonta Kairana Muzaffarnagar 4 Allawalpur (Maj ra) Budhana Muzaffarnagar 5 Pichaukra Sardhana Meerut 6 Mubarikpur Maw ana Meerut 7 Wazidpur Bagpat Meerut 8 Jani Meerut Meerut 238

11 Table II: Information on Socio-Bconomic Profile, of Participation in BKU, and Blectoral Preferences, [Questionnaire Form] District: Tahsil: Dev. Block: Village: Sl. Name/Caste Agricultural Luxury Participation in Electoral Party Prefe No. Implements Items BKU Participation renee accor- ding to BKU AGB BDU. LAND OCC B IND TR BTB DP TH BC J/C M/S R TV AM/S N/M J/CA RAL N/A Yes B EDU = Education, OCC = Occupation, B Diesel Pumpsets, TH =Threshers, BC Bank Balance, IND = Indebtedness, TR = Tractor, ETB = Electric Tubewell, D Bogi Gari (Bullock Cart), J/C =Jeep and Car, M/S =Motorbike, Scooter, Radio, TV = Television, AM/S = Active-Member/Sympathisers, N/M = Not Members, J/CA Jailed or Court Arrested, RA Rallies 239

12 Table 2.1: Mean Distribution of Agricultural Classes and Size Groups in UP Regions, 1961 Census (in % of total cultivating households) Regions Agricultural Classes Proprietors Tenents Mixed Proprietors Tenants Kuma on Rohilkhand Oudh Eastern Districts Lower Doab Bundelkhand Upper Doab Uttar Pradesh Source: Calculated from Government of India 1966, Table B XI, Means are based on groups of Tahsils, cited in Paul Brass, "The Politicization of the Peasantry in a North Indian State", Journal of Peasant Studies, Jan-Sept 1980, p

13 Table 2.2 Percentage Distribution of the Number of Holdings in various Economic Regions of Uttar Pradesh Region Size Class in Hectares Upto & above Western Central Eastern Bundelkhand Hill Total Source: Agricultural Census of Uttar Pradesh, , Board of Revenue Uttar Pradesh, Lucknow, 1980, p

14 Table 4.1: Educational Qualification in 8 Villages of Meerut and Muzaffarnagar Land Holdings Illiterate Primary Middle Secondary Hr. Secon. Graduate Acre THH No. of Total Total Total Total Total Total HHI HHI HHI HHI HHI HHI HHI Landless Marginal Small Middle l Large Rich 15 & above Total THH Total no. of Households, HHI Households Interviewed. 242

15 Table 4.2: Religion/Caste and Level of Participation in 5 Villages each in Meerut, Muzaffarnagar, Saharanpur, Bijnore and Moradabad Sl. Religion/Caste No. of No. of No. HH HH interviewed AM s NM p J 1. Gujars Jats Muslims Harijan Saini Bhangi Brahmin Julaha Nai Bania Dhanak Dhiwar Gadaria Kumhar Badhai ~ AM = Active members, S = Sympathisers, NM = Not members, P = Participation in various agitations of the BKU, J = Jailed. 243

16 Table 5.1: District-wise Percentage Votes polled by different Parties in Constituencies of Western UP (1989) District Congress BJP JD BSP CP Saharanpur Muzaffarnagar Meerut Ghaziabad Bulandsahr Aligarh Mathura Agra Mainpuri Etah Bareily Badaun Shahjahanpur 52 Pilibhit Bijnor Moradabad Rampur Farrukhabad Eta wah BJP JD BSP CP Bhartiya Janata Party = Janata Dal = Bahujan Samaj Party Communist Party of India, Marxist Communist Party of India- Source: Election Commission of India, New Delhi. 244

17 Table 5.2: Region-wise Result of the 1991 Assembly Elections in UP Region No.of BJP Cong JD SJP BSP CPI CPI(M) I&O ACS Districts Western Hill Central Bundelkhand Eastern UP ACS I&O Assembly Constituencies Seat Independent & Others Source: Election Commission of India, New Delhi. 245

18 Table 5.3: Results of the 1991 State Assembly Elections of Western UP Region Districts No.of BJP Cong JD SJP BSP CPI CPI(M) I&O ACS Saharanpur Muzaffarnagar Meerut Ghaziabad 6 v Bulandsahr v Aligarh Mathura Agra Etah Bijnor 7 7 Moradabad Rampur Badaun Bareily v Pilibhit 4 4 Shahjahanpur Etawah v Farrukhabad Mainpuri Total V = vacant or election not held. Source: Election Commission of India, New Delhi. 246

19 Table 5.4: Results of the 1993 State Assembly Blection of Western UP Districts of No.of BJP JD Cong SP BSP CPI CPM I&O Western UP AC s 'k s 'k s % s 'k s 'k s 'k s 'k s 'k Saharanpur & Hardwar o.o Muzaffarnagar Meerut & Ghaziabad Bulandshahr o.o 3.5 Aligarh Mathura Agra Etah Bijnor Moradabad o.o 3.8 Rampur Badaun Bareily Pilibhit Shahajahanpur Eta wah Farrukhabad Mainpuri Total AC Assembly Constituencies 1 S Seats. Source: Election Commission of India, New Delhi. 247

20 T E S H: CRQ!OP:_t:P~I N~-:- G INTENSITY - AR PRAO Once) MA P-2.:3 WESTE " RN (.: 1 Of UT Cultivate d Area Sown More Than ~-\.. ~-..~... -~..... r/h-v~~~.. -::_.. ::: ~~- :. :. :_( j : : : ).... ;.: ETI B low t:ll ~ ~ ~Above 140

21 ttafl-2:1 WESTERN UTTAR PRADESH: AREA UNDER HYV CROPS { Percentag! Of HY V To Gross Cropped Ar~a Of i HYV Crops) II HIGH{).SO) MEDIUM (30-GO) [[]IIJ LOW(430)